Turbulent 1960s Research Articles

The Perils of Vanguardism

AbstractOver the past 25 years, Sweden has gone from having one of the most generous unemployment benefit systems among the rich democracies to one of the least. This article advances a multi-causal explanation for this unexpected outcome. It shows how the benefit system became a target of successive right-wing governments due to its role in fostering social democratic hegemony. Employer groups, radicalized by the turbulent 1970s more profoundly than elsewhere, sought to undermine the system, and their abandonment of corporatism in the early 1990s limited unions’ capacity to restrain right-wing governments in retrenchment initiatives. Two further developments help to explain the surprising political resilience of the cuts: the emergence of a private (supplementary) insurance regime and a realignment of working-class voters from the Social Democrats to parties of the right, especially the nativist Sweden Democrats, in the context of a liberal refugee/asylum policy.

Why the Policy Development Capacity of Some Developing Countries Exceeds that of the International Monetary Fund

The IMF’s track record on developing policy to govern the interaction of developing countries and global capital is not strong. Argentina was an IMF poster-child throughout the 1990s. Its economy imploded in 2001. The Brady Plan provided a resolution of the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s. Yet the Plan was conceived by Brazil and Mexico, not the IMF. Chile successfully charted its own course through the turbulent 1990s with the adroit use of home grown capital controls. Likewise, Malaysia charted its own course out of the 1997 Asian crisis more advantageously than nations that implemented IMF programs and with policies the IMF vehemently opposed. The lesson is that developing nations need to develop their own innovative solutions to the challenges of global capital and are often better placed to do so than the IMF. The International Monetary Fund plays a pivotal role in guiding and shaping the interactions between developing countries and global capital. The Fund advises countries upon when and how to liberalise their financial systems and open up to global capital. In addition, for countries with an IMF program in place, the Fund has direct input into the regulations enacted to achieve these ends, and into the fiscal and monetary policy settings of the country. These functions were not part of the IMF’s original role, but over the past 23 years (since the inception of the Debt Crisis in 1982) the IMF’s role has evolved so that today these functions are central to its mission. Yet the history of the past two decades suggests that the IMF may not be the best placed institution for this purpose. This article analyses four developments in the past fifteen years: (i) Argentina’s recent economic crisis, (ii) the Brady Plan implemented in the early 1990s to address the Latin American debt crisis, (iii) Chile’s response to increasing capital inflows in the early 1990s, and (iv) Malaysia’s response to the East Asian economic crisis that commenced in 1997. The article concludes that some developing countries are better placed than the IMF to develop the policies and regulations that will govern their interaction with global capital and analyzes why this might be so.

Intergenerational Social Mobility in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia

The aim of this paper is to bridge the gaps in existing accounts of the evolution of intergenerational social mobility in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. The study makes a potentially valuable contribution to the literature by extending the spectrum of institutional and historical contexts, in which (in)equality of opportunity has been considered so far, and a chance to re-examine existing evidence by using alternative datasets and a slightly different methodology. Following the conventions in the social mobility literature in this study I approach social destinations and social origins in terms of educational and occupational attainments of children and their parents respectively. For empirical part I utilize data from four representative cross-national surveys conducted in Russia in 1994, 2002, 2006 and 2013. To study historical change in the patterns of social mobility I identify four cohorts whose educational and occupational careers unfolded during four different historical periods (two for the Soviet and two for the post-Soviet period). Being informed by several earlier studies on post-socialist countries including earlier research on Russia, I anticipated (1) a trend towards lesser (rather than greater) openness in the late years of the Soviet era, (2) a temporary discontinuity of mobility patterns during the turbulent 1990s and (3) the ‘tightening up’ of social mobility regime in the more stable years of Russia’s post-Soviet history. If any such trend existed, my findings would rather suggest that it was directed towards decreasing intergenerational transmission of educational advantage in the post-Soviet era, rather than the other way around. Also, surprisingly and quite contrary to earlier findings and theoretical considerations, the changes in the pattern of occupational mobility remained surprisingly invariant to the changes in historical and institutional context. The paper concludes with highlighting some of the remaining puzzles and possible directions for future research.

Hippies, Indians, and the Fight for Red Power by Sherry L. Smith (review)

Reviewed by: Hippies, Indians, and the Fight for Red Power by Sherry L. Smith Carter Jones Meyer HIPPIES, INDIANS, AND THE FIGHT FOR RED POWER. By Sherry L. Smith. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 2012. In 1966 photographer and countercultural activist Stewart Brand, best known for creating the Whole Earth Catalog, exhibited a multimedia show in San Francisco based on his photographs of Indian peoples. He chose as the title of his show, “America Needs Indians,” a nod to what he saw as the Indians’ special ability to know the earth and live in harmony with it. He hoped non-Indians who viewed the show would be inspired enough by what they saw to make changes in their own world and perhaps even support Indian activists who were seeking change themselves. In Hippies, Indians, and the Fight for Red Power, author Sherry L. Smith deftly uses this phrase, and the era of countercultural rebellion it reflected, to frame a well-researched, balanced, and engaging exploration of the intercultural collaborations between Natives and non-Natives in the Red Power Movement. Other histories of Red Power have typically focused on the Native activists who shaped and guided the movement through the turbulent 1960s and 1970s, but Smith, while acknowledging the centrality of Indian leadership, and Indian agency more broadly, argues that not enough attention has been given to the interplay between Natives and non-Natives. Natives may have been the leaders of the movement, she asserts, defining the issues of tribal sovereignty, self-determination, treaty rights, and cultural revitalization, but they had help in their campaign from members of the counterculture who, through their different engagements with Indian culture, raised awareness of these issues among the broader public, making political change possible and setting in motion a “remarkable, even revolutionary, shift in attitude, practice and policy” (5–6) towards Indians. In this sense, Smith seeks not to diminish the accomplishments of Red Power leaders, but simply to “add an additional cast of characters” to our understanding of this dramatic period in American Indian and United States history (6). The sentiment that “America needs Indians” could hardly have been imagined in the early 1960s, when the Termination policy dominated, ending federal support for Indian tribes and relocating reservation Indians to cities, where they could more easily be assimilated. Most Americans assumed Indians had vanished, or were marginal at best, in [End Page 147] American society. But Smith suggests that this assumption began to change as Natives mobilized to challenge the policy on a number of fronts. Non-Natives, galvanized by the Civil Rights Movement, rebellion against conventional American values, and criticism of federal policies—both domestic and foreign—sought to construct a more just and inclusive nation. How Natives and non-Natives came together and developed cross-racial partnerships to achieve their goals is a complicated, sometimes thorny story, but Smith skillfully navigates this complexity while maintaining narrative coherence. The book focuses on several key events and cultural moments between 1963 and 1973 that convey this story. Smith begins by examining the salmon wars of the Pacific Northwest, when Natives fought to restore treaty rights to fish along the Columbia River and its tributaries. They were some of the first Indians to challenge the assumption of Indian disappearance, and as she notes, this happened to coincide with the early counter-cultural “discovery” of Indians. Celebrities became involved, along with Students for a Democratic Society radicals, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Friends Service Committee, and many others who saw in the protests an opportunity to support minority rights and redress America’s imperialist past. This cross-racial collaboration became a pattern by the late sixties and early seventies. Smith considers the countercultural enthrallment with Indians, and how it transformed into political support for the Alcatraz takeover in 1969, found expression in the back-to-the-land ethos of New Mexico communes, and led to a broader awareness of injustices towards Indians that established critical groundwork for Native activist groups like the American Indian Movement, and flashpoints like the Trail of Broken Treaties in 1972 and Wounded Knee the following year. Political radicals...

Beyond the crisis: the “chaotic formula” of Hong Kong cinema

Hong Kong's film industry has been living through and beyond the 1997 handover to China. Along a complicated socio-economic and cultural heritage, the city's “crisis cinema” successfully milked takeover fears for an anarchic display of showmanship. Local filmmaking conditions, popular narratives and aesthetics from that time can be identified as ingredients in a “chaotic formula” that instigated Hong Kong cinema's “Golden Age.” Unlike other film industries, which point to their disaster centres in a search or celebration of national identity, Hong Kong survived at a fragile historic juncture largely by sailing around the cliffs of political affront and resorting to metaphorical speech instead. Yet, following the handover, the film industry has retired its previous attitudes about itself and the future; it has integrated a new “China factor” and riddled cinema with contradictory statements about the “condition” of Hong Kong. System failure, madness and identity theft in crime stories appear alongside celebratory historicism, cultural allegiance and escapist spectacle, especially in Hong Kong-China co-productions. This paper follows the evolution of the crime genre along general dynamics and transformations of the formula from the 1980s, past the turbulent 1990s and into recent postcolonial Hong Kong, in which the inability to formulate a new crisis, or the resolution of the previous one, has put cinema itself into crisis.

Black Spokane: The Civil Rights Struggle in the Inland Northwest by Dwayne A. Mack

 OHQ vol. 116, no. 3 nuts”and“Huckleberry Breakfast Cake,”giving readers direct access to some of the primary materials that Anderson tapped and providing aspiring cooks with some culinary inspiration. The book is filled with tidbits that foodies will relish. For example, did you know that Portland has both the oldest tofu company and also the oldest craft brewing supply store in the United States? Or that The Web-Foot Cookbook, the Northwest’s first, was created by Portland’s First Presbyterian Church ladies? Or that a large, open-air market once perched right beside the river, downtown? The biggest challenge of writing food history is that sources are spotty and ephemeral: random accounts of travelers, old newspaper ads,memoirs,cookbooks,and trade literature. Anderson makes a significant contribution by retrieving otherwise lost stories and weaving together disparate threads to create this first account of Portland’s unique food heritage. While the book does not seek to explicate how that heritage gave rise to today’s vibrant food scene, Portland: a Food Biography is an excellent read for locals who want to have a deeper sense of their city and its food traditions ,and it will also interest historians seeking to better understand the critical urban hub of Oregon’s food history. Ann Vileisis Port Orford, Oregon BLACK SPOKANE: THE CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE IN THE INLAND NORTHWEST by Dwayne A. Mack University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 2014. Illustrations , tables, notes, bibliography, index. 184 pages. $26.95 cloth. In this readable study of black community and protest in Spokane, Washington — a middling metropolis in the Inland Northwest — Dwayne A. Mack contributes to a growing literature onAfricanAmericans in the modern West. The author parallels the work of West Coast historians Quintard Taylor, Robert O. Self, Douglas Flamming, Matthew Whitaker, Mark Brilliant, and Marne L. Campbell, although he also enriches black urban and black freedom studies scholarship. Similar to Randal Jelks and Richard B. Pierce, who have written on Grand Rapids, Michigan, and Indianapolis, respectively, Mack focuses on a midsized city with a small African American community and traditions of “polite” black protest reliant on interracial conciliation and legal gradualism. Borrowing conceptually from Luther Adams’s work on Louisville, Kentucky, the author describes how older black settlers and new black migrants together forged a spirit of“home.”Informed by scholars such as Jeanne Theoharis, Komozi Woodard, and Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, moreover, Mack offers a civil rights narrative regionally located outside the Deep South and chronologically situated beyond the movement’s “classical” 1954–1965 timeline. Spokane’s African American community traced its initial origins to the 1880s; but like Portland, Los Angeles, Seattle, Oakland, and Tacoma, the number of black residents grew most dramatically during and after World War II. Yet, unlike many of its regional neighbors, Spokane occupied a marginal place in wartime defense production,and it lacked sizable Latino andAsian-American populations.Both factors powerfully molded black community-building and activism. Without the multiracial context that amplified struggles for racial reform elsewhere in the West, for example, “blacks [in Spokane] were not afforded the same opportunity to fight shoulder to shoulder with other people of color” (p. xxii). Further, because of the city’s limited industrial development, African Americans suffered severe underemployment , prompting younger, working-age residents to migrate elsewhere for meaningful  Reviews job opportunities. Deprived of youthful, militant leadership during the turbulent 1960s,and stunted by their community’s underdeveloped class structure,Spokane’s black leaders resided mainly among older business owners who catered to an interracial clientele and adhered to moderate protest politics. Nonetheless, Mack documents, black Spokane leaders challenged racist hiring policies that restricted them to service labor, discriminatory real estate practices that confined them to the city’s east side, and exclusionary public accommodations that denied them quality service at white-owned establishments. Anchored by a local branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and white liberal reformist agencies such as the Spokane Committee on Race Relations and the Washington State Board Against Discrimination, black civil rights initiatives yielded only occasional, piecemeal victories. African Americans achieved a more visible success in the election of businessman James Chase as the city’s first...

A Historical Introduction to Minjung (Liberation) Buddhism: A South Korean Version of Radical Buddhism in the 1980s

This essay provides a historical analysis of the South Korean Minjung (Liberation) Buddhist Movement during the turbulent 1980s. Heavily indebted to Marxism and other forms of socialism, as well as to Christian Liberation Theology, Minjung Buddhists had three major aims: anti-dictatorship, anti-imperialism, and reunification. The movement has been in decline since the early 1990s for three reasons: the economic and political collapse of the Eastern European Communist bloc and the Soviet Union; the election of a long-time opposition party leader, Kim Yeongsam, to the South Korean presidency in 1992; and the removal of the Jogye Order's pro-government and undemocratic administration in 1994. Although recent progressive Korean Buddhists do not use the term ‘Minjung Buddhism’, they have continued the basic spirit of Minjung Buddhism within various forms of Engaged Buddhism. While Minjung Buddhists were successful in accomplishing their two primary aims – opposing the dictatorship and rejecting the imperialism that supported it – they were unsuccessful in their third major goal, the reunification of Korea.

Father, son, and Constitution: how Justice Tom Clark and Attorney General Ramsey Clark shaped American democracy

When Supreme Court Justice Tom Clark resigned his seat on the bench at the youthful age of 67 after 18 years, his decision was unique in the annals of Court history: he was leaving so that his son Ramsey, just nominated as Attorney General, could assume the job Clark himself had once held without conflict of interest. As Alexander Wohl shows, Tom and Ramsey Clark had a profound impact on American law and society. For nearly three quarters of a century, they influenced presidents, policies, and legal rulings, during careers that tracked closely with some of the most significant and controversial episodes in modern American history. Highlighting their consistent effort to balance individual liberties with government power, Wohl examines how their work reflected the tensions that continue to resonate in today's legal and policy battles. The two men, however, evolved quite differently. As a young government lawyer, Tom Clark was a key figure in enforcing the relocation of Japanese Americans, and as Attorney General he was vilified by civil liberties advocates for the Cold War policies he implemented, even as he promoted a progressive strategy on civil rights. Ramsey began his career to the ideological left of his father, was intimately involved in enforcement of civil rights laws during the turbulent 1960s, as Attorney General fought to expand protections of individual rights, and as a private attorney represented clients on the farthest reaches of the individual rights-government power spectrum. A unique approach for understanding our nation's history during the second half of the twentieth-century, Wohl's study addresses such salient issues as civil rights, free speech, government surveillance and rights of privacy, presidential power, and the role of judges in interpreting the Constitution. The Clarks' lives and careers also offer a veritable who's who of 20th-century American law and policy: from Tom's close relationships with Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson, Sam Rayburn, and Earl Warren, to Ramsey's connections with Robert Kennedy, LBJ, and Martin Luther King Jr. Both men befriended and battled J. Edgar Hoover and both were targets of political attack--twenty years apart--by Richard Nixon. At its fundamental core, however, Wohl's book presents a moving and intimate portrait of a unique father-son relationship that endured through triumph and tribulation and that should appeal to anyone interested in how the personal and the political intertwine in a highly public setting.

La tutela del risparmio nel pensiero e nell'azione del Governatore Baffi (The defence of savings: Governor Baffi’s belief and achievements)

Ten years after his death and twenty after his resignation from Banca d’Italia governorship, Paolo Baffi’s ideas and achievements as regards the protection of savings and the fight against a high and volatile inflation in the turbulent 1970s are reviewed. Against the backdrop of the constitutional precepts in this field, the proposals to shorten maturities and to index bond coupons, first advanced in the well known address Baffi delivered at Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, were translated into Treasury decisions on public debt at his instigation. Moreover, in the concluding remarks he pronounced at the Banca d’Italia General Meeting of Shareholders between 1976 and 1979 there are many hints at problems and solutions that have become prominent in the 1980s and 1990s. JEL Codes: B31, E58 Keywords: Governor Baffi, Banca d’Italia, Bank of Italy, Italian treasury

Gendered Casualties: Memoirs in Activism and the Problem of Representing Violence

Abstract Masculinity and nationalisms in Thailand during the 1970s served to enable gendered violence against activist women. Archival research and fieldwork reveal how feminist epistemologies and methods for studying memory are always gendered. Both conservative and leftist memories about the turbulent 1970s are rooted in a masculine notion of nationalism. Marginalizing the women's movement during the 1970s and forgetting the gendered violence against female activists during the October 6, 1976 massacre enables masculine nationalism.

Sitting in and speaking out: student movements in the American South, 1960-1970

In Sitting In and Speaking Out, Jeffrey A. Turner examines student movements in the South to grasp the nature of activism in the region during the turbulent 1960s.Turner argues that the story of student activism is too often focused on national groups like Students for a Democratic Society and events at schools like Columbia University and the University of California at Berkeley. Examining the activism of black and white students, he shows that the South responded to national developments but that the response had its own trajectory--one that was rooted in race. Turner looks at such events as the initial desegregation of campuses; integration's long aftermath, as students learned to share institutions; the Black Power movement; and the antiwar movement.Escalating protest against the Vietnam War tested southern distinctiveness, says Turner. The South's tendency toward hawkishness impeded antiwar activism, but once that activism arrived, it was--as in other parts of the country--oriented toward events at national and global scales. Nevertheless, southern student activism retained some of its core characteristics. Even in the late 1960s, southern protesters' demands tended toward reform, often eschewing calls to revolution increasingly heard elsewhere. Based on primary research at more than twenty public and private institutions in the deep and upper South, including historically black schools, Sitting In and Speaking Out is a wide-ranging and sensitive portrait of southern students navigating a remarkably dynamic era.

What They Meant to Say: The Courts Try to Explain Branzburg v. Hayes

Part I: Introduction For close to forty years, fate of journalists wishing to conceal identities of confidential sources from government bodies with subpoena power has depended upon how one heavily divided United States Supreme Court opinion is interpreted. The Court's 5-4 decision in Branzburg v. Hayes1 in 1972 represents its last word - so far2 - on whether journalists have a constitutional right under First Amendment press clause3 to refuse to identify sources of information to grand juries, prosecutors, criminal defendants, civil litigants, legislators, and others. With prospects for a federal journalist's shield law still uncertain at this writing,4 journalists may continue to rely on interpretations of Branzburg for protection for some time. Because Branzburg decision was closely divided, lower court interpretations have focused on a brief concurring opinion by Justice Lewis Powell.5 The Powell concurrence is not necessarily a ringing endorsement of majority opinion, but it also stops short of endorsing either dissent. Lower federal courts and some state courts have resolved resulting confusion through ad hoc decision-making, while other states have created shield statutes that protect journalists to varying degrees. But recently in federal courts, journalists' protection, already uncertain, has been thrown into further disarray by a parade of negative decisions.0 The parade began with a strongly worded United States Court of Appeals decision in 2003 criticizing thirty years of federal appellate precedent that provided limited protection to journalists and sources.7 The Seventh Circuit's 2003 opinion accused other federal courts of badly misreading Branzburg, which three-judge panel said provided no support for any type of constitutional privilege.8 The Seventh Circuit's McKevitt opinion indicated that more than thirty years after Branzburg was decided, lower courts still were unsure what it meant. Although passage of a federal shield law would help clarify journalists' right to conceal confidential sources, it would still leave unresolved two other issues that are associated with Branzburg - extent to which press newsgathering activities are protected by First Amendment and reach of generally applicable laws into newsgathering and publication. Because Branzburg still matters to media, this article will attempt to make sense of it by using a comprehensive approach. All Supreme Court opinions that have cited Branzburg in First Amendment contexts will be examined, as well as a few non-media cases in which Court discussed Branzburg at some length. Also, article will briefly examine federal and state appellate court cases and federal trial court opinions that discussed Branzburg's meaning to some extent. The goal is to gain a complete picture of how this pivotal case in First Amendment law has affected press rights. Part II: Origins of Case The cases consolidated in Branzburg v. Hayes had origins in many years of journalistic practice, centuries of Anglo-American legal tradition, and turbulent 1960s. sl Before examining backgrounds of specific cases, it would be helpful to briefly sketch larger issues at stake. THE PROBLEM OF PRIVILEGE It has long been a maxim of English and American law that privileges excusing people from providing in court are disfavored because they hamper search for truth. Famously, during a debate on whether privileges to excuse witnesses should be curtailed, Lord Hardwicke in 1742 said on floor of Parliament that the public has a right to every man's evidence in courts of law.10 That phrase has survived to this day as a description of Anglo-American law's attitude toward privileges.11 Nevertheless, it also is widely accepted in law that some relationships between persons are irreparably damaged if one party cannot rely on promises of confidentiality from other. …

Gerhard Richter: a life in painting

Gerhard Richter is one of the most important and popular artists of the postwar era. For decades he has sought innovative ways to make painting more relevant, often through a multifaceted dialogue with photography. Today Richter is most widely recognized for the photo-paintings he made during the 1960s that rely on images culled from mass media and pop culture. Always fascinated with the limits and uncertainties of representation, he has since then produced landscapes, abstractions, glass and mirror constructions, prints, sculptures, and installations. Though Richter has been known in the United States for quite some time, the highly successful retrospective of his work at the MOMA in 2002 catapulted him to unprecedented fame. Enter noted curator Dietmar Elger, who here presents the first biography of this contemporary artist. Written with full access to Richter and his archives, this fascinating book offers unprecedented insight into his life and work. Elger explores Richter's childhood in Nazi Germany; his years as a student and mural painter in communist East Germany; his time in the West during the turbulent 1960s and '70s, when student protests, political strife, and violence tore the Federal Republic of Germany apart; and, his rise to international acclaim during the 1980s and beyond. Richter has always been a difficult personality to parse, and the seemingly contradictory strands of his artistic practice have frustrated and sometimes confounded critics. But the extensive interviews on which this book is based disclose a Richter who is far more candid and vivid than ever before. The result is a book that will be the foundational portrait of this artist and his profoundly influential oeuvre.

Val cowie – an indomitable figure who fought for us

I would like to thank Catherine Gamble for the moving obituary of her godmother, Val Cowie (letters March 24). As RCN head of labour relations during the turbulent 1980s, Ms Cowie played a pivotal role during the nurses’ protests for better pay and conditions.

A "Headless" Native Talks Back: Nidoish Naisseline and the Kanak Awakening in 1970s New Caledonia

Studies of the Kanak independence movement have tended to focus on the turbulent 1980s in New Caledonia and their aftermath, but the roots of the modern nationalist movement go back to Kanak and Caledonian students who attended universities in France in the 1960s. They were radicalized by what they experienced, including the May 1968 student-worker uprising, and they went home again in 1969 to find colonialism alive and well in their own country. Their protest movement gradually grew into a pro-independence political party, when Jean-Marie Tjibaou was still a moderate cultural activist and political autonomist. The words and actions of Nidoish Naisseline, in particular, merit closer examination in tracing the genealogy of anticolonial Kanak and Caledonian radicalism. They show that when he became high chief on an outer island, his own politics began to change, though he remains to this day a local leader who supports indigenous rights.

Demographic influences on economic resiliency: Revisiting the developing country growth collapse of the 1970s and 1980s

This paper bridges two related, but up to now, unconnected literatures: economic growth stability and population-economic growth. The paper differs from previous population-economic growth analyses by focusing on instability of economic growth in developing countries. This study contributes to a previous paper on the developing country growth collapse by adding important demographic variables. The paper provides an explanation for ‘new’ negative correlations of population and economic growth: because 1960s were a relatively smooth time for economic growth, youth dependency did not seem important; however, during turbulent 1970s and 1980s, countries with falling dependency burdens weathered economic shocks better. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

European employment models in flux: a comparison of institutional change in nine European countries

European Employment Models in Flux: Pressures for Change and Prospects for Survival and Revitalisation G.Bosch, S.Lehndorff & J.Rubery Revisiting the UK Model: From Basket Case to Success Story? J.Rubery, D.Grimshaw, R.Donnelly & P.Urwin The Swedish Model: Revival after the Turbulent 1990s? D.Anxo & H.Niklasson From the 'Sick Man' to the 'Overhauled Engine' of Europe? Upheaval in the German Model S.Lehndorff, Ge.Bosch, T.Haipeter & E.Latniak Institutional Continuity Masking a Creeping Paradigm Shift in the Austrian Social Model? C.Hermann & J.Flecker Crisis of the Post-transition Hungarian Model L.Neumann & A.Toth Capitalizing on Variety: Risks and Opportunities in a New French Social Model I.Berrebi-Hoffmann, F.Jany-Catrice, M.Lallement & T.Ribault Continuity and Change in the Italian Model A.Simonazzi, P.Villa, F.Lucidi & P.Naticchioni From a State-led Familistic to a Liberal Partly De-familialized Capitalism: The Difficult Transition of the Greek Model M.Karamessini The Transformation of the Employment System in Spain: Towards a Mediterranean Neoliberalism? J.Banyuls, F.Miguelez, A.Recio, E.Cano & R.Lorente

The Paisleyites: from protest movement to electoral breakthrough

The object of this essay is to analyze the character and development of the movement which coalesced around Ian Paisley during Northern Ireland's turbulent 1960s. Examining Paisleyism's place within the broader context of Sixties Northern Ireland will act to reveal its contested role in, and response to, that society's unraveling. Within this decade Paisleyism emerged simultaneously as: a politicized evangelical Protestant faith tied to a newly formed Church; a leader of street protests; and an electoral rival to the state's architect and hegemonic power. Whilst its role as a reactive force is clear, analysis of Paisleyism's acrimonious relationship with the established Protestant and unionist institutions of Ireland reveals it also to be a transformative populist movement.

Nietzsche’s Echo—A Dialogue with Thomas Altizer

Prophets provoke psychological unrest, especially when exposing accepted beliefs as profound deceptions. The biblical prophets exemplify such confrontation as do certain atheists ardently opposed to the images of God created by those seers. The German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche dramatically illustrates this type of counterforce to the Judeo-Christian tradition. His prophet Zarathustra is intended to be a model for the modern mind, one free of superstitions inflicted by antiquated religious dogma. Nietzsche's credo "God is dead" served as a declaration for the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, it became a theological diagnosis. As a "movement," or "tenor," the death of God or radical theology was spearheaded by Thomas Altizer, a well-published young professor center-staged during the turbulent 1960s. His work foreshadows a new strain of atheism currently represented by biologist Richard Dawkins (2006, The God delusion. New York: Houghton Mifflin), philosopher Daniel Dennett (2006, Breaking the spell. New York: Penquin), neuroscientist Sam Harris (2004, The end of faith. New York: W.W. Norton; 2008, Letter to a Christian nation. New York: Vintage), journalist Christopher Hitchens (2007, God is not great. New York: Twelve), and mathematician John Allen Paulos (Paulos 2008, Irreligion. New York: Hill & Wang). This twenty-first century crusade against belief in God is best understood as a psychodynamic ignited by Altizer's Christian atheism. The present dialogue reflects that dynamic while the prologue and epilogue reveal evidence of Providence amidst claims of God's demise in contemporary history.

Opting Out of the Great Inflation: German Monetary Policy after the Breakdown of Bretton Woods

During the turbulent 1970s and 1980s the Bundesbank established an outstanding reputation in the world of central banking. Germany achieved a high degree of domestic stability and provided safe haven for investors in times of turmoil in the international financial system. Eventually the Bundesbank provided the role model for the European Central Bank. Hence, we examine an episode of lasting importance in European monetary history. The purpose of this paper is to highlight how the Bundesbank monetary policy strategy contributed to this success. We analyze the strategy as it was conceived, communicated and refined by the Bundesbank itself. We propose a theoretical framework (following Soderstrom, 2005) where monetary targeting is interpreted, first and foremost, as a commitment device. In our setting, a monetary target helps anchoring inflation and inflation expectations. We derive an interest rate rule and show empirically that it approximates the way the Bundesbank conducted monetary policy over the period 1975-1998. We compare the Bundesbank's monetary policy rule with those of the FED and of the Bank of England. We find that the Bundesbank's policy reaction function was characterized by strong persistence of policy rates as well as a strong response to deviations of inflation from target and to the activity growth gap. In contrast, the response to the level of the output gap was not significant. In our empirical analysis we use real-time data, as available to policy-makers at the time.