True Democracy Research Articles

Beyond political theology: Marx’s materialist theorization of democracy and constituent power

ABSTRACT This article recovers and develops Marx’s highly original materialist theorization of democracy and constituent power in Critique of Hegel’s Doctrine of State. Through close textual analysis and theoretical recontextualization, I reconstruct Marx’s development and deployment of these concepts as a central part of his critique of political theology, that is, the idea of the state as a sovereign subject transcending and exercising absolute power over society. Marx conceptualized democracy as the social basis of all constitutional forms of the state, which simultaneously revealed the inherent possibility of overthrowing it and capitalism in order to institute a continuous and collective non-sovereign form of self-determination described as ‘true democracy.’

Socialism, Democracy, Bureaucracy, and Umbrella Organizations

Abstract Among the dilemmas faced by labor, socialist, and other movements of the subaltern classes striving to change society over the past two centuries, three are discussed here: forms of ownership, bureaucracy and “big tent” formulas for both unity of the working class broadly defined, and alliances with movements of independent owners or undefined class status. Examples are drawn from various countries (France, Italy, Britain, the USA, Brazil, Korea) and from international programmatic discussions. Socialists, notably Marxists, shared the radical republican goal of a true democracy of equals, but differed on the extent of collective ownership (state, local, cooperative) needed in the economy, and the definition of privately owned personal goods that insured an individual’s dignity and independence. The rise and contraction of capitalist states with social services (“welfare states”) complicated the issue. Such movements also accumulated experiences with the growth of experts and/or bureaucrats, and the means to limit their privileges and transformation into a caste-type elite. Three environments which generate such phenomena are identified: social-democratic and big labor, post-capitalist states and, more recently, nongovernmental organizations. Finally, the author discusses alliances with broader social forces which include working-class and non-working-class interests, and the management of cross-class ideologies such as certain varieties of nationalism, feminism, environmentalism, and anti-tax movements.

Christian Citizens in a Democratic State: Is a True Separation of Church and State Really Possible?

In many North American Protestant circles, especially those with Baptist or Free Church roots, the notion of the total separation of church and state is presented as the ideal to be attained in all church and state relations. We are told that the state should have no legislative power to ordain anything in relation to church doctrine or practice, and that the church should be entirely excluded from all political, secular, or state actions. In this paper, we are going to suggest that such an approach to church–state relations (even though some might think that it flows from or is necessary for democracy) is, in fact, impossible in a true democracy. We will first consider the nature of the church and the state, and present three principles that Maritain suggests are first principles in this debate. We will then look at the classical notion of the “Citizen”. We will conclude by arguing that based upon the nature of a citizen, of the church, and of the state, a strict separation of church and state is, in fact, impossible.

The Young Marx on Feudalism as the Democracy of Unfreedom

AbstractKarl Marx consistently contrasts the alienation and egoism of bourgeois, capitalist society with the holism and intimacy of medieval feudalism. In his critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of right, he cryptically terms medievalism the ‘democracy of unfreedom’, arguing that feudalism embodied an integration of political and economic life that the fragmented modern constitutional state abandons. Focusing on writings from the early 1840s, this article examines Marx’s account of feudalism to better understand his early democratic theory and its relationship to his account of human emancipation. While Marx rejects feudal nostalgia and insists on the revolutionary progress brought by capitalism and liberal constitutionalism, he nonetheless believes that medievalism models a partial unity of political and economic life that ‘true democracy’ will restore and radicalize.

A Cost-Benefit Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment in Balochistan: A Study on Saindak Project

Pakistan has received one of the biggest foreign investments in its history, however it failed many times in managing and resolving disputes domestically related to foreign investment, as in Saindak case. There is a need of Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) of these projects and to make indigenous people informed about the pros and cons and benefits of the projects operating in their region. This research examines Foreign Direct Investment in Balochistan by conducting Cost Benefit Analysis of Saindak project under different government regimes. A qualitative and exploratory research has been conducted. The study uses secondary data of Saindak project from period 2001-2022. Content analysis technique is used to analyze variations in outcome, success, costs and benefits of Saindak Project across different time periods. The research concludes that Saindak Project has failed to fulfill CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) activities and the resources had been exploited many times. The government must engage in negotiations with the rebel groups, free political detainees, and uphold the rights to freedom of speech guaranteed by the constitution. The only way out of internal quagmires and unrests is to give more voice to the indigenous people and the Federal and provincial governments should accept the idea of true democracy.

Central Challenges Confronting the African State: Rethinking Its Role in Development

This paper focuses on the central challenges confronting the African state in the context of the neo-liberal offensive to render the continent more vulnerable. Historically the African state was a creation of the colonisers to serve their interests. In the post-colonial condition it has principally served the interests of tiny, powerful circles and their foreign backers, rather than those of the generality of the African people. Prolonged authoritarianism on the continent has been maintained principally through the state. Only through popular democratic transformation of the state will the continent march towards development. Historically development in all spheres has never been attained anywhere independent of the central role of the state. In the post-Cold War period America is on course to drag African governments, political leaders and the continent’s economic resources into another phase of imperialist domination. The terms, terrain, politics and direction of the so-called war on terror are determined without consultations with the African people. This paperfocuses on central issues of regional and continental integration, conflicts, citizenship, control and mobilisation resources, true democracy, managing pluralism, constitutionalism, participation, accountability and security. These require urgent tackling to ensure more forged unity and protection of the continent. The analysis delves into concrete realities and makes suggestions for ending the quagmire of the African state.

Democracy in the Indonesian Perspective: Government System

Background. This article is made so what we know that the western democracy that was born by the french Revolution did not bring true people’s independence,but gave rise to the power of capitalism,therefore political democracy alone is not enough to achieve true democracy ,namely people’s soveregeighnty Purpose. There must also be economic sovereignty,which uses the basis ,that all income which recognizes the livelihood of the people must also be under the responsibility of the people. Method. The study involved 288 university students from Chinese, Japanese, and Korean TFL settings, and the data from questionnaires were analysed using appropriate statistical methods. Results. Why is democracy always a theme and a moral choice in political struggles?because humans realize that they have a moral weakness in the form of a tendency to rule and dominate others. Conclusion. If this tendency is attached to someone who happens to be holding power and there is no control mechanism that can warn and control it,then it is usually the people who will become.

Democracy, Gender Issues and Women Empowerment in Nigeria: Reflections on Selected Nigerian Feminist Drama

Purpose: Gender inequality has thrived in Nigeria for too long. Feminist scholars therefore feel that there is urgent need to change the status quo through feminist inputs and this led to the present persistent advocacy for women empowerment. Drama has been mostly deployed as a means of expressing this new trend of discourse. Thus, Nigerian writers, especially feminist dramatists, consciously reflect in their works the frightening realities of the prevailing socio- political and economic situations in the country, drawing the attention of the masses, especially the female gender to the inequality inherent in their exploitation, mobilizing the society to rise up against their oppressors. This paper therefore, is set to examine the issues of gender and women empowerment in Nigeria as reflected in selected Nigerian plays. The plays include Tess Onwueme’s The Reign of Wazobia, J.P. Clark’s The Wives’ Revolt and Fred Agbeyegbe’s The King Must Dance Naked.
 Methodology: Textual analysis of the selected plays is carried out.
 Findings: The analysis reveals that drama can be employed as a weapon to break the walls of cultural barriers that impede the struggle of women for social, political and economic empowerment.
 Unique Contribution to Theory Policy and Practice: Thus, premised on the Womanist theory, this paper concludes that drama can be deployed as a means of promoting justice, gender equity and fair play in Nigeria’s drive towards the possibilities of true democracy. This is the playwrights’ contribution to the theory and practice of feminist drama in Nigeria.

Konsep Masyarakat Madani Dalam Demokrasi Pancasila

Western democracy that was born by the French Revolution did not bring true people's independence, but gave rise to the power of capitalism, therefore political democracy alone is not enough to achieve true democracy, namely people's sovereignty. There must also be economic sovereignty, which uses the basis, that all income which recognizes the livelihood of the people must be under the responsibility of the people as well. The basis of identity awareness is the embryo of the birth of civilization, whereas if we look at the basis of identity awareness of Western nations (US and Western Europe) the differences are very clear, Western countries: individualist, humanist, secular, while Indonesian society: individual-social, humanist-religious, religious. So it is natural that at the level of implementation, democracy in Indonesia is different from democracy that develops in the West, because the basis for awareness of the identity of the two is very different. Nurcholish Madjid is an icon of Islamic scholars who is considered the most controversial and the most contributive. The main ideas are among the three major themes; Islam, Indonesianness and Modernity. Nurcholish Madjid campaigned for civil society, a concept of society that started from the time of the prophet Muhammad SAW with the principles of egalitarianism, pluralism, equality of human rights and protecting minorities.

Uneven Distribution of Wealth through Political Manipulation as Expressed in J. M. Magaisa’s Poetry: A Moral-Philosophical Perspective on the Politics of the New Era

Most Africans in the democratic South Africa face challenges of extreme poverty and are subject to laws that were created for them without proper consultation and relayed to them in the form of the Constitution. This is contrary to the ideologies proclaimed during the struggle for liberation from colonial rule as well as the promises made by the politicians when canvassing for elections. This article serves as a reminder to the politicians who use political manipulation to get into power, and then forget about their promises and the Constitution of South Africa. Using the moral-philosophical approach and the text analysis method to examine the protest poems by J. M. Magaisa in Xikolokolo nguvu ya Pitori (1987), the paper aims at demonstrating that true democracy is “government for the people by the people” and it helps its citizens alleviate poverty rather than voting and then remaining in dire conditions while politicians amass wealth. Different areas of disempowerment through uneven distribution of wealth will be illustrated. Only the stanzas relevant to the discussion will be analysed. The findings, recommendations and conclusions will be provided.

The rule of unreason: Analyzing (anti‐)democratic regression

The rule of unreason: Analyzing (anti‐)democratic regression

THE DECISIVE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION IN TURKISH WOMEN'S PERCEPTION OF POLITICS

Although Turkish women received their political freedoms even before many European countries, today Turkey lags behind many countries in terms of the proportion of women in active politics. This research, which aims to question the reasons for this decline and whose findings are the subject of this paper, also shows the problems women face in politics and their expectations from politics. In this research, which was conducted with the participation of 958 women representing different sociocultural segments, a very different and comprehensive diversity of findings was provided through the original questions included in the questionnaire. The women who responded to the research questions agreed that the number of women in politics is too low and expressed their suggestions for solutions to improve their conditions. In Turkey, women voters outnumber men. Therefore, the findings of this research will help political parties to communicate with and understand women properly and will provide important clues to politicians who want to gain the support of women voters. These findings will also give ideas to sociologists and political scientists who want to investigate the way of doing politics and voter tendencies in Turkey. A democracy can only be a true democracy if women have the right to participate in politics on an equal basis with men and if they can exercise this right freely. The findings of this research give very important messages to society on how this can be realized.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/soc/0029/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

제헌국회의원 선거법의 선거권 연령 하향 요인과 북조선 선거법의 영향

The North Korean Election Act had a great influence on the process of deciding the Constitutional National Assembly Election Act. In 1948, the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea on Korea compared and studied North Korea's election law with the election law enacted by South Korean Interim Legislative Assembly, and had a meeting to listen to the opinions of major domestic figures on the age of North Korea's right to vote. In the interview, the age issue of voting rights was mentioned first, and in North Korea's election regulations, it was also mentioned that the age of voting rights was 20 years or older.
 While the election law was enacted in South Korea, North Korea continued to criticize the South Korea's election law as undemocratic and limited. On the other hand, North Korea touted that North Korea's election laws and socialist countries' election laws represent 'true democracy'. This situation served as a very unfavorable factor for the United States to show off the excellence of American democracy in South Korea, and rather a positive factor in the process of enacting a “democratic” election law. The U.S. military government was considering left-wing propaganda in the process of enacting the election law. In addition, North Korea's election law directly or indirectly affected the decision-making process of the U.S. military government. In this regard, it can be confirmed once again through the issue of the age of the election law that South Korea and North Korea consciously and unconsciously influence each other through various ways.

The Western Democratic Model Facing African Political Cultures

Is there a contradiction between the socio-cultural requirements of the western democratic system and African social structures? To answer this question, this study aims to demonstrate that there are no fundamental contradictions between Africans and Westerners in terms of the democratic values to be promoted. Each people must be able to build its own model. In the first part, the study demonstrates the unsuccessful transposition of the Western democratic model to Africa. The cause is to be found in African practice, which reveals an institutional and legal duality that favors the cohabitation of legitimacies that come from the ballot box and those that do not, whose status differs and whose relationship with each other is confused and likely to provoke conflicts. This means that African democracy functions according to the Western colonial model, even if African social structures still function at the local level. The second part emphasizes the building of a true democracy through culture, whose value is recognized in the norms, institutions, rites and customs of a people. This promotion of positive African values and traditions suggests borrowing from the West only what is compatible with the deep nature of African civilization. This wise and realistic mix needs the unconditional support of the international community. We live in a time of struggle for values. All peoples, even those who were dominated, are trying to propose their values that they consider better.

Posle biopolitike - prava demokratija kao "svet životaˮ XXI veka

In this article the author, firstly, considers different aspects of contemporary neoliberalism as biopolitics, especially reflecting the issue of cryptodemocracy in the end of 20th as well as in the first decades of 21st century. Or, more precisely, beginning from Foucault's articulation of biopolitics as both regulation and control of population, the issue of multiple forms of "liberal democracy" in neoliberalism and poststructualism is critically addressed. In this light, divergent forms of "liberal democracy" as procedural i.e., formal democracy which appears as the primary condition of possibility for biopolitical neototalitarianism are analyzed. This neototalitarianism of the West i.e., of Pax Americana, which simultaneously includes the project of the EU, is primarily manifested through numerous contemporary phenomena of biopolitics - from "humanitarian interventionism" to "wars against terrorism" and measures taken against COVID 19. The common ground for all phenomena is traced back to the "friend-enemy" distinction, as well as to politization of the body as the conditions which enabled de(con)struction of both homo politicus and democracy. It is emphasized that the structural binary opposition is one between East and West and that, moreover, biopolitical neototalitarianism targets precisely the otherness of the East which it perceives as unbearable. In the second part of the article, it is argued that reaffirmation of polis requires a theory and practice of "true democracy" - as "democracy of content" - which is conceptually different from any form of "formal democracy". Furthermore, true democracy is, first and foremost, articulated as politics of the local i.e., as both politics of place and politics of time. Therefore, in opposition to "neoliberal presentism" and "the end of history" a return to democracy falls in one with rebirth of history. Transcendence of time and immanence of space constitute the framework for comprehending knowledge as remembrance which, in the next step, enables the foundation of a new paideia for the 21st century. Or, in other words, special relevance of education for true democracy - as well as for the structural relation between the political and the normative element - is emphasized. In such a way, the author at the same time reflects upon the necessity of culture for true democracy and formation of the polis because culture - which always comes in plural - is the sine qua non not only for politics and ethics but for the possibility of civilization. The potential for realization of political subjectivity and sovereignty is then presented in the form of true democracy as self-determination of the people. In conclusion, this process is also marked by forming of specific Sittlickeit i.e., "democracy of content" is manifested through multiplicity of forms of "lifeworld" which come forth from history, tradition, and high culture. In such a way, the life of the people as democratic life par excellence, with all its particularities, opens the space for horizons of new humanism in the 21st century that is also constituted as the final foundation for restauration of homo politicus.

Is the Right to Vote Equal to Democracy? — An Analysis of Substantive and Procedural Democracy in the United States

In modern political society, democracy remains a universal concept. However, different ideologies still have their own views on the concrete realization form of democracy. Nowadays, the understandings of the concept of democracy in the United States and its democratic values have become the mainstream of Western society, and their historical value and role should not be ignored. However, the practice of this democratic system has differed from true democracy and has gradually manifested political confusion. Firstly, this paper introduces the development of democracy and electoral system, and explains that the initial meaning of Western democracy is institutional democracy, namely procedural democracy, which is not the same as what we think of popular sovereignty today, and that the development course of Western democracy is also the expansion process of procedural justice. Then, constructivism theory is used to discuss the proceduralized process of substantive democracy and to explain the relationship between procedural justice and substantive democracy. Finally, through a specific analysis of the evolution and practice of the democratic electoral system in the United States, it concludes that the development of American democracy focuses only on expanding the scope of procedural democracy, but neglects the development of substantive democracy. For this reason, it explores the problems existing in American democracy.

«ТРИ НАРОДНИХ ПРИНЦИПИ» СУНЬ ЯТСЕНА: ФІЛОСОФСЬКО-СВІТОГЛЯДНИЙ І ПОЛІТОЛОГІЧНИЙ ЗМІСТ КОНЦЕПТУ

In the article the revealed social-political, political-ideological and historical-philosophical content «three national principles» Sun Yatsen. In general, the «three national principles» are recognized as a political doctrine, which absorbed both confucian ideology and western political thought. To proposed Sun Yatsen the «three national principles» it: the principle of nationalism, which meant the self-determination of the chinese people and chinese minorities, the destruction of all forms of oppression and evil to restore the status of the nation; the principle of people’s rule can be achieved by abolishing autocracy and establishing a republic, as well as the creation of a five-power constitution based on legislative, judicial and administrative powers; national welfare is considered the most difficult to solve and means the idea of equalizing land ownership with the help of a fair taxation system. These proposed principles of Sun Yatsen became a program for carrying out a simultaneous national, political and economic revolution in China, contributed to the overthrow of the Qing autocratic monarchy and the establishment of the Republic of China. Based on the conducted research, it was established what in the «three national principles» was the first proposed to be introduced in the Chine democratic, constitutional, political and economic systems. Moreover, Sun Yatsen believed that there is true democracy and government of the people is prerequisites for public ownership and distribution of state and public economic interests, which will enable China to rapidly modernize and integrate in the direction of civilization, move along the path of development and prosperity, and become a strong country. Installed, what «three national principles» became a relatively complete revolutionary program for building chinese society. It was determined, what «three national principles» became an important theoretical source of Chinese Marxism, in which Chinese traditional thought and Marxism were combined, which further influenced the historical process of the Chineseization of Marxism.

“The Circumstances of Democracy”: Why Random Selection Is Not Better Than Elections if We Value Political Equality and Privacy

Elections are generally considered the only way to create a democratic legislature where direct democracy is not an option. However, in recent years that assumption has been challenged by individuals who claim that lotteries are a democratic way of selecting people for office, elections are aristocratic or oligarchic, not democratic, and that elections as we know them are inadequate if true democracy is prioritized. In opposition to this wave, my paper argues that the assertions made to support the democratic merits of lotteries are unpersuasive. Current evidence that sortition is either more egalitarian or produces epistemically better results than elections is poor. Instead, these assertions illuminate the importance of elections in enabling the constituents of a democracy to reconcile the personal and political dimensions of their lives and, therefore, better reflect citizens’ claims to privacy and equality. The paper begins by recapping the main arguments for treating sortition as a democratic way to select a legislature, outlines their deficiencies, and then turns to what these perceived failings actually suggest about the democratic value of elections.

الحماية الدستورية للحقوق والحريات العامة في ظل دستور العراق الدائم لسنة 2005

Civil society organizations are one of the institutions that support democratic systems and they are the non-governmental organizations, since governmental organizations are naturally biased to governments. Civil society organizations work to promote public freedoms through their activities stipulated in both the Iraqi Constitution of the year 2005 and the Egyptian Constitution of the year 2014, where each of them were granted freedom to form association and syndicates. As well as the national legislation, which regulates the work of those organizations, to achieve the objectives for which they were established in promoting and supporting human rights and fundamental freedoms.The Egyptian draft Law No. 70 of 2017, as well as the Iraqi NGO Law of 2010, provided a model for enabling the work of these organizations, and organizing their legitimate activities, and prohibiting their activities that “harm national security, public order, public morality, public health, or territorial integrity.” However, it is preferred to expand the circle of the establishment of civil society organizations and to remove the obstacles towards their development, and then the Egyptian and Iraqi legislators should take the necessary legislative steps to achieve this purpose. Whereas, the civil society is the nucleus of true democracy, which allows the opposition to discuss and take Anti attitudes against the performance of the work of the government.

The Loose Mass, The Open Society, and the Co-operative Commonwealth: Altermodernities Between the Wars

In their book Commonwealth from 2009, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri look forward to a commonwealth of the future, a true democracy of the multitude; reconceptualized forms of sociality and conviviality; a new culture and new modes of life, whose realization will require nothing less than “anthropological transformation.” While this new democracy is yet to come, for Hardt and