THE self concept occupies a major place in the theoretical and research orientations of contemporary sociologists. The work of Cooley and Mead have stimulated the theory and research focusing on a view of the social self, which can be generally defined as: . . that organization of qualities that the individual attributes to (Kinch, 1963). This conceptualization of the self has been effectively examined through the use of the Twenty Statements Test (TST), one of the most frequently used instruments for the study of the self (Spitzer, 1969). Since the TST elicits spontaneous self definitions, it may prove particularly useful in the study of disclosure to others of those aspects of the self which an individual views as more personally meaningful. This approach may well prove of value in furthering the study of those patterns of self-disclosure which appear to be particularly relevant to the understanding of the nature of primary relationships (Babchuk and Bates, 1963; Jaffee and Polansky, 1962; Jourard, 1959), a concept of particular importance to symbolic interactionists and sociologists in general. Much of the previous work in self-disclosure has been done through the use of structured instruments which ask a respondent to indicate whether or not he has disclosed certain categories of information concerning himself (e.g. favorite foods, views on religion, confidential information, etc.) to specific others, who are designated as target persons (Babehuk and Bates, 1963; Jaffee and Polansky, 1962; Jourard, 1958, 1959). However, it may well be that structured objective tests are characterized by preselected dimensions which may not have direct relevance to a particular respondent's cognitions (Spitzer, 1966:280). The TST differs from most previous instruments in that it is relatively unstructured and is directly based upon an individual's description of himself. Therefore, the disclosure revealed by this instrument can be considered quite literally as selfdisclosure.