Power In Turkey Research Articles

The Stability of Party Power in Turkey after President Erdogan's Victory in the 2023 Elections

The present research aims to identify the impact of Erdogan's victory on the basic budgets in Turkey and its impact on the opposition parties and the strength of the opposition, as well as on the Turkish economy, as the economic factor played a significant and influential role in the results of the Turkish elections, which led to the rise of the Justice and Development Party with Erdogan's victory. This party has an effect on the political and democratic process in the country. Thus, the investigation includes two axes: the first, political parties in Turkey, and the second, the Turkish elections in 2023 AD.

Zachowując wspólne więzi: dyplomacja publiczna Turcji w Azji Środkowej

This article aims to analyse and assess the effectiveness of activities undertaken by Turkish public diplomacy organisations in Central Asia. Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, the state’s foreign policy doctrine has changed profoundly. The new government has adopted a program of active and multifaceted diplomacy, seeking to improve mutual relations with neighbouring regions (i.e. Middle East, North Africa, Balkans, Caucasus, Central Asia). Historical, social and cultural references play an extremely important role in the AKP’s political strategy, and numerous public diplomacy organisations promote Turkish regional cooperation initiatives on behalf of the authorities in Ankara. In Central Asia, institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the International Organisation of Turkic Culture, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, ensure that ties between Turkey and countries of the region are being preserved. By utilising Turkish soft power potential, these organisations support traditional diplomatic services in implementing Turkey’s foreign policy objectives.

Complementarity for Wind Power in Turkey: A Correlation Analysis Using XGBoost

Generation from resources such as wind power and photovoltaics are highly variable and relatively unpredictable. This variability has its own cost such that when the wind and photovoltaics happen to be low due to weather conditions, some other energy source should substitute them to satisfy the demand via market forces. The question is, to which extent does the thermal leg or the reservoir storage hydropower plants fill or substitute the gap in such cases? This is examined in the literature as the complementarity between the variable renewables and alternative sources of energy. For the purpose of answering this question, using hourly data for the period between 2015 and 2020 from Turkey, generation from the thermal leg and generation from reservoir storage hydropower plants are predicted with XGBoost, a machine learning algorithm, for different price and generation levels of wind power. The results point to a positive correlation between wind and reservoir storage hydropower, which concludes as the absence of complementarity between wind power and reservoir storage hydropower for the Turkish case. We comment that the feed-in-tariff system which guaranteed a price in US dollar terms per KwH of energy from reservoir storage hydropower decreased the incentives for substitution of wind power, cancelling out the balancing function of the reservoir storage hydropower. On the other hand, for positive prices, the natural gas fueled plants seem to substitute %63-%116 of the loss in wind power and the rest of the thermal leg happens to substitute %43-%59 of the loss in wind power, according to our calculations. These results point to a complementarity (over-substitution in this case) between wind power and the thermal leg.

Turkey’s Relations with the Countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in the 21st Century: In Search of Strategic Autonomy

Introduction. Turkey’s search for a new regional and global role in a changing world order has increased Ankara’s attention to the Global South, which was peripheral to its foreign policy priorities during the Cold War. Although Ankara’s growing engagement and influence in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region has attracted increasing attention from the research community, Turkey’s foreign policy in this region is still poorly understood. This article attempts to explore Turkey’s policy in LAC during the first decades of the 21st century, placing it in the context of Turkey’s increasing desire for “strategic autonomy.” Methods. The author used a case study approach to analyze Turkey’s policy in LAC. Results. After the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey in 2002, Turkey began a systematic effort to develop relations with LAC, expanding political, economic, and cultural ties with countries in the region. Since the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, Turkey’s foreign policy has been increasingly guided by the desire for “strategic autonomy.” Growing mistrust and conflicts in Turkey’s relations with the U.S. and the EU have increased Ankara’s interest in seeking alternative partnerships and building situational alliances. Although Ankara’s growing ties with LAC countries (especially Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina) increase the autonomy of its foreign policy, Turkey remains critically dependent on the West, both economically and in terms of security.

The Role of Turkish TV Series in the Formation of Perception about Turkey and Turkish People: The Cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Jordan and Kyrgyzstan

We can say that television still plays an important role in the area of visual media. TV series, commercials and entertainment programs occupy a large place in the daily life of viewers. In particular, the perception, attitude and, accordingly, attitude change in viewers resulting from television series is a phenomenon that gives rise to curiosity in researchers. Therefore, this study aims to measure the level of perception about Turkey and Turkish people in viewers created by Turkish TV series broadcast abroad. The main claim of our research is that Turkish TV series can lead to a country and nation perception in viewers, while the viewers might develop an interest in and affinity with Turkey and Turkish people. In the framework of these arguments, a fieldwork was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Jordan and Kyrgyzstan, which was the research universe of the present study. In the light of the data obtained, the perceptions of the viewers about the personality traits of Turkish people, their perceptions of Turkey's power, life in Turkey and Turkey's active role were influential on the wish to have an affinity with Turkey. Increased interest in Turkey was found to have resulted in increased wish to have an affinity with Turkish people and Turkey.

Relacje turecko-palestyńskie. Ciągłość czy zmiana?

Turkish‑Palestinian relations – continuity or change? After the Justice and Development Party (Turkish Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, Turkish external activity was remodeled. Since then, the deepening of Turkish‑Palestinian relations could also be observed. This change is related to the new doctrine of foreign policy as well as to the conditions of Ankara’s regional policy, which competes with other players for the role of a regional power. The intensity of actions towards Palestine is also influenced by tensions between Turkey and Israel, which are characterized by varying intensity. Despite the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 2016, the Republic has not abandoned its pro‑Palestinian stance. The purpose of this text is to analyze Turkish‑Palestinian relations in terms of the main principles determining Ankara’s external activity. Due to subjective disproportionality, it should be noted that Turkey, from the position of a regional player, is taking steps towards Palestine, which has lots of limitations when it comes to political steps. The areas of activity betwen Turkey and Palestine concerns issues such as humanitarian aid, cultural heritage, identity and historical ties, and trade. In its relations with Palestine, Ankara uses institutional soft power tools, which may also serve Turkish strategic aims. In the first part of the article, the main principles and mechanisms of Ankara’s foreign policy was presented together with the strategy that determines the directions of external activity. These principles are the basis for discussing the nature of political relations between the two sides as well as for analyzing economic relations, humanitarian aid and cooperation in the field of culture.

Soft power in Turkey's foreign policy in Europe

Since the mid-2000s, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey has included the concept of soft power in its foreign policy agenda. Based on the position of Turkish officials, the practical implementation of soft power is based on public diplomacy, with its “infrastructure” being created at the same time by establishing new or transforming existing state structures in partnership with non-governmental organisations. Ankara has developed the main directions for public diplomacy to be based on interaction with its Turkish people living abroad and closely related Turkic peoples, the preservation and revival of the cultural, historical and material heritage of the Ottoman Empire, and the support of the Muslim community in different parts of the world. In addition, in recent years, relatively new directions have emerged, such as struggling against FETÖ and extension of coverage of the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation. One of the regions where the Turkish public diplomacy was implemented was Europe. The latter was divided into three sub-regions: the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe. The Balkan countries were traditionally considered important regions for Ankara with the core goal to break old historical and cultural prejudices about its image and to form a positive one in the eyes of the public. With regard to Eastern Europe, Turkey, skillfully using the Ottoman heritage and/or the Turkic factor, exerts influence in Hungary, Moldova, and Ukraine. And the activity in Western Europe is more based on interacting with the Turkish diaspora. Therefore, the aim of the study is to reveal the main directions of Turkey's public diplomacy in the context of the implementation of the policy of soft power in Europe.

Political Violence: An Evaluation of Turkey's 1970s And 1990s

Purpose: The aim of this research is to examine the relationship between political violence and political power in Turkey. In this respect, the study focuses on the periods of the 1970s and 1990s, when violence was most intense in Turkish political history.
 Design/Methodology: Secondary data analysis is carried out in the research, and the equivalent of political violence in the Turkish sample is examined based on the literature on Turkish political life and political theory. In this respect, the violence between the 1970s and the 1990s is qualitatively compared with the comparison method.
 Findings: As a result of the analyzes, it was concluded that there is a positive relationship between political instabilities and political violence, and it was seen that economic crises and fragile coalitions increased social marginalization and unrest and led to an increase in political violence.
 Limitations: The sample is limited to the 1970s and 1990s, which are the two periods when political violence was experienced most intensely in the political history of Turkey and the two periods most associated with violence in the literature on political life. 
 Originality/Value: Although political violence is a subject that is studied theoretically and especially based on individual acts of violence, studies of the period as a whole are very limited in terms of violence. However, there is no study in the literature comparing two different historical periods. In this respect, the study has a unique quality and claims to fill a gap in the literature.

COUP OF 27 MAY 1960 IN TURKEY AND AMERICAN POSITION

The 1960 coup in Turkey is a turning point in Turkish political life, as it was the first and last military coup carried out by military personnel. In fact, the coup was surprising to everyone and a dangerous turning point in the development of events in Turkey, although the political and economic conditions that prevailed in Turkey in the second half of the fifties decade were foreshadowing a move by the army. The success of the coup raised many questions inside and outside Türkiye. The parliamentary life it adopted, which was entrenched in the multi-party system since the end of World War II, assumed the availability of constitutional guarantees to prevent the occurrence of such developments in political life. The United States of America, for its part, was supportive of the Democratic Party government throughout the ten years of its rule, but this support soon changed after the party government attempted to re-establish relations with the Soviet Union, and here the United States of America withdrew its support and this was evident in the success of the military coup, which resulted in the removal of the Democratic Party from the ruling power in Turkey on the morning of May 27, 1960

1878 год в жизни И.С. Аксакова

The article is a study, based on archival sources, of the events of one year in the life of the outstanding journalist Ivan S. Aksakov, whose 200th birth anniversary is celebrated in 2023. The author’s attention has been focused on the events which occurred in 1878. A special attention is given to Aksakov’s speech delivered on June 22 in Moscow’s Slavic Society, the Chairman of which he was, about the solutions of the Berlin Congress (June 1 – July 1, 1878), which turned out to be shameful for Russia that had won victory in the war against Turkey. The historical context of the decision of Austria-Hungary and England, the countries which did not participate in the war but feared the strengthening of Russia’s influence on the Balkans, to impudently enrich themselves at the expense of Russia; an occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and of Cyprus by England; and a partition of Bulgaria, with its southern area remaining under the power of Turkey, are analyzed. It is emphasized that Aksakov had a clear insight into the current events and could not keep silence as a Russian, since the victories in the Balkans and Turkey were gained at the cost of the Russian soldiers’ and volunteers’ blood; as a public figure who had inspired the mass-scale people’s financial aid to the Slavs (through the Slavic Society he supplied the Bulgarian Volunteers’ Corps and the Serbian Army); and also as a successor of the Slavophiles, who had always felt sympathy with the Slavs’ struggle for independence. It is stated that this Aksakov’s speech, in which he boldly called the prepared decision “an utter insult on Russia”, accused Austria-Hungary and England of an impudent attitude to the destinies of the liberated Balkan peoples and severely denounced the Russian diplomats for a lack of nationally-oriented policy, made Aksakov’s name known all over Europe, but led to his exile (till the end of 1878) and a ban imposed on the Slavic Society. Formerly unpublished excerpts from letters by both Aksakov himself and his contemporaries, in which Aksakov is featured as “not a casual man on the ways of history”, are provided.

Estimating the economic and climate impacts of nuclear power in Turkey: hypothetical integration and dynamic CGE analysis

Estimating the economic and climate impacts of nuclear power in Turkey: hypothetical integration and dynamic CGE analysis

Jazz as Soft Power in Turkey–US Relations During the Early Cold War Period

ABSTRACT The 1950s was an era when Turkish-US relations were developing in various arenas. In addition to hard power instruments, such as NATO membership, the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Aid, elements of soft power were also being used to promote the relationship between the two states. One element of this latter power was jazz which became tool of US public diplomacy used to export its cultural values. This paper explores how jazz was used as such in Turkey–US relations in the 1950s. The original aspect of this article lies in its dealing with the influence of jazz music, a relatively little mentioned soft power element in Turkey–US relations of this period. The main finding of the article may be conceptualized as follows: Turkey’s relationship with the US was based not only on economic and military interests, but also cultural ties between the two which were also crucial to strengthening their bilateral relations. In this context, musicians were key agents of cultural diplomacy with their music and songs legitimizing a new and different 20th century.

Defending the rainbow: The LGBTI+ community without a place in the Turkish public space in the twenty-first century

This study aims to discuss the virtual campaign of the dominant political power in Turkey and its supporters to keep the rainbow, the symbol of the LGBTI+ community, out of the public space via legal restrictions. It selected 1300 of the popular hashtags used in Turkey in 2020 – #Rainbow, #LGBTI, #TheRainbowisEverywhere, #BoycottLCWaikiki and #LCWaikiki, shared in Turkish and used between July and December 2020. It used the programme Python to obtain Twitter API links and Nvivo to perform a content analysis of these tweets, showing that the LGBTI+ community had used social media as an alternative public space in order to be heard.

The Impact of Erdoğan's Victory on Türkiye-India Bilateral Relations: An Analysis

The aim of this study is to analyse the possible consequences of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's 2023 electoral success in Turkey on the bilateral relations between Türkiye and India. Since 2003, Erdoğan has been an influential figure in Turkish politics, known for his assertive leadership style and nationalist policies. The outcomes of his recent electoral victory have sparked noteworthy curiosity regarding its implications on Turkey's foreign policy, particularly in the context of Türkiye-India bilateral relationship. The research methodology employed in this study is qualitative in nature, and it involves an extensive examination of scholarly articles, news, reports, and official statements from both nations. This paper analyses the fundamental elements of the bilateral relations between Türkiye and India, encompassing political, economic, and cultural aspects. Additionally, it evaluates the potential impact of Erdoğan's victory on each of these domains. The firstly, Erdoğan's victory can further strengthen his power in Turkey. So, it is possible that Erdoğan's views on Kashmir, Indian Muslims and Palestine may effect Turkey's foreign policy towards India. Secondly, trade and investment between Turkey and India has grown significantly for the last few years. However, Erdoğan's victory could lead to economic uncertainty in Turkey, which could affect bilateral trade and investment, economic experts said. Lastly, cultural and people-to-people contacts have strengthened Türkiye-India relations. However, Erdoğan's domestic policies promoting Turkish nationalism and conservative beliefs may alter Turkey's social and cultural dynamics. While Erdoğan's victory could transform Turkey-India relations, domestic and international variables will determine their fate. The study recommends that Indian policymakers closely monitor Turkey's foreign policy under Erdoğan and engage in active diplomacy to maintain constructive dialogue to ensure that potential differences do not undermine historical ties and mutual interests.

КОНЦЕПТУАЛЬНЫЕ ОСНОВЫ НЕООСМАНИЗМА: ОСОБЕННОСТИ МЯГКОЙ И ЖЕСТКОЙ СИЛЫ ВО ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ ТУРЦИИ НА ПРИМЕРЕ СИРИИ

The term “neo-Ottomanism” was actively used when the Justice and Development Party, headed by R.T. Erdogan, came to power in Turkey. The conceptual ideas of former Prime Minister A. Davutoglu, who is the ideologist of modern neo-Ottomanism, are regarded as a strategy for expanding the Turkish factor in the “post-Ottoman states”. It shows the connection of Ankara’s modern foreign policy with the rich historical heritage of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, Turkey conducts a reversal of the country’s former importance in the international arena, taking into account modern geopolitical realities. The article focuses on the fact that neo-Ottomanism is not an aggressive policy through the annexation of the countries that were previously part of the Ottoman Empire. From the position of the Republic of Turkey, neo-Ottomanism is a foreign policy strategy aimed at protecting its national interests through a combination of soft and hard power, cultural exports, support for the integration of the Turkic peoples and, first of all, compliance with the concept of “zero problems with neighbors”. Therefore, president R.T. Erdogan focuses on the need to protect the country’s national interests, proposing the role of a mediator in the settlement of international conflicts, concentrates on the military solution to the problem of Kurdish separatism, promotion of a positive image of the Ottoman Empire, participation in integration organizations with Turkic-speaking countries.

Wind energy and assessment of wind energy potential in Turkey: A case study for Mersin province

Today, decrease in fossil resources and the ever increasing need for energy increases the importance of renewable energy resources. Wind power; It has an important potential and usage area in clean and renewable energy sources. The measurement of Wind speed and direction values is very important in terms of evaluating the data of Wind power plant (WPP) project and estimating the amount of energy that can be produced. Wind energy is a good example of clean energy source due to its advantages such as cleanless fast commissioning, and reliability. There has been a significant increase in recent years especially in terms of utilizing wind energy. By the end of 2016, the installed wind power capacity in the world is 486 749 MW, Turkey takes the 11th place with 6,081 MW of installed capacity. In this study, the use of wind power in Turkey's Mersin province were studied. Mersin province in terms of installed wind power capacity has an important place in Turkey. As of 2016, the installed wind power capacity throughout the province is 364 MW, but the usable wind energy potential in the region is about 3414 MW.

Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi İktidarı Döneminde Ortadoğu'da Türk Dış Politikası: Çıkar Etkileşimi ve Gelecekteki Zorluklar

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Turkish foreign policy witnessed an almost fundamental change from what it was in the last century, when new worlds emerged in front of Turkey, from the Balkans to the Caucasus and Central Asia through the Middle East. New political approaches have also emerged aimed at inspiring the Ottoman multi-ethnic group formula to reconcile with Turkey's Islamic and Ottoman legacy at home as well as abroad, and within the framework of this new political concept that restored balance to Turkey's regional relations, which it did not attach importance to in the past because of its excessive focus on building solid relations with the European Union and the United States of America. After the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey in late 2002, Turkey's new leaders worked to activate the Turkish role in the regional environment surrounding Turkey. The beginning was to establish good relations with neighboring countries in the Middle East. In order to be effective and influential, the new Turkish vision in foreign policy focused on the importance of the internal transformation, especially the consolidation of political and economic stability in the country, as internal reform in Turkey and its growing economic capabilities allowed it to emerge as a sponsor of peace in the Middle East. On this basis, Turkey's leaders have expressed their willingness to pursue active diplomacy in the Middle East in order to reduce or end problems with neighboring countries through a zero-problem policy.

" The Future of Turkish-Saudi Relations after the Assassination of Jamal Khashoggi"

Turkish-Saudi relations have been one of the most important relations at the regional level in recent years, although they were not so at the beginning, they have been sporadic visits from here and there, but it quickly developed with the arrival of Islamists to power in the country during the last two decades As the AKP came to power in Turkey, these relations were in a state of apathy, but they were soon stronger than their predecessors. Despite their worsening after the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on Turkish soil, both sides tried to mitigate the impact Especially the pain ARABIA through the lure of the Turkish side financial aid and huge projects outside the country and within, suggesting that this relationship will be back stronger than previous periods and expanded to include new areas did not reach its previously.

ON MUSTAFA KEMAL’S PHILOSOPHY OF SOCIETY AND THE STATE

Yazının amacı, Mustafa Kemal’in Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun çöküşü ve onun tabiriyle “Yeni Türkiye”de politik erkin bir cumhuriyet olarak kurulması bağlamında yaptığı açıklamaların ve konuşmaların felsefi arka planını açık etmektir. Bu, Türkiye’de Cumhuriyetin değerlerine ilişkin son yıllarda yapılan tartışmalar nedeniyle zaruri hale gelmiştir. Bu tartışmalarda ortaya atılan sorulara doyurucu yanıt verebilmek için Cumhuriyetin üzerine inşa edildiği değerlerin felsefi temellerini ortaya koymak gerekmektedir. Yazıda bunun bir denemesi yapılmaktadır. Yazıda önce Mustafa Kemal’in modern dünya sistemine ilişkin düşünceleri ve değerlendirmeleri sunulmaktadır. Buna göre modern dünya sistemi sürekli “mazlumlar” ve “zalimler” üretmektedir ve bu durum ancak tüm dünyada insanlığın kalıcı iç barışı sağlanıncaya kadar değişmeyecektir. Bugünün mazlumları yarın zalim olabilmektedir ve bugünün zalimleri yarının mazlumları olabileceklerdir. Sonra yazıda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun tek kişinin saltanatına dayanan yönetim biçiminin eleştirisi olarak cumhuriyet fikrinin nasıl oluştuğuna ve bunun tarihsel olarak ne anlama geldiğine dikkat çekilmektedir. Bu bağlamda özellikle ulusal egemenlik, halk iktidarı ve halkçılık açısından cumhuriyetçi yönetimin anlamı ortaya konmaktadır. Daha sonra Mustafa Kemal’de cumhuriyet fikrinin onun “milli politika” olarak adlandırdığı yeni yönelimle temel oluşturan barış politikasının doğal sonucu olarak yayılmacı ideolojiler olan “Turancılık” ve “Panislamizm” akımlarının taleplerini ret ettiği gösterilmektedir. Son olarak Türkiye'de Cumhuriyetin kurulmasının aynı zamanda Anadolu’da yeni bir kültür ve uygarlık yaratma çabasına denk geldiğine işaret edilmektedir.

Turkey’s public–private partnership experience: a political economy perspective

ABSTRACT Public–private partnerships (PPP) are the contractual arrangements between public and private parties to deliver infrastructure and services in which costs, risks, and benefits are shared. Good governance of PPPs, traditionally associated with an effective regulatory and institutional framework, appropriate risk-sharing, competitive and transparent procurement have recently been broadened to include citizens’ perspectives. Turkey uses PPPs to deliver public infrastructures such as airports, energy plants, highways, bridges, and hospitals. Our first section into Turkey’s PPP experience explores how the partnership between state and capital is instituted. We reveal nine crucial governance problems: Complexities of megaprojects, fragmented legal and regulatory framework, weak institutional capacity, risk-sharing discrepancies, poor value for money, non-affordable public services, lack of transparency, limited accountability, and disregard for environmental sustainability. We maintain that a deeper understanding of PPPs requires complementing this governance analysis with insights from critical political economy. Accordingly, we draw a critical political economy framework to explain why, when, and how PPPs in Turkey are utilized in our second section. We underline the neoliberal transformation and financialized capital accumulation dynamics. We argue that PPP projects have fuelled the construction-led economic growth model, distributed resources to pro-government capital groups, and reproduced political power in Turkey.