Regime Of Truth Research Articles

Esquadrinhar e Governar: análise das recomendações do CONFEF para a Educação Física escolar

Resumo: Em meio à disputa de concepções para o ensino da Educação Física nas escolas, o Conselho Federal de Educação Física publicou um conjunto de recomendações a serem seguidas pelos professores. Este artigo recorre à ordem do discurso de matriz foucaultiana para analisar o documento, com o objetivo de identificar qual perspectiva ele valida e que lacunas pretende preencher. Observa-se que a proposta resulta em uma alquimia de teorias curriculares, cujos alicerces encontram-se fincados nas pedagogias acríticas da Educação Física. A produção discursiva perscrutada reproduz de forma aligeirada e desconexa concepções de ensino obsoletas e exalta a cultura da performatividade, balizada no discurso biológico do corpo saudável. O regime de verdade, estabelecido pelo discurso oficial, dá vazão a uma biopolítica com vistas à constituição de um sujeito ativo, produtivo e autoempreendedor, atendendo às expectativas da sociedade neoliberal.

Globalisasi dan Hak Asasi Manusia: Tinjauan Kritis Terhadap Wacana Global Governance dalam Upaya Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia

Discourse of Global Governance came along with globalization. This article will not showing reader about the debates among scholars regarding the wide definition of globalization, rather this article is a production of critical consciousness. Using Foucault’s governmentality in order to dismantle the technology of power this article explains how then globalization with the issues that came along with its discourse.In this case I raise human rights issue that becoming the political rationalization of protecting of migrant worker must be started from human rights discourse and take it as the regime of truth.

The Ancient Mariner Speaks: Examining Regimes of Truth in ADHD

The Ancient Mariner Speaks: Examining Regimes of Truth in ADHD

Violence, bureaucracy and intreccio in Brazil

ABSTRACTFor Brazil’s ‘violence worker’ street-level bureaucrats, violence is woven into everyday practice. But violent influence flows in multiple directions; from the state to society, within the state and its agencies, from violent actors upon state bureaucrats. Real and potential violence defines the bureaucratic regime of truth, alongside the influence of a self-defined organised crime group. Using ethnographic evidence, I show some of the fissures that are wedged open through violence, and demonstrate the ways that violent uncertainty shapes a need for leverage and spheres of trust. This shows the dissonance between bureaucratic form and bureaucratic rationale, where other violence workers – ontological bureaucrats – have become an everyday part of bureaucratic rationale. What matters is not the relationship between the state and bureaucracy, but the relationship between sovereign power and bureaucracy.

« For the women » ‐ In Memoriam Simone Veil (1927–2017)

This In Memoriam presents the life of Simone Veil, an influential French politician, remembered for a law that made abortion legal in 1974. Simone Veil's contribution to the rights of women is featured as an instance of parrhesia (Foucault, 2011) that was able to establish a new regime of truth about the body, sexuality, and reproductive capacities of French women.

Guilt-Tripping the Greengrocer

Two ways of reading Havel’s classic essay are proposed. According to the first, the focus is on the peculiarities of the post-totalitarian system, inhabited by the famous greengrocer, where slogans, ritual communication, pervasive manipulation, and arbitrariness prevail and power operates as if automatic and anonymous. The lines of conflict run though each person: everyone is both victim and supporter. Comparison is made with Michel Foucault’s (early) view of power, which similarly rejected seeing power as exercised by some over others, stressing power’s anonymity and pervasiveness. For Foucault, at that stage of his thinking, however, power constitutes “regimes of truth,” whereas for Havel the “power of truth” is a force that has the potential successfully to resist and subvert domination. The power of truth is that of the greengrocer and others “living within the lie” to expose and shatter the world of appearances. Havel calls on them to end their complicity. This might seem moralistic, but Havel’s view was that under post-totalitarian conditions, morality would prove the best strategy. The second reading suggests that the post-totalitarian system is the “extreme version of technological civilization and the industrial-consumer society.” But this account of power is at odds with the first, since in this view the powerless would have no prospects of resisting and overcoming domination. Havel’s account is thus political and relevant to other political contexts, raising several empirical questions concerning the dynamics of power and the conditions for the success of morally fueled protest and normative questions concerning power and responsibility.

Same-Sex Marriage and the Assimilationist Dilemma: A Research Agenda on Marriage Equality and the Future of LGBTQ Activism, Politics, Communities, and Identities

ABSTRACTThis special issue of the Journal of Homosexuality, examines the impact of the marriage equality movement and the resulting landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision, Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) that legalized same-sex marriage in the U.S., on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) activism, politics, communities, and identities. The articles in this issue examine the complicated ways in which the discourse used in same-sex marriage court cases is related to heteronormative discursive frames; the lived reality of married same-sex couples and the complex ways in which they think about marriage and heteronormativity; the ways that heteronormativity is racialized, which affects how African Americans perceive the impact of same-sex marriage on their lives; how same-sex marriage has influenced public opinion and the likelihood of anti-gay backlash; and the impact of same-sex marriage on family law. In this article, I draw on the empirical research from these articles to develop a theoretical framework that expands a multi-institutional (MIP) approach to understanding social movements and legal change. I build on and develop three conceptual tools: the assimilationist dilemma, discursive integration and cooptation, and truth regime. I conclude by laying out an agenda for future research on the impact of same-sex marriage on LGBTQ movements, politics, identities, and communities.

The power of the personal: situating Aboriginal memoir in the Indigenous public sphere and as a mode of public intellectual intervention

Memoir is not routinely considered a part of media practice. However, as a literary form produced for reading publics that express cultural identities, it can be considered a part of the Indigenous public sphere, which has been theorised as a counter-public of resistance and a site of cultural renegotiation of ideas about Indigeneity. Through an analysis of a selection of Indigenous memoir published during the 1980s, it is argued that these texts operated as a version of Edward Said’s public intellectualism by exposing the oppression of the inherited and unexamined binaries and regimes of truth that produce and perpetuate the conditions of inequality and injustice. As the authors recalled lives of suffering, their memories provided alternative narratives that challenged the silences of Australia’s official history, which sustained racist attitudes and identities and cast the Indigenous Public Sphere as a site of contested historiography.

Truth by Narration—Why Autobiographical Conversion Accounts are so Compelling: The Case of H.A. Kaundinya, the First Indian Pastor in the Basel Mission

ABSTRACTThis essay investigates the significance of autobiographical conversion narratives using a case study from the Basel Mission, active in India in the mid nineteenth century. I argue that such narratives are pivotal for the realisation of conversion in the discourse-oriented Protestant mission. Taking up Foucault's idea of ‘regimes of truth’, I understand autobiographical accounts of conversion as ‘acts of truth’. Such acts shape and contribute to a certain discourse formation that has a normative function for the individual and the community involved. The autobiographical conversion narrative thus not only reports events and experiences, it also brings an aura of authenticity and genuineness to the individual conversion, and it reinforces the validity of the norms expressed through the experiences of the subject for the community that subscribes to the discourse.

Prefatory Remarks: Crisis and Critique

Abstract This inaugural issue of Critical Times takes the pulse of the current global political condition, engaging with contexts marked both by the crisis of liberal democratic regimes and by the emergence of new authoritarian political and cultural formations. Some of the essays in this issue analyze the sudden consolidation of right-wing populisms, their underlying totalitarian undercurrents, and the attendant shattering of the political and juridical regimes of truth that held sway until recently. Other contributions aim at exploring the popular potential for progressive forms of governance on the left, observing its current achievements and pitfalls, or seeking radical precedents in the historical past.

We made this bed … now look who’s lying in it

In considering the ‘Populist Responses to Austerity and Cultural Change: Brexit, Trumpism and Beyond’, there is a temptation, even a degree of comfort, in depicting 2016 as a kind of deviant moment in which non-elite anger and anxiety fueled an outburst of anti-progressive energy and the electoral victory of demagogues. The proposition put forth in this essay is that leadership scholarship is itself culpable. Transformational leadership, the dominant theme of that discourse, relies on the individual leader as an exceptional individual capable, even obliged, to reshape the worldview of followers in order to align them with the leader’s approach. By favoring an appeal to emotions over a rational exchange of positions, by assuming the superiority of one set of values over any others, by denying the validity of differing and/or conflicting interests, and by asserting authority based on hierarchical position rather than informed choice and consent, transformational leadership veered closely to our understanding of demagogues. Unintended though it may be, the dominant discourse becomes engrained as a ‘regime of truth’ into a pervasive, highly problematic social norm. Leadership scholars must accept a degree of responsibility and reconsider romantic notions of leadership in order to advance alternatives, not only to Trump and his particular agenda but also to the problematic assumptions embedded in and wider effects entwined with leadership thought.

Chapter 5: Fake News and Alternative Facts – A Constructivist Critique of the Current Right-Wing Populist Will to Truth

This chapter focuses on rhetorical strategies employed in right-wing populist discourses like the talk about “fake news” and “alternative facts” most prominently used in the Trump campaign and in the first year of his presidency. We discuss what is at stake in current politics regarding the relation between power and truth and propose some perspectives for critical reflection. First, we explore the concept of truth from a pragmatist and constructivist perspective. We argue that there is a fundamental and necessary distinction between relativism and arbitrariness. Second, we consider the role of facts and scientific results in culture and society and the role that markets play in the distribution and dissemination of information and beliefs in a consumer society. We refer to Foucault’s critical concept of the “will to truth” in order to argue that there are standards and procedures regarding facts and beliefs in modern society – e.g., practices that have shown their relative success in the hard and soft sciences – that must be defended against arbitrary assults by right-wing propaganda. We conclude by considering the necessary connection between a plurastic concept of truth and democratic politics in the face of the current right-wing attempts to establish a regime of truth that is fundamentally detrimental to democracy.

Discursos da Educação Matemática e a constituição de sujeitos: aspectos históricos do ensino da tabuada

Este artigo tem como objetivo apontar elementos para a escrita de uma história do ensino da tabuada. Utiliza-se das teorizações do filósofo Michel Foucault, que possibilitam um movimento de olhar para este saber como produto histórico de discursos. A partir dos métodos arqueológico e genealógico fazem-se alguns questionamentos como: Que enunciados sobre o ensino da tabuada estavam presentes nos regimes de verdade da Educação Matemática de diferentes épocas e quais suas implicações na constituição dos sujeitos? As fontes analisadas foram exemplares da Revista do Professor, da Revista de Ensino e da Revista Nova Escola, num total de 13, publicadas entre os anos de 1953 e 2000. A análise garimpou enunciações que permitiram articular o ensino da tabuada a algumas práticas da sociedade disciplinar e posteriormente da sociedade de controle. A intenção deste estudo é refletir sobre a importância da história do presente para as pesquisas em Educação Matemática.

Untangling the Scholactivist Web

When politically motivated activists bring an informed and relevant critique to an otherwise conventional opinion exchange on social media, they reinvent themselves as scholar-activists—scholactivists. Broadening the role of Gramsci’s organic intellectual, the scholactivist does not only speak on behalf of a certain class but parts ways with hegemonic order and positions herself at the intersection of race, class and identity. Scholactivism thrives on the principle that social and political struggles unfold within a framework of mutual support and solidarity rather than competition. Differing radically from the traditional meanings of the term “activist,” which doesn’t connote a political affiliation with right or left factions, scholactivists consciously situate themselves in opposition to concentrated power (state, corporate, and communitarian) in an effort to overturn existing regimes of truth. In a neoliberalized political sphere, where there’s a clear separation between citizens and oligarchs, scholactivists demand a more egalitarian public sphere where participation is open to anyone regardless of socio-economic status or political ideology.

Hyperidentity and Orientalism: The Case of the Sieges of Diu in Portuguese Texts

The Portuguese representations of the sieges of Diu have been produced over the span of five centuries. My main argument is that, in these texts, Diu served as a pretext to reaffirm the glories of Portugal in Asia during the sixteenth century, as well as to establish an ontological and epistemological distinction between the West and the East. Such representations stem from what Eduardo Lourenço calls ‘Portuguese hyperidentity’, a notion which helps us understand how the discourses about Diu articulate knowledge and power. The relevance of establishing a connection between Edward W. Said’s theory of Orientalism and Lourenço’s viewpoint lies in the fact that both the ‘Western conceptions of the Orient’ and the affirmation of Portuguese identity and belonging participate of what Michel Foucault called the ‘regime of truth’.

The 15 July abortive coup and post-truth politics in Turkey

Contemporary developments throughout the world have been marked by post-truth politics. Epitomized by a disregard for truth coupled with a reliance on emotive arguments, the term ‘post-truth politics’ has not yet been adequately reflected upon by political or social theory. This article uses Turkey’s 15 July (2016) abortive coup as an entry point to address this gap and argues that the post-truth has altered both the grammar and vocabulary of politics. The term denotes the contemporary shift from a ‘regime of truth’ to a ‘regime of common sense’, which also operates as the discursive ground of new populisms. While treating three contending narratives of 15 July – ‘kamikaze coup’, ‘staged coup’ and ‘controlled coup’ – this article focuses on the post-truth elements in the government’s narrative performance that obstructed the pursuit of truth and set the conditions for a particular interpretation of the events of 15 July.

Resistance is Futile: The cultural politics of transformation in the digital age

Resistance is FutileThe cultural politics of transformation in the digital age Peter Hitchcock "Move Fast and Break Things" The desire for technology is only matched by the technology of desire, for which no amount of chiasmus can mask the dialectical knot this represents, historically, politically, and theoretically. One only has to the think of the misprision that now attends the Luddites—those brave souls who protested the deceitful use of technology to vacate standard labor practices, but whose title today unequivocally means the opposition to new technologies per se. I will not lend credence to the latter interpretation over the former necessarily, although I am interested in the clash of fictions where politics claims to live, a kind of aesthetic contusion, or what Jameson once called a "libidinal historicism," bound to all attempts to rethink "industrial society and its future" (the original title of Ted Kaczynski's manifesto, here minus his less than benign conclusions). Ned Ludd himself is an empty cypher, a necessary fiction, like the frightful hobgoblin that stalks at the beginning of the Communist Manifesto, or the model worker of the People's Republic of China, Lei Feng, who worked hardest as an ideological reflex of Maoism. We are told every fact has an alternative; some regimes of truth, however, are more subtle. If the resistance of the Luddites has been rendered obtuse, resistance today sometimes seems close to translucent. Seen as a lifestyle, resistance is the easiest of fictions: it is something that can be claimed with righteous aplomb. If cultural capital were a supermarket, resistance, in this declension, would be bottom shelf. It is like binging in the armchair and Facebook updates, or endless unimpeachable yet disposable hashtags like "I am Charlie Hebdo," "Not my president," or "Suck an egg Kim Jong-un." Resistance lends itself well to gesture, both as intense engagement and as knowing detachment. You can argue against resistance but since, in its most banal form, that is resistance, it is not much of a debate. One of the lures of what is now called "resistance studies" is surely that it takes little imagination to see it everywhere. The internet feeds this sense of all insurrection all of the time by not only beating words to death but constantly flogging the dead horse for good measure. Every meme is an original "pièce de résistance" and resistance, the word, [End Page 304] has become an idiot's tale of sound and fury. Obviously, there are all kinds of significant resistance and it is not my task in this essay to negate somehow that crucial valence; indeed, I will be addressing such resistance further below. Yet what happens to politics when resistance is hyper-niched, mediated not according to subjective desire but by a kind of machinic desire for subjectivity (an actual machine, of course, desires nothing, yet the concept metaphor is precisely the space of subreptive desire, that is, of contradiction)? Is this a grammar that questions how social change is ordered, cognized, captured? I mean this as more than a series of 0s and 1s (although we sometimes need to remind ourselves that the fabulousness of the digital universe is structured by a binary if not binary logic) but as a matrix where resistance has a fail-safe, a point of criticality that resistance must not meet. You can have any resistance you want, but not that one. It is the kind of resistance that can neither be "had" nor, in essence, experienced; it is neither the group you can join, nor the "like" you can signal, nor the mob you can flash, nor even the Derridean "gram" you can "insta." The space of composition is not individual will, the app that can be played or shopped, but it is the composite itself, the space of appropriation, appropriated. It is a space where voluntarism falls away (as well as all consumerist versions of the same: shopping for resistance, shopping as resistance, and resistance to shopping), but not the crux of political possibility. Paradoxically, perhaps, it is where resistance is futile. Beyond what might seem like the random access memory of the above, what is the architecture and architectonics that...

Should We Let them Play? Three Key Benefits of Play to Improve Early Childhood Programs

The topic of play and development has been of immense importance and controversy in early education and child development field throughout the twentieth century and into the present decade. The trend of current early education is to introduce academics sooner for younger students in order for programs to remain competitive and have parents choose more academically based preschools. The trickled down effect of State Standards has also pushed academics into the early childhood classroom more than a decade ago. Hence, reducing or at times leaving out time for active play in the classroom. In some classrooms, play is replaced by passive play led be technological games rather than imaginary play that involves peer interactions. Educators are faced with the challenge of reducing play and the benefits and politics involved in play. This article highlights the concept of play through the lens of Foucault and describes key benefits that can support the academic achievement of students as they continue on to later grades by changing the regimes of truth on play. This research highlights three major developmental aspects of play and their impact on early childhood development. Specifically, language development in Monolinguals and DLLs, self-regulation, and emergent literacy skills.

Regimes of Truth in the Communication and Reporting of the European Union Post-Truth, Post-Propaganda or Just…Propaganda?

The debate on the problems and future of the EU, both in the ‘anti-European’ and ‘pro-European’ camps, is characterized by the exclusive emphasis on ‘what might be true’ and not on the whole spectrum of reality . Thus, there is need to problematize the supposed ‘imminent threat’ of ‘post-truth’. Any discussion regarding the ‘post-truth challenge’ for today’s Europe in general cannot be productive if we do not take into account the developments associated with the characteristics of information management . There is a need to juxtapose the ‘post-truth’ of the post-modern and post-industrial communication environment with the modernist notion of propaganda, not only to acquire the adequate theoretical evidence in order to assess whether we are dealing with a new phenomenon (post-truth), a ‘new’ version of an ‘old’ phenomenon (post-propaganda), but also to identify similarities and differences in terms of their causes, characteristics and possible implications for the EU.

A representação da verdade pelo discurso científico: vistas a uma ruptura de paradigmas do letramento acadêmico

Este artigo versa, a partir de uma perspectiva teórica, sobre a questão da escrita na esfera acadêmica. As particularidades dos modos de leitura e escrita nessa esfera constituem um mundo de letramentos caracterizado por uma formalidade que o distingue, propositalmente, de outras situações de uso dessas habilidades. A apropriação e a manutenção do discurso científico, no entanto, requerem do alunado competências usualmente pouco desenvolvidas ao longo de seus anos na educação básica e que realçam as dificuldades enfrentadas, tanto pelo aluno como pelo professor, na transição para o ensino superior. Para a corrente discussão, amparo-me nos estudos de letramento (STREET, 1984, 2003; KLEIMAN, 1995; HAMILTON, 2002) para tratar, especificamente, do letramento acadêmico e do regime de verdade (FOUCAULT, 2004) através do qual se legitima o discurso científico na sociedade.