Turkish Army Research Articles

1974 – The transformation of “Cyprus dispute”

One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.

О политике Турции по укреплению своего присутствия на северных территориях Сирии

Turkey is one of the most active participants of the Syrian conflict that broke out in 2011. Among the priorities proclaimed by Ankara is the preservation of security and stability on the long Turkish-Syrian frontier that are under a long-term threat posed by the Syrian offshoots of the Kurdi-stan Workers' Party (PKK) recognized by Ankara as a terrorist organization. The article attempts to review and analyze the steps taken by Ankara to socially and economically restore the territories where the Turkish army, together with the armed Syrian opposition, held operations Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, and Source of Peace (2016–2019) and which, in actual fact, remain occupied. The author concludes that in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict and uncertainty around the political process to resolve the situation in the country, Turkey is carrying out systematic, compre-hensive work to expand its influence in the Northern Syrian territories which is not always approved by the local population. Close historical and geographical ties between the peoples of the two states, a unifying factor of Islamic faith and Muslim values have become one of the prerequisite for Anka-ra's “successful” policy in the north of Syria.

Determination of historical graves by ground penetrating radar method: Sakarya Field Battle (August 23 – September 13, 1921, Turkey)

ABSTRACT The Sakarya Field Battle was the last phase of the forward operation of the Greek Asia Minor Army, which started at the end of March 1921. Although there are contradictory numbers regarding the losses of the parties in the Sakarya Field Battle in the literature, it is generally accepted that the Turkish Army lost 5,713 martyrs. The Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) method was applied to determine the accuracy of findings observed on the surface and to determine burial sites. Geophysical anomalies were detected in 2D profiles from the obtained results. It was determined that the Turkish side buried the martyrs in east-west direction, depending on their religious traditions. The detected anomalies were evaluated in two and three dimensions and the boundaries of the burial areas and the approximate depths of the burials were obtained. The results obtained from data processing techniques showed that the GPR method is suitable for determining the locations of historical graves on battlefields. The new martyrs found as a result of the studies are thought to be soldiers whose fate was unknown, recorded as ‘missing’ in the records.

The Great War of the Postcards

This article examines the functions and the significance of picture postcards during World War I, with particular reference to the war in the Ottoman Lands and the Balkans, or involving the Turkish Army in Galicia. After the principal types of Kriegspostkarten – sentimental, humorous, propaganda, and artistic postcards (Künstlerpostkarten) – have been presented, the different theatres of war (Balkans, Galicia, Middle East) and their characteristic features as they are reflected on postcards are dealt with. The piece also includes aspects such as the influence of Orientalism, the problem of fake views, and the significance and the impact of photographic postcards, portraits, and photo cards. The role of postcards in book illustrations is demonstrated using a typical example (F. C. Endres, Die Türkei (1916)). The specific features of a collection of postcards left by a German soldier who served in Turkey, Syria, and Iraq during World War I will be presented at the end of this article.

РОССИЙСКО-ТУРЕЦКОЕ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В СОВРЕМЕННУЮ ЭПОХУ

Russian-Turkish military-political cooperation is expressed in the provision of military assistance to the Middle East from Russia and Turkey. Joint military cooperation between the two powers in resolving the situation in Syria also took place. The purchase by Turkey of the Russian S-400 Triumph anti-aircraft missile system contributed to the discontent of the leadership of NATO and the NATO countries, including over the purchase by Turkey of the S-400 air defense system. Opinions of Western and Russian experts on the deployment of the Russian military S-400 system in Turkey differ. The imposition of US sanctions against the Republic of Turkey demonstrates NATO's commitment to double standards. The acquisition of the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system is associated with the need to protect the airspace of Turkey from terrorist attacks, as well as with Turkey's desire to create its own national military missile system. The sharp reaction of the United States and NATO to Turkey's purchase of an anti-aircraft missile system from China ended with a ban on the import of fifth-generation F-35 fighters into Turkey. All this contributes to strengthening the military power of the Turkish army in the fight against terrorism, since the effectiveness of the S-400 missile system in the modern world is known. The steps taken by Turkey in the geopolitical world, including the beginning of close military cooperation between Russia and Turkey in the Middle East, speaks of the disagreement between Turkey and Russia with the unipolarity of the world. The attempts at rapprochement between Russia and Turkey since the times of the Russian and Ottoman empires and the attempt at rapprochement between the two powers in the 20th century speaks of the independent foreign policy of Russia and Turkey.

Ordu Yerel Basınında Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı

Domination struggles took place in various periods between the peoples of Cyprus, whose history dates back to the first era. One of these struggles took place in the 1900's, that is recently. In 1974, the Greek Government and the terrorist organization EOKA, which claimed rights on the island, provoked the Greek people living on the island in order to ensure the annexation of Cyprus to Greece within the framework of the idea of "Megali Idea", that is, the establishment of Great Greece. A peace operation was organized by the Turkish army to protect the Turkish Cypriots against the Greeks who were armed and tried to send the Turks from the island with the massacres they caused to survive, and to fulfill the duty of guarantors in accordance with the Zurich Treaty. The development named as 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation in world history; is the war that have most effective results which recently performed by Turkish Republic. It is also one of the most important developments which followed with interest in the world and all over the country. Newspapers are resources that can be used to read the public's viewpoints on developments and to be used in local history studies. News compiled from newspapers are materials that can be analyzed within the scope of the research subject, and the historical processes of developments. The local press, which has an important role in the formation of local public opinion, plays an important role as the national press and reveals the attitude of the city where it was published against the developments. On the one hand, it ensures that the people of the city where it was published are aware of the developments, on the other hand, it has been effective in forming public opinion. In this study one of the important developments in the history of the local press of Turkey, the two newspapers which were published with high circulation during the Cyprus Peace Operation in Ordu where the first village newspaper was published, were used as sources. Thus the approach of Ordu local press and Ordu public opinion towards Cyprus Peace Operation was tried to be revealed. It was aimed to contribute to local history studies as it was a work that had not been done before. As a result of the research, it was determined that the public opinion formed by Ordu local press in Ordu province was revealed and it was determined that the interest and support at the local level was very high on the Cyprus Peace Operation.

Concepts for the implementation of a technological platform for the production of specific antidotes for CBRN medical protection

"Abstract: All large armies (EU and/or NATO) have pharmaceutical production facilities to provide the necessary antidotes for the troops and the population: The French Army Medical Directorate produces many military-specific pharmaceutical products in its own laboratory, the Turkish Army owns its own medicines factory, including CBRN antidotes, the US Army, in addition to a sustained drug purchase program in the pharmaceutical industry has launched a new concept: Pharmacy on demand. Providing the armed forces with antidotes is a necessity, the concept for their endowement in this sense can be based on imports (sometimes impossible to achieve) or on the national development of a specialized production structure. The design or construction of a specific production capacity for antidotes can be accomplished on multiple variants, with a complexity proportional to the identified need. The total costs are high, but the objective and implementation of effective antidote supply mechanisms is a security guarantee for the armed forces and the civilian population (through commercialization to allied forces), given the risks of terrorist threats and hybrid warfare. Keywords: medical protection, antidote, production, technological platform, medical countermeasures, pharmaceutical technique, orphan drug production "

The Trebizond Operation through the Eyes of Turkish Historians

This year marks the 105th anniversary of the operation conducted during the First World War: during this operation Russian troops, after a series of successful actions on land and at sea, captured the Black Sea port of Trebizond (today Trabzon). The capture of Trebizond helped to improve the basic conditions of the Black Sea Fleet and enabled an unimpeded delivery of reinforcements by sea to the right flank of the Russian army in the Caucasus. As a result, the Russian empire was close to establishing control over a significant part of the Ottoman Turkey’s territory. In the aftermath of the operation, the local Muslim population left Trebizond together with the Turkish army. The Russians, who entered the city without a fight, set for the transforming the city in their own way. Turkish historians, using the material of the Ottoman, Russian, and foreign periodicals, as well as archival documents, have studied in detail the intricacies of the Russians stay in the city, revealing also the damage caused by the war to the cultural and historical heritage of the region. This article provides a brief analysis of selected Turkish studies dedicated to the 100th and 105th anniversary of the Trebizond operation. It also discusses the issue of war refugees and the activities of Russian scientists, who were engaged in the collection of historical monuments in Trebizond during the war.

Consecration of the socio-political process in the periodical publications of turkestan in the xx century

It is to show that the image of the Ottoman state was formed through the Turkestan press during the reign of the Russian Empire. Turkestan periodicals regularly publish articles and reports published abroad. The political developments in Turkey have been closely followed. In particular, the processes related to the coming to power of young Turks in 1908, changes in the Turkish army, various wars are given special attention. It is also noted that the spread of ideas of pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism and that this is extremely dangerous for Turkestan. Sociopolitical processes in Turkey in the early twentieth century, the activities of young Turks in Turkey, party struggles in the country, as well as the attitude of the European community to the leadership of the “Unity and Development” party in the political process were widely covered in Turkestan periodicals. It was also noted in the Western media that the interpretation of these processes was covered without a full understanding of the political activities of young Turks.

Kaza Mitrovica 1889-1900

Kaza Mitrovica was part of the Priština Sandžak of the Kosovo vilayet until its liberation in the First Balkan War. Period from the opening of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština in 1889 until 1900 was marked by numerous murders and oppressions throughout Old Serbia, which did not skip Mitrovica. This situation deviated from the position of the city, which was located at the crossroads and at the end of the railway, whose starting point was Thessaloniki. In addition, Mitrovica was connected by road to neighboring towns, Novi Pazar, Peć and Priština, via Vučitrn. Thanks to that, it developed rapidly, the influx of inhabitants was higher and it represented the center of the northwestern part of the province of Kosovo. The newly arrived population in Mitrovica consisted of muhajirs fleeing Bosnia and Serbia, as well as Serbs who came from Metohija and other parts of Old Serbia due to violence. Also, numerous craftsmen and merchants settled in search of work and a better life. The city was the seat of a strong military garrison of the Turkish army, which did not react to prevent the tyranny of the Arbanas. On the contrary, the representatives of the civil and military authorities, in order to maintain an apparent peace, often negotiated with the greatest oppressors among the Arbanas. The relationship between the authorities and the villains was reflected on the Serb population of Mitrovica, which was exposed to various atrocities. The only help was provided by the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, while the representatives of the authorities, from local to district, usually remained silent. This attitude of the Turkish authorities towards the crimes led to general insecurity and unrest among Serbs, who emigrated in large numbers to Serbia.

НАХИЧЕВАНСКАЯ ОБЛАСТЬ В КОНТЕКСТЕ МОСКОВСКОГО ДОГОВОРА И РУССКО–ТУРЕЦКО АЗЕРБАЙДЖАНСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ 1920-1921 ГГ.

NAKHIJEVAN REGION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE TREATY OF MOSCOW AND OF THE RUSSIAN–TURKISH–AZERBAIJANIAN RELATIONS IN 1920-1921 As it was necessary for the Kemalist Turkey to abolish the results of the Treaty of Sèvres, it came to an understanding with the Soviet Russia and gained assistance of its Red Army. Thus, the Turkish detachments returned into Nakhijevan on July 28, 1920, though they were driven out of it earlier by the forces of the Republic of Armenia. The latter one agreed to consider this district a "contestable" territory and adopted the deployment of the Bolshevik Army in it. Taking into account the fatal course of the Turkish-Armenian War of 1920, the official Yerevan did not reject on October 28 the future referendum in Nakhijevan; and the RSFSR accepted the unshakeable right of Armenia in regard to this district. However, the Alexandropol Treaty was signed on December 2, and the Republic of Armenia referred a conduct of referendum and control over the whole area to the Turkish Army. This Treaty deprived Armenia of the sovereign rights regarding Nakhijevan. Subsequent stubbornness of Turkey, together with its contribution to the Sovietization of Azerbaijan, produced the Treaty of Moscow, signed on March 16/18, 1921. This transaction grossly violated the international law and without participance of the third party – independent, though sovietized but mutinous Armenia, had transferred trusteeship over Nakhijevan to Azerbaijan. On October 13, 1921, Armenia got a tiny territorial cession, sanctioned the Treaty of Kars and recognized the new status of Nakhijevan.

Participation of the Turkish Military in the Economy of the State: Case of Indirect Praetorionism

Based on the example of the Turkish military’s involvement in the country’s economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country’s economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country’s business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country’s economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country’s economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.

ASTROLOGY, ASTRONOMY, AND MEDICINE IN HAMDANIDS

Abbâsîlerin merkezden uzak şehirler üzerindeki siyasî otoritesinin zayıflaması, X. asırdan itibaren Musul ve Halep gibi köklü kültürel ve ilmî geçmişe sahip şehirlerin yerel emirlerin eline geçmesi ile sonuçlanmıştır. Hamdânîler, Abbâsîlerin bu zaafından faydalanarak Musul ve Halep gibi şehirleri ele geçirmiş, buralardaki kültürel ve ilmî mirası da devam ettirerek daha ileri bir aşamaya taşımışlardır. Hamdânîler ile birlikte Musul ve Halep’te pozitif ve dinî ilimler yeni bir ivme kazanmış ve söz konusu ilimlerin ilerlemesi için de Hamdânî emirleri hediye ve maaşlar ile teşviklerde bulunmuşlardır.

The Turkish army at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s: from left-wing conspiracy to right-wing coup

This is the first paper in Russian historiography dedicated to the struggle of left and right groups in the Turkish army on the eve of a military coup on March 12, 1971. By 1970, an alliance of leftist intellectuals and officers was formed, led by the editor of the Devrim newspaper, Dogan Avjioglu and one of the organizers of the 1960 coup, a retired lieutenant general Jemal Madanoglu, received the conditional name of the organization of national revolutionaries. The members of the organization sought to approve the socialist system of the bassist type in the country and outlined the number of military coups March 9, 1971. However, the death of one and the opportunist position of two other leaders of the military wing led to the failure of the attempt of a leftist coup. On the contrary, on March 12, 1971, a right-wing military coup took place in Turkey. In the course of subsequent repressions, a powerful blow was dealt to the left groups in the army and in Turkish society as a whole. In an effort to end the repression and achieve consensus in society, moderately leftist forces led by B. Ejevit entered into a coalition with their opponents religious conservatives led by N. Erbakan.

REMEMBERING A MASSACRE: HOW DID THE RISE OF ORAL HISTORY AS A METHODOLOGY IMPROVE DERSIM STUDIES?

Dersim, an eastern province of Turkey whose name was changed to Tunceli by a 1935 law and whose borders were redefined for spatial control in the early Republican period, witnessed a bloody massacre executed by the Turkish army in 1937–1938. The massacre has become a “secret” over the course of time, and even critical Turkish literature has refrained from discussing the role of the Turkish state in it until recently. This paper aims to scrutinize the rise of oral history as a methodology used to study the Dersim massacre. In this paper, based on a review of the literature, the author argues that starting in the 1990s a new current using primarily oral sources has appeared.

Buna u Donjim Vasojevićima 1898. godine

The Serb population in Donji Vasojevići was all the more frequently exposed to attacks by Muslims and Arbanasi from Bihor, Rožaj and Rugova who had always mowed their meadows, looted their livestock, took away the crops and all their movable property. The Arbanasi from Rugova often attacked individual villages, and Turkish authorities in Berane did not want to protect them, but arrested individual leaders of Donji Vasojevići. In 1897 Arbanasi managed to kill several members of the Pantović family from Police (hamlet of Goražde). However, the Pantovićs did not forget this but rather took double revenge in May 1898. They first killed two Arbanasi from Rožaje, and three days later, two Rugovians, ox-cart men who were moving from Bijelo Polje to Berane. This served as an occasion for the Arbanasi and Muslim leaders to prepare a new and even stronger attack on the Serb population in Donji Vasojevići. According to an earlier agreement between the Rugovians, Rožajans and Bihorians, the attack on Donji Vasojevići began on May 31 in the villages on the right of the river Lim. During the first two days of the battle, the villages of Donji Vasojevići on the right side of the river Lim were burned: Luge, Petnjik, Dapsiće, Budimlje, the Polič villages, most of Donja Ržanica, Rovca, Kaludra and Zagorje. After receiving help of 3,000 Arnaut bashi-bazouk troops and two battalions of the standing Turkish army, on the fifth day of battles (June 4), the Turkish army launched actions on Serb villages on the left bank of the river Lim, as well as their sanctuary, The Tracts of Saint George Monastery /Djurdjevi Stupovi/. The soldiers planned to set fire to the Monastery and the school. Despite its numerical superiority and persistence, the enemy failed to achieve their goal. Through the heroic struggle, the detainees stopped their assaults, causing them great losses. The Arbanasi and the Turkish authorities who had helped them were terrified with this defeat, so they rushed and immediately the next day, June 7, asked the Serbs for peace, referring the request of the Sultan himself. The events in Donji Vasojevići worried Montenegro and Serbia. The Serbian MP in Constantinople, Stojan Novaković, was in constant contact with the Montenegrin MP M. Bakić and the Russian Consul Zinovjev. These are the three diplomats who mediated the most with the Sublime Port, thus contributing to replace the conflicts with diplomatic negotiations. The Serbian and Montenegrin governments and their authorities did their best to present the position of the Orthodox population in Donji Vasojevići to the world public.

Eskişehir İstiklâl Mahkemesi Karar Defterine Geçmiş Bazı Suç Çeşitleri

It was on 23 April 1920 that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was founded. During those days, the country was under big internal and external threats. The external threat was that most parts of the country were occupied by the Entente States. Another aspect of the issue, equally dangerous with external threat, was internal threat. Internal threat was coming from the rebellions in various regions of Anatolia, where such actions were desired to be turned out to be a civil war with the support of the Entente States. Thus a very serious national security weakness appeared in Anatolia. The banditry and brigandage cases became uncontrollable. Especially military deserters played a major role in the formation of such turmoil and insecure environment. The army suffered serious deserting problems. Turkish army, which had already been made of only main staff due to the agreement of the armistice of Montrose, was bleeding with these escapes. A serious amount of the banditry and brigandage cases belonged to military deserters. Turkish Assembly enacted some laws related to internal security to resolve this problem. However, these laws could not give the desired results for the solution of problems related to internal security and especially military deserters. In the end, the Assembly made a Law on Military Deserters on 11th September 1920, which also paved the way to the establishment of Independence Courts. Following this development, the Assembly established the 1st Term Independence Courts of Independence War to enact the mentioned Law. One of these Courts established was in Eskisehir. The current study aimed to determine some crime types written in the agreement book of Independence Court in Eskisehir. In the study, considering the conditions of the period, it was also aimed to contribute, to some extent, to perception of crime sociology of the period.

The Armenian Legionnaires: Sacrifice and Betrayal in World War I by Pattie Susan Paul (review)

REVIEWS 181 appears as a backdrop for the symbolic and material deprivation of both the working class and local urban policy-makers, and for the concurrent victory of market capitalism and the factory owner, who had returned from the age of iron and steam in full glory. It looked like history had come full circle. I would have hoped for a wider discussion of the facets of modernity in terms of structural crisis, with more topographic and historical examples of its development — for example, the city’s living conditions, urban planning and economy. The case studies here seem dominated by a concept of modernity epitomized by politics and social turmoil, which is also at odds with the data presented in one of the figures (p. 268). I also wonder how, and if, the structural crisis of ‘heavy modernity’, which led to the demise of industrial jobs and the gradual disappearance of a modernizing aspiration, was conceptualized at ground level in homogenous socialist hubs. Such questions do not, however, undermine the numerous merits of this book, such as its persuasive argumentation, carefully chosen caesura and citations and, last but not least, the exceptional history of the city itself. Department of History P. Perkowski University of Gdańsk Pattie, Susan Paul. The Armenian Legionnaires: Sacrifice and Betrayal in World War I. With a chapter by Varak Ketsemanian. I. B. Tauris, London and New York, 2018. xxii + 266 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Timeline. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. £25.00. Between 2014 and 2018, there was an avalanche of publications and commemorative events surrounding participants in the First World War and its bloody aftermath. This book is part history, part collection of documents, part celebration of the heroism of the men who joined the Armenian legion, loosely tied to both British and French forces during the war. The men of this unit fought in Palestine, helping to break the last elements of Ottoman resistance in September 1918. Some of them wound up attached to French occupying forces in Cilicia after the Armistice. There they helped Armenians who tried to rebuild their communities and their lives after the genocide of 1915–16. The tragedy of this story is that by siding with the British and the French, the Armenian Legionnaires took the brunt of Turkish hostility to the imperial carve up of their country. The Treaty of Sèvres, signed in August 1920, created the Republic of Armenia in the north and placed Cilicia under French control. For Armenians, linking the two, possibly under a League of Nations mandate, would ensure the protection of the survivors of the genocide. SEER, 98, 1, JANUARY 2020 182 That was not to be, for a host of reasons. The most important was the resurrection of the Turkish army after defeat by Mustafa Kemal, and the military successes his forces registered in Cilicia in January–February 1920, and in Western Anatolia, where they routed the Greek army heading towards Ankara. On 18 September 1922 the Greek army had been pushed into the sea. Nearly one million Greek Orthodox residents of Anatolia fled with them. Ataturk’s victory enabled him to tear up the Treaty of Sèvres and to dare the French and the British to contest his sovereignty over all of Anatolia. At Lausanne, on 24 July 1923, they signed the Treaty of Lausanne, and the Republic of Armenia formally disappeared. By then it had been turned into a Soviet Socialist Republic. Armenia was devoured by a nationalist lion and a socialist tiger. Those who had fought with Britain and France paid the price for the realignment of imperial realities following the Turkish victory in the war against Greece. Who knows what would have happened had not the Greek government launched the insane and totally ill-prepared attempt to resurrect Byzantium at a time when, they believed, the Turkish nation was prostrate in defeat? Would the Armenian Republic have stood a chance? Probably not, for the simple reason that none of the Allies, including the United States was prepared to pay the price, politically and financially, to act as a mandatory power of the League of Nations in Armenia. Though this book does not say so, there were three...

British Steel to Be Bought by Turkish Army Pension Fund

British Steel to Be Bought by Turkish Army Pension Fund

Comrades-in-[Each Other’s]-Arms: Homosociality, Masculinity and Effeminacy in the Turkish Army

In Turkey, the military regulation Article 17 prohibits men who suffer “visible sexual identity and/or behavioral defects” from serving in the armed forces. The final decision of exemption, however, is made by doctors depending on the cogency of the femininity/effeminacy draftees perform. Based on seven oral histories of gay men and a trans woman who served in the army, and five oral histories of gay men, including myself, who obtained the certificate of discharge, this article discusses the constitutive role of homosociality in the production of military masculinity and the abjection of effeminacy by raising three interrelated points: (a) (Turkish) military masculinity is essentially fragile and shattered due to the lack of distinct boundaries between male homosociality and homosexuality. Therefore the medico-military gaze, as well as the proper soldiers, must protect, albeit unskillfully, the boundaries separating the two. (b) For the medico-military gaze and the military culture, the real peril to homosocial bonding and military masculinity is not homoerotic intimacy or gay sex per se, but effeminacy. And (c) in the Turkish Armed Forces, effeminophobia is an instrument employed in defense of the homosocial safe zone.