Types Of Coalitions Research Articles

Editorial Introduction: Advances in Theory and Practice of Policy Research from National to Local Level

Editorial Introduction: Advances in Theory and Practice of Policy Research from National to Local Level

From nuclear energy developmental state to energy transition in South Korea: The role of the political epistemic community

AbstractWhy did previous Korean governments adopt nuclear energy as a baseline for electricity generation and promote the exportation of nuclear energy? Why did the current Korean government dramatically change its energy policy to energy transition and postnuclear energy in 2017? How did politicians, bureaucrats, industries, civil society organizations, and political epistemic communities interact in the nuclear energy policymaking process? This study addresses contemporary changes in Korean nuclear energy policy by applying the concepts “nuclear energy developmental state” and “political epistemic community.” This paper attempts to identify the relevant actors in state transition, interactive matrices in policymaking processes, and the mechanisms by which the energy baseline has shifted. A comprehensive analysis of the President's National Policy Priority Agenda, National Energy Basic Plans, the Basic Plan of Long‐Term Electricity Supply and Demand, meeting minutes of relevant government committees, and interview data of relevant actors facilitates understanding of the formation, evolution, and transformation of the contemporary state of nuclear energy throughout different political administrations, including the Lee (2008–2012), Park (2013–2016), and Moon administrations (2017–Present). I argue that political coalitions are integral in nuclear energy policy change in specific and general energy policy. Compared to highlighted agents such as bureaucrats, antinuclear movements, and epistemic communities, the political epistemic community—closely connecting knowledge, value, and power—plays a role in developing different types of political coalitions through nuclear energy decision‐making. During the Lee and Park administrations, a nuclear energy developmental state emerged with a strong coalition between politicians, bureaucrats, and the nuclear industry with support from the nuclear energy epistemic community. However, the Moon administration is characterized by a different coalition that includes politicians, civil society organizations, and the postnuclear energy epistemic community, which propels energy transition from nuclear energy to a decentralized renewable energy system.

Racism Is Not Enough: Minority Coalition Building in San Francisco, Seattle, and Vancouver

Scholars have long argued that the marginalized racial status shared by ethnic minority groups is a strong incentive for mobilization and coalition building in the United States. However, despite their members’ shared racial status as “Orientals,” different types of housing coalitions were formed in the Chinatowns of San Francisco, Seattle, and Vancouver during the 1960s and 1970s. Asian race-based coalitions appeared in San Francisco and Seattle, but not in Vancouver, where a cross-racial coalition was built between the Chinese and southern and eastern Europeans. Drawing on exogenous shocks and process tracing, this article explains how historical legacies—specifically, the political geography of settlement—shaped this divergence. These findings demonstrate how long-term historical analysis offers new insights into the study of minority coalition formation in the United States.

Coalitions\u2019 Weights in a Dispersed System with Pawlak Conflict Model

The article addresses the issues related to making decisions by an ensemble of classifiers. Classifiers are built based on local tables, the set of local tables is called a dispersed knowledge. The paper discusses a novel application of Pawlak analysis model to examine the relations between classifiers and to create coalitions of classifiers. Each coalition has access to some aggregated knowledge on the basis of which joint decisions are made. Various types of coalitions are formed—a strong coalitions consisting of a large number and significant classifiers, and a weak coalitions consisting of insignificant classifiers. The new contributions of the paper is a systematical investigation of the weights of coalitions that influence the final decision. Four different method of calculating the strength of the coalitions have been applied. Each of these methods consider another aspect of the structure of the coalitions. Generally, it has been experimentally confirmed that, for a method that correctly identifies the relations between base classifiers, the use of coalitions weights improves the quality of classification. More specifically, it has been statistically confirmed that the best results are generated by the weighting method that is based on the size of the coalitions and the method based on the unambiguous of the decisions.

State Coalitions, Informational Signals, and Success as Amicus Curiae at the U.S. Supreme Court

AbstractStates are uniquely situated as both individual governments in the federal system and entities that represent the interests of their citizens. So, what makes groups of states successful when they lobby the Supreme Court as amicus curiae filers? I argue that it is not just the number of states included in a coalition that matters, but rather which states are included. In this article, I offer a theory that implies certain types of coalitions will be more influential than others, as these coalitions can vary in how representative they are of public preferences. I use a dataset on state amicus curiae filings from 1960 to 2013 to test the implications of my theory. I find that the regional diversity of coalitions increases the odds of state amicus curiae filers obtaining their preferred outcome, but the ideological heterogeneity of the group of states does not. This latter result is interesting given that it is contrary to the theoretical expectations of the existing scholarship on state amicus filings.

Diagnosing tarsal coalition in medieval Exeter

ObjectiveThe objective of this study is to estimate the frequency and types of tarsal coalition represented in medieval remains from Exeter, England. Materials183 individuals from the Cathedral Green site in Exeter, England. MethodsGross macroscopic analysis combined with radiographic examination and comparison with clinical and archaeological literature. ResultsEight coalitions of various forms were ultimately identified; these include five calcaneonavicular, one talocalcaneal, one calcaneocuboid, and one lateral cuneiform-third metatarsal coalition. ConclusionsThese frequencies are quite high for clinical imaging estimations, but consistent with other reported archaeological frequencies. SignificanceThis study contributes to known frequencies of tarsal coalition in the past. It also provides descriptive diagnostic criteria for identifying tarsal coalition in archaeological populations. LimitationsPoor preservation of some of the individuals in this sample means that the true frequencies of tarsal coalition may be underrepresented. Suggestions for further researchThis study should be expanded to include more archaeological sites, especially medieval British sites, to determine overall prevalence rates. Additionally, the diagnostic criteria should be compared with other examples of known tarsal coalition to further our understanding of this rare pathology.

Кризис мультилатерализма и сотрудничество между ЕС и Россией

The article is devoted to problems in relations between the EU and Russia. Multiple methods are considered that are aimed at solving the problem of multilateralism in current conditions. The author selected and studied specific documents on essential aspects that are devoted to this topic. Studying the arising problems requires careful consideration since, in the modern world, cooperation between global actors such as the EU and Russia cannot be ignored. Despite all the challenges faced by the parties in their fields, all difficulties are conquerable, and the article provides specific methods for its solving. The article discusses some aspects and problems that require particular attention from specialists in this field. The author concludes that strong US–EU coalition could seem more coherent with history and with the traditional East–West divide. However, the recent evolution of the US attitude towards international relations weakens the probability of such coalition and its perceived payoffs. A more or less defensive Russia–China coalition has been tried with limited results; moreover, if it were possible and probable, the two western players would change their strategy to prevent it or to contain its depth. In fact, we live in a world where many talks of a serious possibility of G2 governance, a peculiar type of coalition where the US and China keep hostile and nationalistic attitudes but join forces to set the global stage in their favor, pursuing a qualitatively limited but quantitatively rich payoff. In such world, as a counterpart of this payoff, both the divided Europe and the economically much smaller Russia would lose power and suffer several kinds of economic disadvantages. Therefore, Greater Europe would be good for Russia and for the EU as well.

Correlation between the accessory anterolateral talar facet, bone marrow edema, and tarsal coalitions.

The purposes of this study was to determine the prevalence of the accessory anterolateral talar facet (AALTF); to evaluate the relationship between AALTF, focal abutting bone marrow edema (FABME), and sinus tarsi edema; and to study the prevalence of tarsal coalitions in patients with the AALTF utilizing ankle MR images. 5-T ankle MR images were reviewed for the presence of AALTF, FABME, sinus tarsi edema, tarsal coalition, and location and type of coalition (cartilaginous, fibrous, and osseous). Multivariate analysis was performed to examine the correlation between AALTF and the other variables. Three hundred ninety-one consecutive patients were included (age range 5-86 years; mean age 45 years). An AALTF was present in 3.6% (14/391) of patients. The AALTF prevalence was 2% in women and 6.6% in men. There was a significantly association between AALTF and FABME (9/14, p < 0.05), sinus tarsi edema (13/14, p < 0.05), and tarsal coalition (4/14, p < 0.05). AALTF is relatively often detected on MRI of the ankle and significantly associated with BME, sinus tarsi edema, and subtalar coalition. Patients with a tarsal coalition should be evaluated for the concurrent presence of an AALTF.

L’évolution du système des partis en Allemagne

La contribution analyse dans un premier temps les résultats des élections fédérales du 29 septembre 2017 en Allemagne. Ceux-ci font apparaître une fragmentation de l’électorat entre six partis et orientent durablement le pays vers un système pluripartite alors que jusqu’à la fin des années 1970 l’Allemagne de l’Ouest connaissait un système tripartite. Ces élections confirment un affaiblissement durable des grands partis au pouvoir, chrétiens-démocrates et sociaux-démocrates, et établissent dans le paysage politique le parti d’extrême droite, Alternative pour l’Allemagne. Les élections européennes, plus propices aux votes de protestation, ont, le 26 mai 2019, encore une fois rebattu les cartes et renforcé la position du parti les Verts dont l’évolution vers un parti de rassemblement ( Volkspartei ) les rapproche des partis établis. Dans un deuxième temps, l’article étudie l’érosion des grands partis, non seulement de leur électorat mais encore du nombre de leurs adhérents. Il expose également le mode de scrutin, une « proportionnelle personnalisée », qui, s’il favorise la dispersion des voix, n’empêche pas la formation de coalitions pour exercer le pouvoir. En l’occurrence, les Länder sont de véritables champs d’expérimentation qui permettent aux partis démocratiques de vérifier quel type de coalition est viable. Ces coalitions régionales peuvent préfigurer une future coalition au plan fédéral, tant il est assuré que depuis des décennies déjà seules des coalitions sont en mesure de gouverner l’Allemagne.

Bridges or divides? Conflicts and synergies of coalition building across countries and sectors in the Global Justice Movement

ABSTRACT Interest in social movement coalitions has been increasing significantly in recent years. While this growing body of research has paid much attention to conditions and processes of coalition building, the consequences of coalitions remain understudied. This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of coalitions’ internal impact by exploring how different types of coalitions affect each other. In particular, we analyse how coalitions across countries influence coalitions across movement sectors. The article explores the diverse coalitions in the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in Europe and Southeast Asia, a movement characterized by its strong transnational as well as cross-sectoral ties. Our analysis includes four case studies from different transnational coalitions within the GJM: the peasant network La Vía Campesina, the debt-relief campaign Jubilee 2000, the network of women’s movements World March of Women, and the grassroots network Peoples’ Global Action. The case studies in Indonesia, the Philippines, the UK and Italy show how coalition building across countries can both enhance as well as hinder coalitions across sectors. We demonstrate how transnational coalitions in some cases deepen divides between local movement sectors and hamper domestic coalition building, while they help bridging divisions within local movement coalitions in others. Our findings point to the relevance of conflicts, power inequalities and trade-offs in coalition building as well as to the importance of negative effects of coalitions.

The Politics of Popular Coalitions: Unions and Territorial Social Movements in Post-Neoliberal Latin America (2000–15)

AbstractAt a general level of neoliberal repudiation or expansion of social policies, most post-neoliberal Latin American governments in the 2000s have exhibited similarities. However, coalitions with popular actors have displayed a lot of variation. In order to compare popular-sector coalitions the article constructs a framework with two central dimensions: electoral and organisational/interest; in post-import substitution industrialisation (ISI) Latin America the latter is composed of both unions and territorial social movements (TSMs). It contends that the region witnessed four types of popular coalitions: electoral (Ecuador and Chile), TSM-based (i.e. made up of informal sector-based organisations, Venezuela and Bolivia), dual (i.e. composed of both unions and TSMs, Argentina and Brazil) and union/party-based (Uruguay). The study argues that government–union coalitions are largely accounted for by the relative size of the formal economy, and by the institutional legacies of labour based-parties. Coalitions with informal sector-based organisations are rooted in the political activation of these TSMs during the anti-neoliberal struggles of the 1990s and early 2000s.

Unsuspected tarsal coalitions in equinus and varus foot deformities.

Tarsal coalitions have been reported in the setting of equinovarus foot deformities, but only as rare isolated findings. Failure to recognize this diagnosis may inhibit successful equinovarus correction. Here, we review a series of tarsal coalitions seen in congenital and neuropathic equinovarus deformity at two institutions, to report the breakdown of types of coalitions encountered, and to suggest methodology to facilitate earlier diagnosis. The records of all patients treated by two of the authors for bilateral equinovarus deformities and found to have either a unilateral or bilateral tarsal coalition between 2006 and 2016 were reviewed. Nine feet with tarsal coalition (calcaneonavicular n = 7 and talocalcaneal n = 2) were reviewed. Five of these cases occurred in patients with idiopathic equinovarus and four cases in patients with equinovarus related to a neurologic disease. All patients were definitively diagnosed by computed tomography scans with 3D reconstruction. In 56% of cases, the patient had previously undergone at least one open procedure before the coalition was recognized. The mean age at diagnosis of the coalition was 11.4 years. Our experience suggests that tarsal coalitions, particularly calcaneonavicular coalitions, may occur more frequently in equinovarus deformities than previously reported. Upon recognition and removal of these coalitions, we were able to achieve improved correction of the equinovarus deformities and improved range of motion. We recommend that surgeons maintain an awareness of this potential concomitant problem in all equinovarus foot deformities and consider advanced imaging in cases which fail to respond to traditional treatment.

Coalition Analysis in Basic Hierarchical Graph Model for Conflict Resolution with Application to Climate Change Governance Disputes

The coalition in interrelated conflicts with hierarchical structures is analyzed within the framework of basic hierarchical graph model as an extension of graph model for conflict resolution. A basic hierarchical graph model consists of two local graph models with three decision makers: one common decision maker supervising both local graph models, and two local decision makers, each of whom takes part in one local graph model. Two types of coalition, between the common and one local decision maker, and between two local decision makers are discussed. Theorems are proposed, indicating that transition from one equilibrium to another, called equilibrium jump, can only take place in the coalition consisting of common and local decision maker. The change to a more preferred equilibrium for local decision makers could only take place when they temporarily sacrifice their interests. An illustrative example of hierarchical disputes over achieving emission goals between the national and two provincial governments in China are investigated. The results suggest that agreements between the national and one provincial government can be reached. The province will achieve stricter emission goals when being subsidized by the national government. Agreements between the two provinces cannot be formed without the participation of the national government. This study can provide courses of action for decision makers under coalition in dealing with hierarchical conflicts.

Accessory anterolateral talar facet associated with tarsal coalition: prevalence and cross-sectional characterization.

The accessory anterolateral talar facet (AALTF) is a developmental entity described as a potential cause for rigid, painful flat foot. This study evaluates the possible association between the AALTF and other flat foot etiologies, specifically different types of tarsal coalitions. We evaluated patients with tarsal coalition or sinus tarsi syndrome for an AALTF on CT and MRI. Exclusion criteria included acute ankle trauma, recent surgery, motion or metal artifacts. We evaluated the AALTF length and height, and the lateral talocalcaneal structures for associated findings. The presence of calcaneonavicular (CNC), intra-articular middle facet talocalcaneal (MFTCC), posterior facet talocalcaneal (PFTCC), extra-articular posteromedial talocalcaneal (EATCC) and other rare coalitions were also evaluated. One hundred eighty-seven patients were included (age range 14-91years; mean ± SD; 50 ± 17years). The AALTF prevalence in the study population was 31.55% (59/187), 40.91% in men, and 23.23% in women. The AALTF average length was 4.5 ± 1.1mm, and average height was 8.9 ± 3.4mm. The AALTF was found to be significantly associated with lateral talocalcaneal osseous changes such as cortical thickening and cystic changes (34/59 and 24/59 respectively, P < 0.01). The AALTF was also found to be significantly associated with sinus tarsi edema on MRI (45/52, P < 0.05). The AALTF was also significantly associated with EATCC (19/59, P < 0.01) and MFTCC (7/59, P < 0.05). No significant association was found with CNC, PFTCC or other rare coalitions. The AALTF is common and significantly associated with some tarsal coalitions, specifically EATCC and MFTCC. When an AALTF or coalition is identified, special attention should be made to evaluate for other associated pathologies, as this could potentially affect management.

Landscape of participatory city makers

Today, citizens, professionals, civil servants, social enterprises, and others form different types of coalitions to overcome the challenges facing our modern cities. In this paper, the particularities of these types of groups are characterised and categorised into ten different types of city makers. Generally, these types of city makers bring value to cities, but we conclude that this value could be enriched through more participatory approaches that stimulate crossovers and accelerate the transition towards sustainable futures. Therefore, we characterise the different identified types as potential ‘participatory’ city makers. However, these participatory approaches and the networks between them still need to be developed, while improving conditions and dynamics that can enable and enhance innovation in urban environments. Design and systems thinking could contribute valuable methods and perspectives to the development of these participatory and systemic approaches. Finally, the categorisation presented in this paper must enable a better understanding of the transformative capacity of these different types of city makers, necessary for flourishing and sustainable communities.&#x0D;

Can constituent states influence foreign and security policy? Coalitional dynamics in India

The Indian state has undergone significant transformation since the late 1980s, most notably the extensive decentralisation of power, with consequences for the formation and implementation of Indian foreign policy. This article explores the role of India’s constituent states explaining the extent and limitations of their autonomy and influence. It deploys and extends the state transformation approach to incorporate considerations of issue area and coalition type. Under coalitions led by typical national parties, subnational governments are less likely to influence foreign and security policy. Under the same coalition type, they are more likely to behave autonomously on non-traditional security issues such as sharing of water resources with neighbouring countries. They are less likely to behave autonomously on security issues such as the transnational expression of ethnic solidarity. Under coalitions led by atypical national parties or regional parties, subnational governments are likely to exercise a moderate level of autonomy and influence on issue areas such as transnational expression of ethnic solidarity. They are likely to exercise a high level of autonomy and influence on non-traditional security issues such as sharing of water resources. The framework is illustrated through Tamil Nadu’s activism on Sri Lanka, and West Bengal’s position on water-sharing with Bangladesh.

Sharpening Advocacy Coalitions

The concept of “advocacy coalitions” is the bedrock of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), one of the most established and successful approaches for understanding policy processes across the globe. This article revisits and sharpens the conceptual definition of advocacy coalitions. We summarize the lessons from its theoretical emphases under the ACF and specify its five attributes (policy actors, shared beliefs, coordination, resources, and stability). Through this specification, we identify the ideal coalition type and several coalition subtypes. We then clarify and make a distinction between how we think about coalitions as a concept and how we approach coalitions empirically. This article sharpens the lens for describing and explaining coalitions toward better observations, theorizing, and measurements. It ends with next steps for further deepening and broadening knowledge about advocacy coalitions.

The social movement of street vendors to maintain their business places in Bandung

This study views street vendors as public issues which are related to the conflict over public spaces between the government and the street vendors. The conflict was derived from differences in the interpretation and meaning of public spaces. The government has visions of order in the city and tries to control the street vendor in public place. However, the street vendors interpret public place as a strategic place to conduct their business and try to defend their existence in it. The differences in interpretation encouraged the birth of street vendor movement in Bandung. This research employed social movement concept to describes how street vendors try to construct their identities, build up the strength of their organization/association, frame and disseminate issues, and establish some coalitions. It used a qualitative method with case study research by attaining some cases of street vendors in Bandung and observing their news through newspaper and online media between 2015-2016, as well as conducting some interviews with key informants. The data collected through participative observation, thorough interview with street vendors, municipal government, street vendors’ organizations/associations, and focus group discussion. This research showed that the process of identity construction is carried out informally through kinship system. Furthermore, the street vendors built their movement based on issues of unjust policy which is supported by right to seek livelihood, marginalization issue, and limited access to formal economic sectors. These issues become their justification to maintain their business in public places and their efforts to go against government interpretation of public places which become their foundation to formulate policies about street vendors. Lastly, to strengthen their bargaining position against the government, they establish three types of coalition; political coalition, political-economy coalition, and economy coalition.

Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe

ABSTRACTDo political factors have any effect on fiscal policy and public spending in the post-communist Europe? We answer this question by using annual data for 15 Central and Eastern European democracies from 1992–2017. We look into several political variables: number of parties in the cabinet, partisan cycle (ideology), electoral cycle, and coalition type. We deploy fixed-effect estimates, showing that the peculiarities of a country explain a large part of the variance, thus validating the path dependency and incrementalism theses in public policy analysis. We find positive impact of the pre-electoral and electoral year on public spending, but no statistically significant support for other poitical determinats.

Choices that matter: Coalition formation and parties’ ideological reputations

AbstractThis paper examines how a party’s decision to enter a coalition government affects voter perceptions of the party’s policy position. We argue that, for the decision to change voter beliefs, it must be at odds with voters’ prior opinions about the party. Specifically, the party must join a coalition that is not the one voters perceive as the ideologically closest option. Otherwise, the party’s action simply confirms voters’ pre-existing beliefs. Hence, whether or not joining a coalition alters voter attitudes depends on the type of alternative coalitions the party could enter. We test the hypothesis using three complementary empirical strategies: a cross-country analysis of party reputations in five coalition-prone European countries, individual panel data, and a quasi-experimental test. All three empirical tests provide support for our claim. This paper contributes to our understanding of voter information processing, coalition politics, and party competition.