Turkish Grand National Assembly Research Articles

Turkish Public Diplomacy in the Minutes of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (1931-1938)

For the young Republic of Turkey, the 1930s were a test of international public diplomacy. Turkey, which based its domestic and foreign policy on the principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world!”, was also concerned about its own future with the dictatorial regimes of Germany, Russia and Italy, which had distanced themselves from democratic governance and entered into an arms race with a sense of revenge, as well as the public diplomacy it would conduct and the measures it would take with the countries in its region. During the First World War, the country had suffered great devastation. The Turkish nation had spent everything it had in the struggle for liberation and was almost exhausted. However, it had managed to build a democratic state based on “National Sovereignty” despite the great economic depression that engulfed the world. However, the political developments in Europe and the possibility of the Republic of Turkey entering into a new chaos with the approaching World War could have destroyed all the gains and the future of the country. The task of protecting Turkey from this impending danger and keeping it safe could only be possible with the rational policies pursued by President Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the correct decisions taken by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in line with these policies. The aim of this study is to examine the Turkish public diplomacy as reflected in the minutes of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1932 and 1938 in order to prevent Turkey's involvement in the upcoming great war and to secure its gains with measures to ensure its security in the region.

The Alliance in the Storm: Geopolitical Representation of the United States in the Turkish Parliament during Détente

This article analyzes how the geopolitical representation of the United States in Turkish political discourse changed during the 1960s and 1970s in the context of deep crises between the two countries, such as the Cyprus question, the opium issue, and the US arms embargo on Türkiye. Within the framework of critical geopolitical theory, it uses the concept of “geopolitical representation.” It examines the changes in the geopolitical representation of the United States in Turkish political life through practical geopolitics. To this end, it evaluates the debates, speeches, and correspondence made by the representatives of the ruling and opposition parties and members of the government in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1964 and 1979, within the context of the crises in Turkish-American relations, particularly within the foreign policy framework. It is argued that while the alliance between Türkiye and the United States and Türkiye’s membership in NATO were seen as important symbols of Türkiye’s sovereignty and enjoyed unwavering support in the 1950s, tensions with the US, Türkiye’s “strategic partner,” in the 1960s and 1970s led to notable shifts in the Turkish parliament’s narrative. As a pioneer of anti-NATO and anti-US rhetoric, the Workers’ Party of Türkiye (TİP) played a prominent role in shaping parliamentary discussions.

FOUNDATION OF THE EAST INDEPENDENCE COURT, ACTION AND ADJUDICATORY PROCEDURES

The Independence Courts, which carried out trials within the framework of ensuring the authority of the Turkish Grand National Assembly during the years of the War of Independence, continued their activities to ensure the establishment of the Turkish Revolution after the adoption of the Republican regime. As a matter of fact, in an environment where disagreements about developments such as the abolition of the Sultanate, the proclamation of the Republic and the abolition of the Caliphate deepened, the Sheikh Said Rebellion, which led to the establishment of the Eastern Independence Court, broke out. Fethi (Okyar) Bey, who was criticized for being passive in taking measures against the rebellion, resigned and İsmet (İnönü) Pasha was appointed to form the new government. On March 4, 1925, when the new government was formed, the Law on Recognition of Sukuk, which gave extraordinary powers to the government, was passed by the Parliament. After the approval of the Takrir-i Sükûn Law, the government's proposal to establish two separate Independence Courts, one in Ankara and the other in the rebellion zone, was also accepted. On March 7, 1925, the election of the president, prosecutor and member was held for both Independence Courts by the Turkish Grand National Assembly. As a result of the election, Hacim Muhiddin (Çarıklı) became the President of the Eastern Independence Court, Ahmed Süreyya Örgeevren became the Prosecutor, Ali Saib (Ursavaş) Bey, Avni (Doğan) Bey and Lütfi Müfid (Özdeş) Bey set off to Diyarbakır on 12 April 1925 and started their work. The court, according to the Law of Takrir-i Sükûn, was going to make judgments about reaction, rebellion, movements and publications that wanted to disrupt the peace and security of the country. The Eastern Independence Court, which continued its duty by traveling around the region, especially in Diyarbakır, Elazığ, Malatya and Urfa, had the authority to implement its decisions. The task of the Eastern Independence Court, which continued its activities for around two years with six-month extensions, was terminated with the Assembly Decision dated March 7, 1927.

Poems Written as the National Anthem in the TBMM [Turkish Grand National Assembly] Reports and Their Evaluations

23 Nisan 1920’de TBMM’nin kurulmasıyla birlikte devlet kurmanın gereği olarak bir İstiklâl Marşı’nın yazılması ve bestelenmesi gerekmektedir. Bu iş için de dönemin Maarif Vekâleti görevlendirilir. Cephede henüz savaş devam etmektedir. Büyük Taarruz daha başlamamıştır. Bütün bunlara rağmen İstiklâl Marşı yazımına gösterilen hassasiyet TBMM tutanaklarından anlaşılmaktadır. 
 TBMM’de İstiklâl Marşı tartışmalarının tümü daha iyi bir metin ortaya çıkmasına yönelik hassasiyet çevresindedir. Hamdullah Suphi Bey, bütün şiirleri okumuş ve ön değerlendirmesini yapmış olmak, peşinden Mehmet Akif Bey’e müracaat etmek suretiyle sürecin yönlendiricisi olmuştur. Muhalif gibi görünen ve itiraz eden milletvekillerinin isteği ehliyetli kişilerden oluşan edebî bir heyetin kurulması ve onların karar vermesi yönündedir. Buna karşılık şiirlerin marş olmadan önce yine heyet tarafından kısmen değiştirilmesini öneren milletvekilleri de vardır. 
 Yarışmaya, Mehmet Akif’in eseri dışında, 724 şiir katılır. Bu eserlerden ilk elemeyi geçen ve TBMM’ye gelen 7 şiir kayda geçer. Diğer metinlere ulaşılamamıştır.

Avrupa Eğitim Programları ve Dil Gelişim Dosyası Türkiye Uygulaması

Abstract European relations with Turkey, which began with the application of the Republic of Turkey for membership in the European Community and continued with the acquisition of candidacy status, gained a new dimension with the Copenhagen summit on December 12, 2002. Fifteen member states of the European Community have decided that Turkey can start candidacy negotiations in December 2005 if it can prove that it meets the political and economic criteria for integration with Europe, according to development reports. With the positive outcome of this development, Turkey is expected to become a member state of the European Community, and the Turkish language will be one of the most widely spoken European languages according to the population ratio. The legal status, financial and administrative autonomy of the Turkish National Agency were approved by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in July 2003. The learning of Turkish by Europeans as a foreign language of Turkish began with the establishment of commercial and political relations with the Ottoman Empire, and Turkology departments were opened in many universities. In the near future, commercial and political relations between Europe and Turkey are expected to increase with the accession negotiations Dec. Programs such as Leonardo, Socrates and Lingua, which are carried out within the European Community, offering educational, participant and instructor exchange, language learning opportunities, have been carried out in recent years within the framework of projects, especially with the participation of member and candidate countries. Turkey has also participated in these programs and has established a Socrates Commission. The aim of the foreign language policy adopted and proposed by the Council of Europe is to protect and develop linguistic and cultural diversity as a source of mutual wealth and to facilitate interpersonal relations, international flow and exchange of ideas. Dec.1. The aim of the foreign language policy adopted and proposed by the Council of Europe is to protect and develop language and cultural diversity as a source Dec. In this context, the Turkish language will also be a cultural richness and diversity for Europe, and it is expected that teaching and learning it as a foreign language will also be a factor that helps Turks to express themselves better in relations with Europeans. Key Words: European Union, Turkey, European Educational Programs, Language Development File

1926, 2001 Yıllarında Kabul Edilen Türk Medenî Kanunlarının Hazırlanışı Sırasında Yapılan Tartışmalar ve Yaşanan Gelişmeler

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, which aims to create a modern state and society, and Mahmut Esat Bozkurt, the Minister of Justice. They made a legal revolution to implement the “Law of Persons”, “Family Law,” “Law of Inheritance”, “Law of Property” and “Law of Obligations”. For this purpose, the “Civil Law Commission” was established among various law commissions established by the Ministry of Justice. The commission, which started its work for the “Turkish Law Medina” (TKM), decided to take the civil law of a country in Western Europe as it is. In line with this decision, the “Swiss Civil Code” was taken as a whole with some changes and translated by the scientific committee. On February 17, 1926, the articles of TKM were accepted by voting one by one in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM). As a complement to this law, the Swiss Code of Obligations was also fully adopted, adopted and voted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on April 22, 1926, and both laws entered into force on October 4, 1926. Switzerland has made innovations in the “Civil Code” (MK) in accordance with its social needs and structure, and has created a number of new institutions. In Turkish society, which has a different cultural and social structure, it has been decided to implement a new CC instead of going through revision due to its unique characteristics and needs. Harmonization with the acquis during the candidacy negotiations with the European Union (EU) has been an important factor in taking this decision. The new CC studies were carried out on a very wide platform, and finally the draft was accepted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on November 2, 2001, and entered into force on January 1, 2002.

First Jewish Member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly: Samuel Abravaya Marmara

Osmanlı, bünyesi içinde yaşayan toplumu yani tebaayı bazı özelliklerine göre özellikle de dini inancına göre sınıflandırmıştır. Osmanlı Devleti çok farklı kıtadaki yönetimi altındaki insanları “Millet Sistemi” içerisinde bir arada tutmuştur. Millet sisteminde baz alınan ölçüt o toplumun ırkından ziyade dini inancı ön planda tutulmuş ve Müslüman olsun olmasın Osmanlı adaleti millet sistemi ile bütün Osmanlı milletine uygulanmıştır. Osmanlı, I. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında da dağılmış ve yerine Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kurularak din yapılı millet sisteminden, ırk bazlı vatandaş sistemine geçilmiştir. 
 Türkiye’de 1923’te Cumhuriyet ilan edilerek rejimin adı belli olmuştur. Bu kapsamda seçim yoluyla halkın kendi hür iradesiyle ülkeyi yönetecek mebusların millet meclisinde temsil edilmesi demokrasinin ana şartı olmuştur. Ülkedeki her kesimden insanın hür düşüncesinin savunulması ve farklı din ile ırka mensup vatandaşların da bu mecliste yer alması demokrasiyi daha da kuvvetlendirmiştir. Bu çerçevede Atatürk çok partili demokrasiyi desteklese 1930’da Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası’nın kendini feshetmesiyle ikinci deneme de başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmıştır. Çok partili adımlardan netice alamayan Atatürk, 1931’deki genel seçimlerden önce demokratik adımlardan vazgeçmeyerek Gayrı Müslim adaylar ile müstakil mebuslar politikasını uygulamıştır. Müstakil mebuslara iktidara kısmi güdümlü muhalefet rolü verilse de asıl amaç farklı duygu ve düşüncedeki Türkiye Cumhuriyeti vatandaşlarının mecliste temsil edilmesi hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışma Atatürk döneminde 1935 ve 1939 seçimlerinde Musevilerin temsilcisi olarak Niğde’den müstakil mebus olan Samuel Abravaya Marmaralı’nın hayatı ve faaliyetlerini kapsamaktadır.

Reflections of the Abolition of the Sultanate and the Caliphate in the Spanish Press

Türkiye’de imparatorluktan ulus-devlete geçiş sürecinin önemli iki gelişmesi; 1 Kasım 1922 tarihinde saltanatın ve 3 Mart 1924’te hilafetin kaldırılması, tüm dünyada olduğu gibi İspanya basınının da ilgisini çekmiştir. Gazeteler, bu kurumların tarihsel arka planını vermiş, saltanatın kaldırılmasıyla hilafetin kazandığı yeni konumu betimlemeye çalışmıştır. Egemenliğin TBMM tarafından kullanıldığı, dini gücün ise yine Meclis tarafından seçilmiş bir halife tarafından temsil edildiği bu yeni durum, basın tarafından İslami gelenekler ve Türkiye’nin Müslüman dünyasına yönelik politikaları bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir. Hilafetin kaldırılması ve son Halife Abdülmecid Efendi’nin sürgüne gönderilmesinin ardından tekrar gündeme yerleşen konu, İslam dünyasında yaratacağı dini-siyasi tepkiler, Müslüman sömürgeleri nedeniyle İngiltere ve Fransa siyasetine etkileri ve yeni Türk Devleti’nin devrimleri çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. İspanya basınının konuya yaklaşımı, gazetelerin siyasi duruşlarına göre farklılık göstermişse de hilafetin kaldırılmasına dair nihai değerlendirmesi, evrensel siyasi bir güç olarak Panislamizm’in sonlanması olmuştur. Hilafetin kaldırılmasına dair haber ve köşe yazıları İspanya kamuoyunun, Türkiye nezdinde Doğulu-Müslüman dünyasına dair oryantalist bakışını yansıtmıştır.

Bitlis Deputies and Their Activities in the The Republican Period According to the Archival Records of The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (1923–1950)

Bitlis, tarihi geçmişi ve kültürel değerleriyle Anadolu’nun önemli medeniyet merkezlerinden biridir. Bu nedenle şehrin tarihinin her dönemini araştırmak ve aydınlatmak hem Bitlis iline hem de “Tarih bilimine” önemli katkılar sunacaktır. Yerel tarih çalışmaları, bölgesel ve ulusal tarih çalışmalarına önemli kaynaklar ve faydalar sağlamaktadır. Tarih boyunca önemli bir yerleşim yeri olan Bitlis’in Cumhuriyet’in ilk yıllarından itibaren sahip olduğu siyasi yaşam alanının ve bu alanda siyaset yapan kadroların gayretleri toplumsal dönüşüm açısından büyük önem arz etmektedir. Bu çalışmayla Bitlis’in Cumhuriyet Dönemi siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel gelişim süreci, şehri temsil eden milletvekilleri ve yaptıkları faaliyetler çerçevesinde değerlendirmeyi amaçladık. Cumhuriyet döneminde ülke yönetimine egemen olan siyasi kadroların hem yerel hem de ulusal düzeyde hangi siyasal, sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel tabana dayandıklarının ortaya konulması önemlidir. Genel olarak ülkenin, yerel olarak temsil ettiği şehrin, planlanmış hedefler istikametinde ilerlemesi ve gelişmesi milletvekillerinin becerileriyle yakından alakalıdır. Bu çalışmada Bitlis ilini Cumhuriyet Döneminde (1923-1950) TBMM’de temsil eden milletvekillerinin özgeçmişi ve Meclis faaliyetleri araştırılarak, Bitlis’in bu dönemde TBMM’deki temsil durumu, seçilen kişiler, yapılan çalışmalar ve yaşanan olaylar incelenmiş olup şehrin siyasi ve toplumsal tarihi açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca milletvekillerinin bölgesel ve ulusal sorunları çözme konusundaki yaklaşımları ve faaliyetleri ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Arşiv kaynakları ışığında hazırlanan bu çalışmada, betimleyici yöntemsel yaklaşım benimsenmiş olup Cumhuriyet Döneminde Bitlis milletvekillerinin biyografileri ve meclis faaliyetleri kronolojik sıraya göre ayrıntılı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Milletvekillerinin özgeçmişlerine ait bilgilere TBMM Arşivinde yer alan sicil dosyaları, Tercümanı Hal Varakaları ve TBMM yayınları olan Türk Parlamento Tarihi (ilk 8 cilt) isimli kitaplardan ulaşılmıştır. Vekillerin seçim mazbataları yine TBMM arşivinden, Genel Kuruldaki çalışmalarına ise Zabıt Cerideleri taranarak elde edilmiştir. Milletvekillerinin diğer siyasi çalışmalarına ulaşmak için Cumhurbaşkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi’ndeki Bitlis ile ilgili elde edilen belgelerden yararlanılmıştır. Bu çalışmada arşiv kayıtlarından elde edilen belgeler ışığında milletvekillerinin biyografileri ve yaptıkları çalışmalar ortaya konulmuştur. Ayrıca literatür taraması yapılarak konumuza katkı sağlayacak diğer araştırma eserleri de incelenip makale oluşturulmuştur. Çalışma sonucunda Cumhuriyet Döneminde TBMM’de (TBMM 2-3-6-7-8. Dönemler) Bitlis’i 12 milletvekilinin temsil ettiği görülmüştür. Bu milletvekillerinden Muhittin Nami Bey (2. ve 3. Dönemler) ve Muhtar Ertan (7. ve 8. Dönemler) ikişer dönem vekillik yapmışlardır. Gelinen noktada ele alınan çalışma döneminde Bitlis milletvekilliği görevini ifa eden 10 faklı vekilin özgeçmişi ve meclis çalışmaları incelenmiştir.

Türkiye’de Siyasi Partiler Arası Rekabette Din-Devlet İlişkilerine Dair Tartışmalar: Millet Partisi Örneği

The Second World War had significant economic and political results for Turkey and the rest of the world. After 1945, Turkey abandoned the one-party system of government, switched to a multi-party-political system, and started to liberalize in the economic and political fields. In this process, adversaries occurred within the Republican People’s Party, the nation’s founding party, to reconstruct Turkey’s political system. Accordingly, the opponent groups formed new parties, first the Democratic Party and then the Nation Party. In this period, religion-state relations was reshaped in the light of new paradigms, and the strict secularism mentality adopted by the Republican regime was questioned. These shifts affected the discourses of political parties so that each party repositioned itself towards religion. This study aims to discuss the policies of the Nation Party, which has developed new and original discourses in the context of religion-state relations and secularism. It also reveals the points where it differs from the other two parties. The issue of the study is related to an early period of multi-party system in Turkey. Therefore, analyzing the policies of the Nation Party, which was able to offer very liberal and radical proposals at such an earlier period, around the debates in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, will make significant contributions to Turkish political history.

A Content Analysis of the Audit (Regularity) Reports with Regards to the Turkish Court of Accounts’ Audit Findings: State Universities 2013–2018

The Turkish Court of Accounts’ regularity reports released after the audits of the public universities conducted in 2012–2018 covering 87% of them in total (103 public universities in 2012 and 129 in 2018) were examined in terms of their compliance with the international audit standards set by INTOSAI. No university name is mentioned in the report. Our goal is to understand the audit findings and draw university administrators’ attention to the findings. Although the Turkish Court of Accounts classified its audit findings as “affecting the audit opinion” and “not affecting the audit opinion”, the audit opinion did not change, which does not match the INTOSAI international audit standards. The Turkish Court of Accounts neither gave an adverse audit opinion nor issued a disclaimer of opinion. The Turkish Court of Accounts is observed to audit the public universities on a continuous basis and at a high rate. In line with the international audit standards, the audit reports were found to require a qualified opinion of 50.7% and an unqualified (positive) opinion of 49.3%. Especially in 2017, 76.2% of the institutions should have been given qualified audit reports. On average, 69.37% of the audited institutions had findings that did not affect the audit opinion, and 49.81% had findings that affected the audit opinion. Some of the audit findings fit in with the description of fraud. The findings that may fall within the scope of error and fraud are not even classified. The number of institutions with audit findings has increased over the years, which reveals that neither the findings are understood properly nor the due attention is paid to them. It was determined that the regularity audit reports do not comply with the continuity, consistency and full disclosure principles, among the fundamental principles of accounting. The fact that the Turkish Court of Accounts shares all audit reports with the public is an indicator of its transparency and impartiality. The Turkish Court of Accounts performs an important task on behalf of Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM), and it is an institution that everyone needs. The Turkish Court of Accounts should not be weakened. However, the Court must distinguish between classification, consistency, error and fraud, and to reflect its opinion accordingly. It must also follow the INTOSAI audit opinion standards.

The Concept of Democracy in the Policies and Discourses of the Republican People's Party (RPP) in the 1946 Elections

In this study, the policies of the Republican People's Party (RPP) in the general and local elections held in 1946, the discourses of party members and party supporters were discussed in the context of the concept of “democracy,” and their effects on domestic politics were searched. First of all, external and internal factors that were effective in Turkey's multi-party system were discussed. In this context, the victory of the democracy front in the World War II, the signing of the United Nations Constitution, and the necessity to take measures against the increasing Soviet threat caused Turkey to turn its face to the West. All these external factors signaled the democratic steps that would take place in Turkey in the years following 1945. In addition, the socio-economic problems experienced before and after the war, the pressures of the RPP government, and the extreme dissatisfaction of the people due to all these reasons made the political system be bound to change. In addition to these problems, the disagreements in the RPP regarding the “The Land Distribution Law”, “Budget Proposed Law” and the “Memorandum of the Four,” which caused great debates in domestic politics, were mentioned. As a result of those as mentioned above external and internal factors, how Turkey turned into a multi-party system was mentioned, and in this context, the establishment of the Democrat Party (DP) and the expectations and discourses of the RPP about this party were discussed. Afterward, the effects of the II. RPP Extraordinary Congress, which had a great impact on domestic politics, were mentioned. In this congress, RPP also decided to hold the general election earlier than planned, together with the local election. With the early elections, the RPP wanted to show the world public opinion that the system was democratic and tried to preserve the current one-party rule by preventing opposition parties from getting stronger. The study has an important and unique quality in terms of showing that democracy could not be fully adopted due to the policies and discourses of the RPP and that it could not find an applicable area within the one-party system. The main purpose of the research was to include the politics of domination that the RPP was trying to establish on the DP and the entire state system, by addressing the anti-democratic discourses and political steps of the RPP. The literature review method was used in the research, and archival sources constituted most of the research. In this context, the RPP's policies on democracy in the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and supporters of the party were investigated by analyzing the important national and local newspapers of the period, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), and political party minutes, party programs and election manifestos. The study has revealed that the RPP's policies regarding the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and party supporters were incompatible with the concept of democracy and that this concept could not be assimilated. Especially what happened in the general election has caused this election to be remembered as a “shady election” in Turkish political history. As a result of the events that took place in both elections, it has been understood that the RPP was trying to maintain its position in the state with its traditional, tutelary one-party understanding of democracy rather than trying to maintain the multi-party democratic system.

BAŞKUMANDANLIK KANUNU HAKKINDA TBMM'NDE YAŞANAN TARTIŞMALAR

Absract: In order to meet the needs of the army and to lead the war, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) adopted the “Law of the Commander-in-Chief” on 5 August 1921. With this law, the TGNA gave some of its powers to Mustafa Kemal Pasha for a period of three months. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who published the "Tekalif-i Milliye Emirleri: National obligation orders " based on this authority, prepared the army for war. In this way, the Battle of Sakarya was won and the Greek attack was repelled. With the effect of this victory, the first two extensions of the Commander-in-Chief Law were accepted without any discussion in the TGNA. However, as a result of the grouping in the TGNA, the issue of extending the term of the Commander-in-Chief for the third time caused long discussions in the Assembly. In the voting held on 4-6 May 1922, the extension of the deadline was accepted with difficulty. The issue of the fourth extension of the period was brought to the agenda at the meeting of the Assembly on 20 July 1922. Mustafa Kemal Pasha stated that the army was in good condition and stated that there was no need for the extraordinary authorizations given to the Commander-in-Chief. In the negotiations, it was accepted that the TGNA would assign Mustafa Kemal Pasha as the Commander-in-Chief, with a "temporary" condition and without specifying the time period. The War of Independence ended with the victory of the administration of the Commander-in-Chief. In the article, the reasons for the adoption of the Law on the Commander-in-Chief, the adoption of the law and the subsequent time extension will be discussed in detail. TGNA Parliamentary Minutes, TGNA Secret Session Minutes, archive documents, memoirs and other research works will be used. The research is based on a descriptive survey model. In this study, document analysis method was used.

PARLAMENTODA TÜRK KADININ SİYASAL TEMSİL TARİHİ (1935-1980)

While women constitute half of the world's population and electorate, many countries of the world are not adequately represented in political institutions and this creates the problem of equality. In order to talk about a real democracy and to ensure social development, the active participation of women in political representation and decision-making processes, on an equal basis with men, is of vital importance. The process of women gaining equal social and political rights with men intensified in the late 19th century. The first movement on women's rights in Turkish society was with the Tanzimat Edict of 1839, and although some rights were given to women in the Ottoman Empire, which engaged in innovation movements, it is seen that Turkish women were given the social and political rights they deserved in the first years of the Republic. Women who were granted the right to be elected to the Municipality in 1930 and to the village headman and committees in 1933; The right to elect and be elected as a deputy was given on 5 December 1934. While the representation rate of women, who won the power of representation in the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the 1935 elections, compared to male deputies in the parliament, was 4.5%, there was no such increase in the 45-year period until the September 12, 1980 coup, even below it. In the study, the adventure of women's political representation in the parliament from 1935 to 1980 will be presented on the basis of the political environment of the period.

Evaluation of E-mail Accounts Used in Public Institutions in Turkey Within the Scope of Personal Data

Magna Carta in 1215 and 1789 from the French Revolution in parallel to globalization of human rights all over the world to this day and the state based on the rule of law and forms of government have improved. Therefore, the importance of individual human rights has increased alongside the community rights. The Internet has emerged as a closed circuit in which the computer is connected to withstand up to 1960. The first day, this day of information systems that have manifested themselves in all areas of human existence and has been an integral part of human existence. Knowledge is one of the most important values of modern life. Every day, government agencies and private organizations collect, store, process and transfer significant amounts of data about individuals. This is a natural reflection of the situation has been in government. Protection of personal data is a right of individuals against unauthorized use of their data by other persons or organizations. Especially after 2002 indicate the presence of public institutions in Turkey as well as to offer their digital services to citizens in both. Personal Data related to the establishment of this right The Law on the Protection of the Conservation was passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 24, 2016. has been enacted. One of the most used services offered by the staff of public institutions and staff to their email. In our study, government extension and content of the person's own e-mail account does not belong to the state providing services it has been examined in the light of the Law on the Protection of Personal Data in Turkey and international regulations in this field.
 
 Received: 11 August 2021 / Accepted: 7 January 2022 / Published: 5 March 2022

Armenians in Turkish politics and parliament (1923-1946)

There is a long and complicated history between Turks and Armenians. Armenians have consistently found a place for themselves in business, the economy, society, and government. Before the Constitutional Monarchy, Armenians began to participate actively in the governmental structure throughout the Ottoman Empire and attained a variety of high posts, including ministerial positions. After the Constitutional Monarchy, they were represented in the parliament by a sizable number of lawmakers as well as by employees and ministers. After the Turkish Republic was established, the same condition persisted. Armenian representatives have served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly from the beginning of the Turkish parliament. Atatürk also allocated quotas for the minorities for their deputies and allowed them to enter the parliament. In this article, you will find the activities of the deputy and parliamentary Armenian citizens who served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923-1946.

Foreign Policy Making Process in The Turkish Grand National Assembly (1920-1923)

Bu çalışma, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nin Nisan 1920- Nisan 1923 arasındaki süreyi kapsayan birinci dönemindeki dış politika yapım süreçlerine odaklanmaktadır. Tarihyazımında Birinci Meclis olarak anılan bu meclisin en önemli görevi kuşkusuz Millî Mücadele’yi zafere taşımaktı. Bu sebeple, Ankara’nın yürüttüğü dış politika da savaşın gidişatında önemli bir alanı oluşturmaktaydı. Buradan hareketle bu makale, Birinci Meclis çatısı altında Ankara hükümetinin yürüttüğü diplomasinin mecliste ne şekilde tartışıldığını analiz edip meclisin hangi noktalara özellikle önem atfettiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Birinci Meclis, milletvekillerinin kompozisyonu ve meclis hükümeti sisteminin yapısı itibariyle tarihimizde dinamik ve aynı zamanda içinde birçok tartışmanın yaşandığı bir meclis olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Çalışma, dış politika alanının bu tartışmalardan azade olmadığını, aksine bu alanın meclis içi tartışmalarda önemli yer tuttuğunu göstermektedir. Bu noktada araştırmanın özellikle ortaya koymak istediği üç husus bulunmaktadır. Birincisi, Birinci Meclis’te milletvekillerinin dış politika meselelerini ciddi bir biçimde tartıştığı ve genel olarak siyasette daha küçük bir grup tarafından yönlendirildiği düşünülen dış politika alanında meclisin tamamının aktif görüş bildirdiğidir. Makalenin ortaya koyduğu ikinci husus, meclisin dış politikaya aktif katılımının dönemin olağan dışı şartlarına ek olarak siyasal sistemin kendisi ile yakından ilgili olduğudur. Bir başka deyişle, meclis hükümeti sistemi yasamayı diğer erklerin üzerinde tuttuğundan dış politika yapımı da – diğer alanlara benzer biçimde - milletvekilleri ve icra vekilleri heyeti arasında bir yetki mücadelesine dönüşmüştür. Makalenin altını çizdiği üçüncü husus da dış politikanın meclis içinde bulunan farklı gruplar arasındaki güç mücadelesinden ayrı tutulamayacağıdır. Tartışmaların içeriği ve tarafları bu durumu da özetler niteliktedir.

Urfa Milletvekili Yahya Kemal Beyatlı’nın TBMM’deki Faaliyetleri

Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türk Edebiyatı’nda iz bırakmış yazarlardan birisi olan Yahya Kemal Beyatlı, Osmanlı Devleti’nin yıkılma döneminde dünyaya gelmiş ve Cumhuriyetin ilk elli sekiz yılında yaşamıştır. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşları, I. Dünya Savaşı gibi Türk tarihinin önemli dönemlerine tanıklık eden Beyatlı, Kurtuluş Savaşı döneminde İleri, Tevhid-i Efkâr, Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, gazeteleriyle Dergâh Mecmuasında Milli Mücadeleye destek veren yazılar yayınlanmıştır. 1922 yılında kısa bir süre içinde olsa Ankara’ya bulunan Beyatlı, yine aynı yıl Lozan Heyet-i Murahhasası’na Müşavir olarak atanmış ve 1923 tarihinde TBMM’nin oluşturulması için yapılan seçimlerde, Urfa milletvekili seçilmiştir. Çalışmada; Türk Edebiyatı’nın önemli isimlerinden Yahya Kemal Beyatlı’nın yazarlığının yanı sıra TBMM’nde Urfa milletvekili olarak seçilmesi ve mecliste bulunduğu dönem yapmış olduğu çalışmalar literatür taraması yapılarak akademik çerçevede aktarılmaya çalışılıp, ”Tarama Modeli” ile incelendi. Araştırmanın sonucunda; Beyatlı, Mecliste; İrşad, Maarif, Kütüphane ve Hariciye Komisyonlarında görev almıştır. 1925’te Fransızlarla yapılan “Türkiye Suriye arasındaki sınırların düzeltilmesi” görüşmelerine delege olarak gönderilmiş, görüşmelerdeki başarılısı nedeniyle 1926 tarihinde Varşova Elçiliğine atanınca, Şanlıurfa Milletvekilliğinden 23 Mayıs 1926 tarihinde ayrılmıştır.

Banka veya Kredi Kartlarının Kötüye Kullanılması Suçunda 5377 Sayılı Yasayla Yapılan Değişikliğin Değerlendirilmesi (Evaluation of the Amendment Made by Law No. 5377 in the Crime of Misuse of Bank or Credit Cards)

Turkish Abstract: 1 Haziran 2005 tarihinde yururluge giren 5237 sayili yeni TCK, hizli hazirlanis surecinde sikca elestirilmesini hakli cikarir bicimde, “sonradan!” gorulen aksakliklar nedeniyle hemen degistirilmeye baslanmistir. 29.06.2005 tarihli ve 5377 sayili yasa TCK’da degisiklik yapan ilk yasa olma unvanini bu kadar kisa bir surede elde etmistir. Bu yasa Cumhurbaskani’nin 03.06.2005 tarihli tezkeresi ile “degisiklik yasasinin 3. maddesiyle, 5237 sayili TCK’nin 13. maddesine eklenen 2. fikra ve degisiklik yasasinin 29. maddesiyle degistirilen 5237 sayili TCK’nin 263. maddesi” gerekce gosterilerek bir daha gorusulmek uzere TBMM’ye geri gonderilmis ancak yasa meclis genel kurulunda yeterli cogunlukla aynen kabul edildigi icin Cumhurbaskani tarafindan imzalanmis ve Resmi Gazetede yayinlanarak yururluge girmistir. English Abstract: The new TCK numbered 5237, which entered into force on 1 June 2005, was immediately started to be changed due to the later problems, justifying its frequent criticism during the rapid preparation process. The dated 29.06.2005 and numbered 5377 has achieved the title of being the first to amend the TCK in such a short time. This is based on the President's license dated 03.06.2005. With the 3rd article of the amendment law, the 2nd paragraph added to the 13th article of the TCK numbered 5237 and the 263th article of the TCK numbered 5237 amended by the 29th article of the amendment law It was sent back to the Turkish Grand National Assembly to be discussed again, but the was signed by the President of the Republic, since it was accepted by a sufficient majority in the general assembly of the parliament and entered into force after being published in the Official Gazette.

Türkiye’de Yasama Ombudsmanının Kamusal Uyuşmazlıkların Çözümünde Arabulucu Fonksiyonu

Bu makale Türkiye’de yasama ombudsmanının kamusal uyuşmazlıkların çözülmesindeki rolüne odaklanarak kamu kurumları ve vatandaşlar arasındaki arabulucu fonksiyonunu incelemektedir. 2012 yılında Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’ne bağlı olarak kurulmasından itibaren Kamu Denetçiliği Kurumu 80,535 kamusal uyuşmazlığı çözüme kavuşturmuştur. Ombudsmanın arabulucu fonksiyonu literatürde göz ardı edilmesine ve kurumun daha çok idari fonksiyonuna odaklanılmasına rağmen Türkiye örneği arabuluculuk yöntemlerinin uygulanmasının kurumun uyuşmazlık çözüm kapasitesini artırdığını göstermektedir. Arabuluculuk yöntemlerinin kurumun uyuşmazlık çözüm kapasitesini artırmadaki fonksiyonunu daha iyi anlamak amacıyla bu makale dostane çözüm yöntemi olarak adlandırılan ve 2017 yılından itibaren Kamu Denetçiliği Kurumu tarafından uygulanan arabuluculuk yöntemiyle çözülen 1003 uyuşmazlığı ampirik olarak analiz etmektedir. Bu çalışma, arabuluculuk yöntemlerinin kısıtlı olsa da taraflar arasındaki etkileşimi artırarak ombudsmanın uyuşmazlık çözüm kapasitesine olumlu katkı yaptığını ortaya koymaktadır.