Pitch Accent Types Research Articles

Intonation Patterns of Chinese EFL Learners and Their Correlation with Holistic Prosody Ratings

Chinese English as a Foreign Language (EFL) learners often face challenges when acquiring intonation skills. This study employed AM theory as the theoretical framework and utilized the Tone and Break Indices (ToBI) labeling system to analyze 29 recordings of first-year English major female students enrolled at a university in China. The aim is to examine the intonation patterns exhibited by these learners and explore their correlation with prosody ratings. The findings revealed that H*, L+H*, and L* were the most commonly observed pitch accent types among Chinese EFL learners. Furthermore, the L tone predominated in phrase accents and boundary tones, while the prevalent intonation pattern in intonation phrase boundaries was identified as the L-L% pattern. The study also identified negative correlations between the proportion of L* and the proportion of L-, as well as between prosody ratings and phrase accent density, and between prosody ratings and the proportion of L*. These findings contribute to the existing body of knowledge on intonation acquisition and hold significant implications for language pedagogy.

Standing out in context: Prominence in the production and perception of public speech

This study investigates the relationship between signal-based factors and discourse context in the production and perception of prominence, extending prior work on prominence in American English by examining speech from complete TED Talks as examples of a public speech style. First, we conduct a production study. The TED Talk speech samples are analyzed for relationships between (1) phonological pitch accent, (2) acoustic prosodic features, and (3) information structure, modeled here in terms of referential and lexical givenness as well as focus related to semantic alternatives. Second, we conduct a perception study. Word-level prominence ratings obtained from untrained listeners are analyzed for the effects of these (1) phonological, (2) acoustic, and (3) information structural factors. The aim of this study is to evaluate the interaction of the three kinds of factors on prominence ratings with speech that is fully contextualized, allowing for information about the speaker, the situational context, and the discourse context to interact with and possibly mediate signal-based cues to prominence. Results from the production analysis show a weak probabilistic relation between pitch accent assignment and information structure for these TED Talk speakers, but only in the presence versus absence of pitch accent with differences between lexical and referential information status. No systematic relationship is found between a word’s phonological pitch accent type and information structure category, though we do find some evidence of the expected gradient variation in the acoustic expression of prominence: Words that are more informative tend to have higher pitch and a wider pitch range. Despite the weak association between signal-based prominence and information structure in production, listeners perceive and rate prominence in a manner that is, to varying degrees, in accordance with the Accentual Prominence and Givenness hierarchies. In sum, the findings contribute new evidence of the mediating effects of contextual factors relating to the phonological status of pitch accents, information structure, and speech style on the interpretation of acoustic cues to prominence.

L1 Influences on Bulgarian-Accented German: Prosodic Units and Prenuclear Pitch Accents

This study investigates the L1 influence on the use of accentual patterns, choice of prenuclear pitch accent types and their realization on L2 prosody. We use Mennen’s LILt model as a framework for our analysis. We recorded ten Bulgarian female speakers of German and ten female native German speakers who read Aesop’s fable The North Wind and the Sun. We found that the tendency for the Bulgarian native speakers to use more pitch accents than German native speakers is transferred to the L2 German of the Bulgarian learners. L*+H was the most frequent prenuclear pitch accent used by all groups. We also found that the Bulgarian learners stressed more function words and tolerated more stress clashes than the native German speakers. When speaking German, under the influence of the statistical regularities that relate to prosodic word patterns in their mother tongue, Bulgarian learners phrased their L2 speech into a higher number of shorter prosodic words, and therefore realized more pitch accents and aligned the high tonal target earlier than the native speakers. Concerning the variable alignment of the high target, we propose the prosodic word or the two-syllable window as the tentative candidate for an anchorage region. Our findings can be explained with respect to age of learning, as proposed by LILt’s general theoretical assumptions.

Are Serbian and English listeners insensitive to lexical pitch accents in Serbian?

The paper investigated possible perceptual insensitivity effects in the perception of lexical pitch accents by native and non-native listeners, that is, by Serbian and English listeners, respectively. The objective of the study was to explore which word-prosodic categories listeners used when they were required to contrast and recall sequences of lexical pitch accents. To that effect, Serbian and English listeners performed a Sequence Recall Task (SRT) in which they contrasted pairs of non-words with different Serbian lexical pitch accent types, and recalled the sequences of these non-words under different memory load conditions. Listeners' answers were coded correct and incorrect and the accuracy scores between the groups were compared and analyzed. Both groups had almost identical levels of accuracy and they performed well above chance level on each contrast. Neither group exhibited any effects of perceptual insensitivity to lexical pitch accents. English (non-native) listeners did not differ in their performance from native Serbian listeners, which, contrary to what previous research suggested, implied that one's native language word-prosodic category inventory did not preclude the encoding of non-native word-prosodic categories. Instead, non-native listeners were capable of deploying different prosodic resources such as post-lexical pitch accents to recall the sequences.

The prosody of rhetorical questions: a cross-linguistic view

This paper provides a survey of our knowledge of the prosody of rhetorical questions, i.e. questions that do not require an answer and try to commit the listener to the presupposed answer, as compared to the prosody of string-identical genuine, information seeking-questions. The survey includes semantic literature on questions, corpus data, and experimental evidence from production and perception experiments. It covers a range of typologically different languages (German, English, Icelandic, Italian, Standard Chinese, Cantonese, Japanese, French) that have different word-level and phrase-level characteristics. The main finding is that rhetorical and information seeking questions differ reliably in terms of the following prosodic characteristics: (i) f0-features (e.g., position and type of pitch accent, type of boundary tone, as well as more global f0-parameters, depending on language type); (ii) duration / speaking rate (rhetorical questions are typically longer / produced with slower speaking rate than information-seeking questions). Often, but not always, rhetorical questions are produced with non-modal voice quality.

Perception in Black and White: Effects of Intonational Variables and Filtering Conditions on Sociolinguistic Judgments With Implications for ASR.

This study tests the effects of intonational contours and filtering conditions on listener judgments of ethnicity to arrive at a more comprehensive understanding on how prosody influences these judgments, with implications for austomatic speech recognition systems as well as speech synthesis. In a perceptual experiment, 40 American English listeners heard phrase-long clips which were controlled for pitch accent type and focus marking. Each clip contained either two H* (high) or two L+H* (low high) pitch accents and a L-L% (falling) boundary tone, and had also previously been labelled for broad or narrow focus. Listeners rated clips in two tasks, one with unmodified stimuli and one with stimuli lowpass filtered at 400 Hz, and were asked to judge whether the speaker was “Black” or “White”. In the filtered condition, tokens with the L+H* pitch accent were more likely to be rated as “Black”, with an interaction such that broad focus enhanced this pattern, supporting earlier findings that listeners may perceive African American Language as having more variation in possible pitch accent meanings. In the unfiltered condition, tokens with the L+H* pitch accent were less likely to be rated as Black, with no effect of focus, likely due to the fact that listeners relied more heavily on available segmental information in this condition. These results enhance our understanding of cues listeners rely on in making social judgments about speakers, especially in ethnic identification and linguistic profiling, by highlighting perceptual differences due to listening environment as well as predicted meaning of specific intonational contours. They also contribute to our understanding of the role of how human listeners interpret meaning within a holistic context, which has implications for the construction of computational systems designed to replicate the properties of natural language. In particular, they have important applicability to speech synthesis and speech recognition programs, which are often limited in their capacities due to the fact that they do not make such holistic sociolinguistic considerations of the meanings of input or output speech.

Effect of consonants on onset F0: Evidence from Kansai Japanese

This study investigates the effect of voicing on onset F0 in Kansai Japanese. In tone languages, the effect of initial consonants on F0 tends to be smaller and shorter, hypothetically to maximize the tonal contrast preserved for lexical items. A recent study (Gao and Arai, 2019) found that despite Tokyo Japanese being a pitch-accent language, the consonant effect on F0 was not necessarily inhibited. However, this might be due to decreased laryngeal control in Tokyo Japanese because of its simple tonal contrast. Since the pitch accent system of Kansai Japanese is more complex than that of Tokyo Japanese, Kansai Japanese should show less F0 perturbation. In the experiment, five native speakers (4 females, 1 male) produced the target words /CVma/ (C: /n, b, p/, V: /i, a/) in different pitch accent types (HH, HL, LH) and focus conditions (broad, narrow, contrast focus). My data show that overall, F0 following /p/ is significantly higher. The more complex pitch-accent system did not lessen the F0 perturbation. Consistent across focus, the effect is slightly larger in words with a high pitch accent and in the high vowel /i/ context. This may be due to the congruence in laryngeal settings for high F0 production.

Prosodic realizations of new, given, and corrective referents in the spontaneous speech of toddlers.

Our motivation was to examine how toddler (2;6) and adult speakers of American English prosodically realize information status categories. The aims were three-fold: 1) to analyze how adults phonologically make information status distinctions; 2) to examine how these same categories are signaled in toddlers' spontaneous speech; and 3) to analyze the three primary acoustic correlates of prosody (F0, intensity, and duration). During a spontaneous speech task designed as an interactive game, a set of target nouns was elicited as one of three types (new, given, corrective). Results show that toddlers primarily used H* across information status categories, with secondary preferences for deaccenting given information and for using L+H* for corrective information. Only duration distinguished information status, and duration, average pitch, and intensity differentiated pitch accent types for both adults and children. Discussion includes how pitch accent selection and input play a role in guiding prosodic realizations of information status.

Phonology, phonetics, and signal-extrinsic factors in the perception of prosodic prominence: Evidence from Rapid Prosody Transcription

The present study investigated the perception of phrase-level prosodic prominence in American English, using the Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) task. We had two basic goals. First, we sought to examine how listeners’ subjective impressions of prominence relate to phonology, defined in terms of Autosegmental-Metrical distinctions in (a) pitch accent status and (b) pitch accent type. Second, and in line with this special issue, we sought to explore how phonology might mediate the effects of other cues to prominence, both signal-based (acoustic) and signal-extrinsic (stimulus and listener properties) in nature. Findings from a large-scale RPT experiment (N = 158) show prominence perception in this task to vary significantly as a function of phonology; a word’s perceived prominence is significantly dependent on its accent status (unaccented, prenuclear accented, or nuclear accented) and to a slightly lesser extent, on pitch accent type (L*, !H*, H*, or L+H*). In addition, the effects of other known cues to prominence—both signal-based acoustic factors as well as more “top-down” signal-extrinsic factors—were found to vary systematically depending on accent status and accent type. Taken together, the results of the present study provide further evidence for the complex nature of prominence perception, with implications for our knowledge of prosody perception and for the use of tasks like RPT as a method for crowdsourcing prosodic annotation.

The Intonation of Information-Seeking and Rhetorical Questions in Icelandic

We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The results for the information-seeking questions largely confirm observations in previous literature based mostly on introspective data: Polar questions are mostly realized with late rise nuclear accents where the peak aligns after a stressed syllable (L*+H),wh-questions with peak accents (H*);wh-questions often start high (%H, H*). Illocution types (that is, information-seeking versus rhetorical questions) differ in nuclear pitch accent types and in the type and frequency of prenuclear accents. The default boundary tone is low (L%) across question types and illocution types. The results are discussed against the background of previous findings with respect to the relationship between question and illocution type, and prosody.*

Prenuclear L∗+H Activates Alternatives for the Accented Word.

Previous processing studies have shown that constituents that are prosodically marked as focus lead to an activation of alternatives. We investigate the processing of constituents that are prosodically marked as contrastive topics. In German, contrastive topics are prosodically realized by prenuclear L∗+H accents. Our study tests (a) whether prenuclear accents (as opposed to nuclear accents) are able to activate contrastive alternatives, (b) whether they do this in the same way as constituents prosodically marked as focus with nuclear accents do, which is important for semantic modeling, and (c) whether the activation of alternatives is caused by pitch accent type (prenuclear L∗+H as contrastive accent vs. prenuclear L+H∗ as non-contrastive accent) or by differences in F0-excursion (related to prominence). We conducted two visual-world eye-tracking studies, in which German listeners heard declarative utterances (e.g., The swimmer wanted to put on flappers) and watched displays that depicted four printed words: one that was a contrastive alternative to the subject noun (e.g., diver), one that was non-contrastively related to it (e.g., sports), the object (e.g., flappers), which had to be clicked, and an unrelated distractor. Experiment 1 presented participants with two naturally produced intonation conditions, a broad focus control condition with a prenuclear L+H∗ accent on the subject and a contrastive topic condition with a prenuclear L∗+H accent. The results showed that participants fixated more on the contrastive alternative when the subject was produced with an L∗+H accent, with the same effect size and timing as reported for focus constituents. Experiment 2 resynthesized the stimuli so that peak height and F0-excursion were the same across intonation conditions. The effect was the same, but the time course was slightly later. Our results suggest that prenuclear L∗+H immediately leads to the activation of alternatives during online processing, and that the F0-excursion of the accent lends little. The results are discussed with regard to the processing of contrastive focus accents and theories of contrastive topic.

The prosody of rhetorical questions in English

This article contributes to our knowledge about the prosodic realisation of rhetorical questions (RQs) as compared to information-seeking questions (ISQs). It reports on a production experiment testing the prosody of Englishwh-and polar RQs and ISQs in a Canadian variety. In previous literature, the contribution of prosody to the distinction between the two illocution types has often been limited to the intonational realisation of the terminus of the utterance, i.e. whether it ends in a rise or a fall. Along with edge tones, we tested other phonological and phonetic parameters. Our results are as follows: (i) The intonational terminus was distinctive only for polar questions (rise vs plateau), not forwh-questions (low throughout). (ii) Moreover, the semantic difference between RQs and ISQs is signalled by pitch accents. It is reflected in nuclear pitch accent type forwh-questions, and accent type and position for polar questions. (iii) Phonetically, RQs are produced with longer constituent durations and – forwh-questions – a softer voice quality in thewh-word. Taken together, several intonational categories and phonetic parameters contribute to the distinction between RQs and ISQs. A simple distinction between rising and falling intonation is in any case insufficient.

Sound, structure and meaning: The bases of prominence ratings in English, French and Spanish

This study tests the influence of acoustic cues and non-acoustic contextual factors on listeners’ perception of prominence in three languages whose prominence systems differ in the phonological patterning of prominence and in the association of prominence with information structure—English, French and Spanish. Native speakers of each language performed an auditory rating task to mark prominent words in samples of conversational speech under two instructions: with prominence defined in terms of acoustic or meaning-related criteria. Logistic regression models tested the role of task instruction, acoustic cues and non-acoustic contextual factors in predicting binary prominence ratings of individual listeners. In all three languages we find similar effects of prosodic phrase structure and acoustic cues (F0, intensity, phone-rate) on prominence ratings, and differences in the effect of word frequency and instruction. In English, where phrasal prominence is used to convey meaning related to information structure, acoustic and meaning criteria converge on very similar prominence ratings. In French and Spanish, where prominence plays a lesser role in signaling information structure, phrasal prominence is perceived more narrowly on structural and acoustic grounds. Prominence ratings from untrained listeners correspond with ToBI pitch accent labels for each language. Distinctions in ToBI pitch accent status (nuclear, prenuclear, unaccented) are reflected in empirical and model-predicted prominence ratings. In addition, words with a ToBI pitch accent type that is typically associated with contrastive focus are more likely to be rated as prominent in Spanish and English, but no such effect is found for French. These findings are discussed in relation to probabilistic models of prominence production and perception.

Alignment of f0 peak in different pitch accent types affects perception of metrical stress

In intonation languages, pitch accents are associated with stressed syllables, therefore accentuation is a sufficient cue to the position of metrical stress in perception. This paper investigates how stress perception in German is affected by different pitch accent types (with different f0 alignments). Experiment 1 showed more errors in stress identification when f0 peaks and stressed syllables were not aligned – despite phonological association of pitch accent and stressed syllable. Erroneous responses revealed a response bias towards the syllable with the f0 peak. In a visual-world eye-tracking study (Experiment 2), listeners fixated a stress competitor with initial stress more when the spoken target, which had penultimate stress, was realized with an early-peak accent (f0 peak preceding stressed syllable), compared to a condition with the f0 peak on the stressed syllable. Hence, high-pitched unstressed syllables are temporarily interpreted as stressed – a process directly affecting lexical activation. To investigate whether this stress competitor activation is guided by the frequent co-occurrence of high f0 and lexical stress, Experiment 3 increased the frequency of low-pitched stressed syllables in the immediate input. The effect of intonation on competitor fixations disappeared. Our findings are discussed with respect to a frequency-based mechanism and their implications for the nature of f0 processing.

When (not) to Look for Contrastive Alternatives: The Role of Pitch Accent Type and Additive Particles.

This study investigates how pitch accent type and additive particles affect the activation of contrastive alternatives. In Experiment 1, German listeners heard declarative utterances (e.g., The swimmer wanted to put on flippers) and saw four printed words displayed on screen: one that was a contrastive alternative to the subject noun (e.g., diver), one that was non-contrastively related (e.g., pool), the object (e.g., flippers), and an unrelated distractor. Experiment 1 manipulated pitch accent type, comparing a broad focus control condition to two narrow focus conditions: with a contrastive or non-contrastive accent on the subject noun (nuclear L+H* vs. H+L*, respectively, followed by deaccentuation). In Experiment 2, the utterances in the narrow focus conditions were preceded by the unstressed additive particle auch ("also"), which may trigger alternatives itself. It associated with the accented subject. Results showed that, compared to the control condition, participants directed more fixations to the contrastive alternative when the subject was realized with a contrastive accent (nuclear L+H*) than when it was realized with non-contrastive H+L*, while additive particles had no effect. Hence, accent type is the primary trigger for signaling the presence of alternatives (i.e., contrast). Implications for theories of information structure and the processing of additive particles are discussed.

What makes a word prominent? Predicting untrained German listeners’ perceptual judgments

One important feature of linguistic communication is that some parts of utterances are more prominent than others. Prominence as a perceptual feature of spoken language is influenced by many different linguistic variables, but it is not clear how these variables interact in perception and which variables are most important for determining prominence. We report results from a prosody transcription task which assessed how untrained German listeners are simultaneously affected by gradient signal-based factors such as pitch, intensity and duration, as well as discrete prosodic factors (pitch accent type and placement) and non-prosodic factors (semantic-syntactic, lexical). All 17 linguistic variables tested were reliably associated with listeners’ prominence judgments. We used random forests, a data mining algorithm, to uncover which variables are most important in determining the prominence judgments. This analysis showed that discrete prosodic variables relating to intonational phonology, specifically the type of pitch accent and its position, were most predictive of prominence. At the same time, prominence judgments were characterized by large individual differences. An exploratory cluster analysis suggests that some listeners pay more attention to pitch-related variables but less to semantic-syntactic and lexical variables, while others do the reverse. Our results paint a complex picture of prominence perception that is highly variable across listeners, but that assures robust communication of prominence information through the simultaneous perceptual cueing of many different linguistic variables.

Local and Global Cues in the Prosodic Realization of Broad and Narrow Focus in Bulgarian

In this study, local and global prosodic cues for information structure are examined in the elicited production of six Bulgarian sentences. The sentences were produced in response to different questions, devised to prompt different focus realizations (broad focus and non-contrastive and contrastive narrow focus). Results show that speakers consistently differentiate broad and narrow focus by means of both local and global acoustic cues, by producing different pitch accent types on the nuclear syllable and reducing the ‘phonetic strength' of the default pre-nuclear accent in the narrow focus condition. Thus, the difference between the acoustic properties of the nuclear and the pre-nuclear accented syllables is smaller in the broad focus condition and greater in the narrow focus condition. Contrastive and non-contrastive narrow-focus accents are differentiated by local cues, i.e., by longer duration when the focus is early in the sentence and by global cues, i.e., by enhancing the tonal contrast between the nuclear prominence of CW2 and the pre-nuclear prominence of CW1 when the focus is late in the sentence.

Types of errors in English prosody made by native speakers of Korean

This study investigates the types of errors that are made by speakers of L1 Korean in the production of L2 English prosody. English and Korean differ in prosodic and rhythmic structure and in the ways word prominence and semantic/pragmatic meaning are marked. In English, a prominent word is marked by a pitch accent on its stressed syllable, and semantic/pragmatic information is delivered by pitch accent types (e.g., H*, L + H*) and boundary tones. In Korean, a language without lexical stress, a word’s prominence is marked by its location at the beginning of a phrase, and semantic/pragmatic information is delivered by prosodic phrasing and boundary tones. Data were selected from recordings of the UCLA TOP (Test of Oral Proficiency) exam taken by Korean students. The present study analyzes the part where students (twelve) present information from the same syllabus in front of raters and questioners acting as students. Control data from three native English speakers was collected in the same format. Prominen...

When pitch Accents Encode Speaker Commitment: Evidence from French Intonation.

Recent studies on a variety of languages have shown that a speaker's commitment to the propositional content of his or her utterance can be encoded, among other strategies, by pitch accent types. Since prior research mainly relied on lexical-stress languages, our understanding of how speakers of a non-lexical-stress language encode speaker commitment is limited. This paper explores the contribution of the last pitch accent of an intonation phrase to convey speaker commitment in French, a language that has stress at the phrasal level as well as a restricted set of pitch accents. In a production experiment, participants had to produce sentences in two pragmatic contexts: unbiased questions (the speaker had no particular belief with respect to the expected answer) and negatively biased questions (the speaker believed the proposition to be false). Results revealed that negatively biased questions consistently exhibited an additional unaccented F0 peak in the preaccentual syllable (an H+!H* pitch accent) while unbiased questions were often realized with a rising pattern across the accented syllable (an H* pitch accent). These results provide evidence that pitch accent types in French can signal the speaker's belief about the certainty of the proposition expressed in French. It also has implications for the phonological model of French intonation.

Information status marking in spontaneous vs. read speech in story-telling tasks – Evidence from intonation analysis using GToBI

Two studies investigated whether speaking mode influences the way German speakers mark the information status of discourse referents in nuclear position. In Study 1, speakers produced narrations spontaneously on the basis of picture stories in which the information status of referents (new, accessible and given) was systematically varied. In Study 2, speakers saw the same pictures, but this time accompanied by text to be read out. Clear differences were found depending on speaking mode: In spontaneous speech, speakers always accented new referents. They did not use different pitch accent types to differentiate between new and accessible referents, nor did they always deaccent given referents. In addition, speakers often made use of low pitch accents in combination with high boundary tones to indicate continuity. In contrast to this, read speech was characterized by low boundary tones, consistent deaccentuation of given referents and the use of H+L* and H+!H* accents, for both new and accessible referents. The results are discussed in terms of the function of intonational features in communication. It is argued that reading intonation is not comparable to intonation in spontaneous speech, and that this has important consequences also for our choice of methodology in child language acquisition research.