Trojan Cycle Research Articles

The Greek army at Troy and its logistics . Based on the “Catalog of ships” called “Boeotia” from the second book of Homer’s Iliad

The author showed a fragment of the Iliad referred to as the Catalogue of Ships, also called Beotia (Bojotia). The name of this part comes from the Beots, whose troops, arriving at Troy, were listed in the Catalogue as the first. The list contains in-formations about the Greek armed forces, rulers and chiefs of the Greek peoples who took part in the naval expedition and the war against the Trojans. It also determines the number of ships brought by the Greeks to Troy. Eager to go to war, they put themselves in Beocia near the city of Aulis where, on the Strait of Eurypus, a large port was located. It can also be assumed that the Catalogue of Greek troops begins with the army of Beocia because the ports of this land were chosen as the place of concentration of troops for the expedition against Troy. A collection of works called the Trojan Cycle was also characterized, which includes 29 books and from which only small fragments (epitomai) and summaries in the so-called Chrestomatia have survived. Despite such poor literature, they are an important source in reproducing the content of the Trojan cycle. The passage showing the Achaean army at Troy, which is a list of Greek nobility, is often omitted in the editions of the Iliad. However, for those studying the art of war, it is an extremely important record of Europe’s past.

Sculptural Display of the Smintheion in Troas: visual rhetoric in the context of a Hellenistic sanctuary

The temple of Apollo Smintheus near the village of Gülpınar (north-western Turkey, Troas) is undoubtedly among the most important monuments of the Hellenistic Age. The latest publications on the temple and sanctuary complex allow a more accurate and precise assessment of this remarkable building. Apollo bearing the epithet “Smintheus” (“Lord of mice”) appears in the opening lines of the Iliad and the very place of action is localized in the vicinity of Chrysa - an ancient town found near modern Göztepe, not far from Smintheion. These “Homeric” associations are reflected in the sculptural decoration of the temple: its frieze depicts scenes from the Iliad and later epic poems. Such a representation of the Trojan cycle, as a continuous narrative with direct reference to Homer and post-Homeric texts, has no precedent in earlier temple sculptures. In addition to the continuous frieze in the entablature, the sculptural decoration of the temple included columnae caelatae of two types - ornamental and figurative ones. Being placed on the top of the columns they formed a single semantic and visual unit with the frieze. In the present article the reach sculptural display of the temple is carefully analyzed. The author demonstrates the way in which various visual languages - narrative, associative, and symbolic - were involved in the mechanisms of creating memory, maintaining the aristocratic ideology and specific aspects of the local cult.

THE JAPANESE TROJAN WAR: TEZUKA OSAMU'S ENVISIONING OF THE TROJAN CYCLE

The Trojan cycle has been retold and re-envisioned many times from antiquity to modern times. The themes covered by these myths, especially the Homeric poems, have captivated the minds and hearts of poets, historians, authors, and others. Homer's Iliad extoled the grandeur as well as exposed the ugliness and folly of war. These humanistic virtues resonated with various cultures around the world. In this article we examine the reception of the Trojan cycle, especially the Iliad, on the noted manga artist Tezuka Osamu (1928–89). Recent reception theories focus on the creation of a new composition or artefact as part of the reception process; we shall thus discuss the Phoenix: Early Works manga as an example of such reception.

Odysseus – Trickster and the Issue of the Compatibility of the Image of the Hero with Its Function in the Traditions of the Oral Epic

In the Greek epic tradition associated with the Trojan cycle, the protagonists are played by Achilles and Odysseus, two heroes with contrasting characteristics. The Homeric poems endeavor to approximate the character of Odysseus to Achilles. They cannot, however, break with his traditional image in which he represents the trickster type. Both preservation of the traditional image and its reinterpretation is typical of the oral tradition. Comparison with other traditions of the oral epic reveals a connection between the trickster character and the antagonist of the hero-protagonist. Both polarized characters represent two types of behavior assessed by the listening audience in terms of their usefulness for the survival of the community. In his readiness for sacrifice, the hero represents an altruistic attitude, positively valorized as moral behavior. The trickster’s egoistic behavior moves away from moral principles, but it can also ultimately bring benefit to the whole community. Similarly to the behavior of the trickster-antagonist, that of the hero-protagonist is also ambivalent, as it brings harm to the community, which –though temporary – often takes on the dimension of a disaster.

Andrômaca, de Eurípides. Tradução.


 
 
 Apresento aqui uma nova tradução da AndroÌ‚maca, de Eurípides, tragédia apresentada entre 430 e 420 a. C., na época da Guerra do Peloponeso. Nessa peça temas como matrimoÌ‚nio, maternidade e misoginia são abordados de maneira tradicional, o que nos permite fazer interessantes comparações entre ela e outras tragédias relacionadas ao Ciclo Troiano, do próprio Eurípides e de Ésquilo e Sófocles. Espero, com esta tradução, estimular mais estudos sobre essa peça.
 
 

Manipulating Against Fate in the Trojan Cycle

Is it possible for someone to use tricks against fate? A question which hasn’t got an answer yet in the available studies concerned with Greek culture. I may say that former studies on fate were concerned -mostly- with three topics; Firstly, the concept and terms of fate according to Greek people. Secondly, the role of gods compared with the role of fate in determining people's destiny. Thirdly, is there a free will of choice as well as a definite irrevocable fate? This research differs from the preceding studies on the same subject. I will make effort to answer the question passed at the beginning of the research. Had one of the gods or humans tried to make tricks against fate? Had anyone succeeded in such an attempt? In responding to this question, I will rely on some evidence from the legends of Trojan cycle. I shall make use of both analytical and comparative methodologies, thus, supporting my viewpoint by means of mythical narratives outside the framework of Trojan cycle. هل من الممکن أن یتحایل شخص ما على القدر؟ سؤال لم أجد له إجابة فى الدراسات المتاحة المعنیة بالثقافة الإغریقیة. یمکننا القول إن الدراسات السابقة عن القدر اهتمت فى معظمها بثلاثة موضوعات: أولا، مفهوم القدر ومصطلحاته عند الإغریق. ثانیا، دور الآلهة مقارنة بدور القدر فى تحدید مصائر البشر. ثالثا، هل توجد إرادة حرة للاختیار مع حتمیة القدر؟ یختلف هذا البحث عن الدراسات السابقة فى موضوعه، وسوف نجتهد فیه أن نجیب على التساؤل الذى طرحناه فى مستهل البحث. هل حدث وحاول أحد من الآلهة أو البشر أن یتحایل على القدر؟ وهل نجح أحد فى ذلک؟ سوف نعتمد فى الإجابة على هذا التساؤل على شواهد من أساطیر الدائرة الطروادیة. سوف أستعین بالمنهجین التحلیلى والمقارن، مما یسمح لى بتعضید وجهة نظرى بروایات أسطوریة خارج إطار الدائرة الطروادیة.

«Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda»: Appunti sugli argonauti di Dante

This article seeks to address the question of why Dante likens Paradise to the quest of the Argonauts, even though Jason is the hero who deceives Hypsipyle and Medea with false, underhanded rhetoric. After analysing the role played by the figure of Jason in Fiore and in Inferno, the article goes on to consider the relationship between Dante’s Argonauts and the version that emerged in the Trojan cycle of the late Antiquities, in which Jason’s expedition was viewed as an antecedent to the Trojan War. The influence of this tradition on Dante seems to be supported by a passage from the fifth epistle, in which Dante considers the Argonauts’ quest as representing the historical premise for universal monarchy. Some textual clues seem to support the theory that Dante’s vision of the Argonauts was taken at least to some extent from Guido delle Colonne’s Historia destructionis Troiae. One possible solution to the question at hand is then proposed, based on the view that Dante’s Paradise represented a means through which the author could promote an ideal Christian monarchy, just as the quest of the Argonauts had favoured the advent of Augustus’ universal Empire.

«Троянский цикл» как источник прецедентности в масс-медийном дискурсе

«Троянский цикл» как источник прецедентности в масс-медийном дискурсе

«Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda»: appunti sugli Argonauti di Dante

This article seeks to address the question of why Dante likens Paradise to the quest of the Argonauts, even though Jason is the hero who deceives Hypsipyle and Medea with false, underhanded rhetoric. After analysing the role played by the figure of Jason in Fiore and in Inferno, the article goes on to consider the relationship between Dante’s Argonauts and the version that emerged in the Trojan cycle of the late Antiquities, in which Jason’s expedition was viewed as an antecedent to the Trojan War. The influence of this tradition on Dante seems to be supported by a passage from the fifth epistle, in which Dante considers the Argonauts’ quest as representing the historical premise for universal monarchy. Some textual clues seem to support the theory that Dante’s vision of the Argonauts was taken at least to some extent from Guido delle Colonne’s Historia destructionis Troiae. One possible solution to the question at hand is then proposed, based on the view that Dante’s Paradise represented a means through which the author could promote an ideal Christian monarchy, just as the quest of the Argonauts had favoured the advent of Augustus’ universal Empire.

El maestro de la Troya polimétrica: una lectura

It only remains a fragment of the Spanish Historia troyana polimetrica (1270). Beautiful derelict, remarked Ramon Menendez Pidal. It is a remarkable text in three research domains: the Trojan cycle in European medieval literatures; the history of Spanish metrics; Spanish medieval literature in general. In terms of metrics, the text allows itself a surprising freedom in the use of patterns and their combination. Even more: it combines prose with verse, which result is the genre called prosimetrum. The anonymous author must have been a cultivated clergy, provided of a personality of his own and peculiar criteria; when he translated the manuscript of Benoit de Sainte-Maure, he recreated it. This paper of Alberto Paredes, poet and modern philologist, proposes a fresh approach to the text, showing how it is nurtured with originality and literary richness.

Achille et Polyxène(1687): the Trojan war and a plea for peace at the Académie royale de musique

Jean-Baptiste Lully and (following Lully’s death) his disciple Pascal Collasse set to music a libretto by Jean Galbert de Campistron that deals with the reappropriation of an episode from the Trojan cycle, a heroic historical subject not previously treated on the stages of the Académie royale de musique or Italian opera houses; the result was Achille et Polyxène, a tragédie en musique in a prologue and five acts, premiered on 23 November 1687 (without the king in attendance). This all-encompassing spectacle marked a decisive moment in the history of the genre, at the very least as a bold synthesis of contemporary poetical and operatic practices. The theme of the opera is love thwarted by hatred between two nations, the love between Achilles, the Greek hero and king, and the Trojan princess Polyxena. The work drew from literary sources not previously used at the Académie royale: Homer’s Iliad (Books 9, 15–19, 22, 24), the Ephemeris belli Troiani (Journal of the Trojan War) attributed to Dictys Cretensis (Books 3 and 4), and Virgil’s Aeneid (Book 4); these works, which intend to interpret the question of the tragedy of mankind’s destiny, prompted the authors of the opera to emphasize the natural propensity of human beings towards wars that lead to their destruction. Thus, this tragédie en musique (not revived since 1712), is more than a large-scale entertainment for the court of the city; in the manner of ancient Greeks and Grand Siècle tragic playwrights, it is based on the power of Myth, with the understanding that the secular myth of Troy was considered as an equivalent of the myth of the Fall. This article puts together the absolutist, war-mongering strategies of Louis XIV and the strategies of an opera conceived within the circle of the Vendômes, an intellectual, artistic, free-thinking community enjoying the Grand Dauphin’s protection. The opera is thus a harmonious combination, not just of theatre, music and dance, but also homo- and hetero-eroticism, the heroic morality of the ideal prince, and the praise of peace between peoples. In this sense, Achille et Polyxène can be considered an exemplar of the ideological and creative freedom which a librettist and two composers could enjoy during the Ancien Régime, censorship notwithstanding, even while they were supposed above all to glorify the conquests and power of an absolute monarch. The method followed is transdisciplinary and aims especially at highlighting, behind and beyond the rhetoric of praise, the extremely dense network of intertextual, musical, choreographic and theatrical allusions which this opera comprises and which, taken as a whole, make it possible to characterize the styles of Campistron and Collasse.

What These Ithakas Really Mean

While Constantine Cavafy's Ithaka may be his most famous poem today, it was written relatively early in his poetic career and treats subject matter that Cavafy eventually abandoned. (1) True, much of Cavafy's work bridges temporal gaps between his own time and an earlier Hellenistic universe, but a fair bit of that subset and almost all of his work subsequent to Ithaka overlooks familiar classical subjects. In fact, Cavafy seems drawn to lesser-known periods in history throughout his work because they are less familiar. The Ptolemeys, the Seleucids, and the fictional voices of those who lived under such lesser-known rulers represent a post-Alexandrian world that provided Cavafy an inroad for his own unique vision of a Hellenism not entirely mainstream: a romantic Greece, a fringe Greece, a Greece in exile. (2) But this was not always the case. Cavafy did compose several poems early in his career on topics within the well-known classical canon and, for whatever reasons, decided to abandon such topics as his poetic voice matured. The later obsolete or esoteric classical themes serve Cavafy in two distinct ways, neither mutually exclusive of the other. Little-known subject matter alienates readers from the antiquity with which they feel comfortable and these choices allow the ancient setting to become secondary to Cavafy's own poetic vision. With unfamiliar ancient references, Cavafy can project freely onto what is now a historical blank slate, devoid of readers' preconceptions that may originate from a background steeped in the canonical literary tradition. (3) On the other hand, when Cavafy addresses a well-known Greek subject in his earlier poems, he anticipates the reader's recognition and their initial reaction. He does so as a skilled reader of the Homeric corpus, imagining at least one hypothetical audience member (by no means, the only possible audience member) able to engage with the poem as part of a deeper conversation between fellow intellectuals. As each poem progresses, Cavafy manipulates this readerly foreknowledge to provoke responses of alienation and uncertainty not unlike those evoked in his later poems. In the earlier poems, however, the audience's familiarity with the canon aids Cavafy in bringing about this reaction. Whenever he selects a well-known myth, he immediately creates a bond with the prospective reader over their common heritage and knowledge of the classical canon, thus lulling the reader into a false sense of recognition and comfort. Then Cavafy swiftly overturns expectations. A familiar reference suddenly becomes unfamiliar and strange, exiling the audience from their pre-existing ideas and thus encouraging them to see something they once thought they understood in a completely new light via Cavafy's poetic craft. In this respect Cavafy is almost Euripidean in his approach. Like the fifth century BCE tragic poet, Cavafy's retelling of traditional ancient myths is anything but canonical. (4) Within these early poems, the more knowledgeable one is of the Elellenic tradition in which Cavafy is writing, the more one can see how and why he sways from it. His most original thoughts, then, can emerge through a close study of the poems together with the canonical originals and by noting their differences. The more initiated the reader, the more potential there is to experience Cavafy's original, and often ironic, take on his source material. For the purposes of this article, I shall only address Cavafy's published works that allude to the Trojan cycle, surely one of the most commonly known periods within the classical canon both in Cavafy's day and our own. (5) Primarily this means I will be discussing Cavafy's ongoing conversation with the two Homeric poems (the Iliad and the Odyssey). As part of this conversation, however, I will also briefly touch upon Cavafy's interactions with the later tragic poets who treat the Homeric stories with their own spin, as well as the philosopher Plato who, like Cavafy, thought deeply about the significance of working within an inherited, yet constantly changing, literary tradition. …

Ethyle R. Wolfe (1919–2010)

Ethyle R. Wolfe (1919–2010) Dee L. Clayman Ethyle Renee Wolfe, Professor of Classics and Provost Emerita of Brooklyn College, died on May 6, 2010, at the age of ninety-one. She was born in Burlington, Vermont, on March 4, 1919 and attended the University of Vermont, where she earned a B.A., summa cum laude, in 1940 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she received an M.A. from UVM for which she presented a 365-page thesis on the treatment of the Trojan cycle in Ovid. From Vermont, she moved to Bryn Mawr where she studied with T. R. S. Broughton, Lily Ross Taylor, and Richmond Lattimore. She left without a degree following the heroic death of her first husband in World War II, and began teaching part-time in the classics department at Brooklyn College. She soon resumed her graduate work at NYU where she received her Ph.D. in 1950. It was there that she met her husband of fifty years, Coleman Benedict, whose own academic career was largely spent at nearby Columbia University (CW 98.4, 2005, pp. 439–40). She was immediately promoted to Assistant Professor at Brooklyn College, where she rose quickly through the ranks. She was by all accounts a devoted and inspiring teacher, but her genius for academic administration was revealed in 1967 when she became chairperson of the department of Classics and Comparative Literature. Under her guidance it quickly grew to over forty faculty members serving thousands of students each semester. Shortly thereafter, she was appointed Dean of the School of Humanities (1971–1978), and then Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs (1982–1988). Ethyle was the kind of creative administrator who could deftly find a way to achieve a desired result no matter what structural or human obstacles seemed to be in the way. A notable example is the Summer Latin/Greek Institute for which she created a robust administrative structure, both inside and outside the department. She was also a shrewd judge of character who could forge a consensus where none had existed and inspire people to work together who were not inclined to trust each other. In all her dealings, large and small, she never lost sight of the greater good, and to her that was humanistic education, with classics as its heart. In her own view, and most would agree, her greatest triumph was the foundation of Brooklyn College's core curriculum, which requires every student to take a prescribed set of courses, beginning with "Classical Cultures." To support this she organized symposia and faculty seminars that evolved into the Humanities Institute, which was renamed the Ethyle R. Wolfe Humanities Institute on her retirement in 1989. Grants from the NEH, FIPSE, and the Mellon Foundation, which she wrote, gave impetus to the faculty effort that made her dream a reality. The core curriculum and her role in its creation received national recognition. In 1985 she became the recipient of the University of Vermont's first Alumni Achievement Award, and the National Endowment [End Page 542] for the Humanities honored her in 1990 with its Charles Frankel Prize for bringing greater understanding of the humanities to general audiences. Despite the demands of her administrative responsibilities, Ethyle also managed to find time for classics beyond the College. She published on Greek papyrology and Roman rhetoric, served as Associate Editor for Classical World from 1965 to 1971, and was cofounder, with Ursula Schoenheim, of the American Classical Review (1971–1973). Beyond this, she was a devoted member of Classical Association of the Atlantic States, which honored her with a Latin laudatio together with Bernard Knox in 1991, and of the New York Classical Club, whose Rome/Athens Scholarship Committee she chaired for many years. She is survived by two of her seven brothers and sisters, and their offspring. [End Page 543] Dee L. Clayman Graduate Center, City University of New York Classical World 103.4 (2010) Copyright © 2010 The Classical Association of the Atlantic States, Inc.

La crisis del siglo XII A.C. pueblos del mar y guerra de Troya CA. 1215-1175 A.C

The assaults of the Sea Peoples were produced in two different moments, separated by 32 years, ca. 1208 and ca. 1176 B.C., and they were collateral effects of the crisis of large two states, first Ahhiyawa and thereinafter Hatti. This instability phase was generalized in the Eastern Mediterranean after the death of Ramesses II ca. 1213 B.C. and Tudhaliya IV, ca. 1215/1209 B.C., in the which one the internal tensions within Hatti and Egypt, by the successoral problems, had an importance much greater than the external assaults, overvalue by the relief of Medinet Habu and the destruction of Ugarit. The growing weakness of Ahhiyawa-Thebes favored the control of Millawanda-Miletus by Hatti. On the other hand, the successive assaults on Thebes from the Argolid, first by the Seven against Thebes ca. 1220 B.C. and after by their sons, the Epigoni, ca. 1210 a.C., forced a dynastic change and the emigration of an important contingent of Theban population, being the Ikyws Akaywash of Millawanda and Thebes the principal foreign people that participated, supporting to the Lybians, in the assault the fifth year of Merneptah, ca. 1208 B.C. Also participated Srdn Sherden of Sardis and the Sardenos mount in Mira, currently Lydia, Rk Lukka of Lycia, together with Trs Tursa and Skrs Shekelesh of Kizzuwanda or Eastern Cilicia. A campaign of Tudhaliya IV in Lukka-Lycia, annexing this territory, had provoked an initial displacement of Prst Peleset, first to Crete, together with Tkr Tjekker of Tarhuntassa. From there, they continued toward Palestine, perhaps ca. 1194 B.C., supporting to the great chancellor Bay and the throne access of the new pharaoh Siptah and the mother queen Twosret. The campaigns of Suppiluliuma II in Lukka, Tarhuntassa and perhaps Kizzuwanda, provoked the displacement of Prst Peleset of Lukka, Tkr Tjekker of Tarhuntassa or Western Cilicia, and Dnn Dainiuna and Skrs Shekelesh of Kizzuwanda, that they were displaced mainly by land with their families crossing Mukis, Ugarit and Amurru, where installed their camp, for thereinafter to penetrate in territory of the Egyptian Empire, in the eighth year of Ramesses III, ca. 1176 B.C. They had naval support of the Wss Weshesh ‘of the sea’, originating from Issus in Kizzuwanda, but they were defeated in the Delta by ships of Byblos, transporting Egyptian soldiers. Finally, they finished installed in the Palestinian coast, taking advantage the previous settlement of the Prst Peleset in Ashkelon. Little before, perhaps ca. 1177 B.C., the year seven of Ramesses III, was produced the destruction of Ugarit, since is mentioned in Medinet Habu that already Hatti and Kargamish have been destroyed. Other important source of information for this period is the Trojan War, whose destruction was dated by Manetho during the reign of pharaoh Twosret, widow of Sethos II, ca. 1188-1186 B.C. The Iliad, the Odyssey and the Nostoi or returns of the Trojan War, are the heroic narrative in terms of the Boeotians of Ahhiyawa-Thebes, from whose port of Aulis departed the fleet to assault Troy. If the Achaeans of Ahhiyawa, originating from Miletus and Thebes, were the most important contingent than participated in the assault against Merneptah, the recitals that appear in the Odyssey or in the Nostoi of the Trojan Cycle also reflect the own heroic narrative of the Sea Peoples. Exist a coincidence in the conquests of Sidon by Prst Peleset of Askhelon, ca. 1187 B.C., and of Troy by the Achaeans, ca. 1186 B.C., that reveals a certain coordination between the Prst Peleset of Lukka and the Tkr Tjekker of Tarhuntassa, both refugees in Crete, where was governing Idomeneus, in relation with the Achaean naval force that was besieging Troy, in which Idomeneus was one of their three principal leaders. The siege of Troy during 10 years, ca. 1196-1186 B.C., though also they attacked a good stretch of the Anatolian coast, it was a campaign of Mycenae and its allies against one of the vassal kingdoms of Hatti in the Anatolian coast, the which one had the support of the remaining dependent kingdoms of Hatti, River Seha in Asia, Mira in Lydia, Millawanda in Caria or Lukka in Lycia. Reflect the ancient rivalry between Ahhiyawa and Arzawa by the control of Aegean. The economic key of the war was the control of the last good port before of the access to the Sea of Marmara, because the frequent presence of opposite maritime currents and adverse winds were demanding in occasion long periods waiting in a safe port. This route was opening the road toward the Black Sea, which had begun to be cross only one generation before the Trojan War, as reflects The Argonauts of Apolonius of Rhodes, and permitted to reach the great mining region of the north coast of Anatolia and the gold of river Rioni in Colchis (Georgia).

Under the Cover of Epic: Pretexts, Subtexts and Textiles in Catullus' Carmen 64

Catullus'Carmen64 unfurls a narrative tapestry rich in meaning and allusion. Its account of the marriage of Thetis and Peleus recalls the Trojan cycle, theIliadand theCypriain particular, and offers a response to and program for epic. Although Catullus' Alexandrian poem revels in its own retrospection and nostalgia,Carmen64 expresses the futility of attempting to achieve any true νόστος (‘return’) to the dominating yet foreclosed world of Homeric epic.Carmen64 reveals new perspectives in which traditional epic elements are reversed, reordered or juxtaposed in unexpected ways; these challenge received notions such as the admissible constituents of epic background, foreground, narrative and digression; the definitions of heroic deeds; and the implications of speech and writing.In the course of this revisionary projectCarmen64 avails itself of a systematic imagery involving cloths, clothes and textiles that are viewed and accessed by the poem's characters throughout to convey or receive knowledge: messages that are ‘written’ or ‘read’ or even ‘missed’ (as in the case of Aegeus seeing the forgetful Theseus' sails) in a variety of textile mediums: theuestis uariataof the central ekphrasis, Ariadne's clothes, her thread in the labyrinth, Theseus' sails, the threads of the Parcae, the thread to measure the neck of the newlywed Thetis—all these inform a text that is unified fromCarmen64's textiles. Recollection and representation are central to much fiction—μνῆσαι (‘remember’) is Priam's first word to Achilles atIliad24.486—andCarmen64 reaches far back into memory to cull myths from the epic repertoire to weave into its fabric.

Heroic themes of the Trojan cycle in Roman funerary art example of a relief from Pincum

The fragment of a marble relief from Roman Pincum (modern-day Veliko Gradiste, Serbia) showing Achilles and Hector inspires to explore the symbolic meaning of this mythological composition and to examine other relief's depicting heroic themes of the Trojan Cycle in the funerary art not only of Upper Moesia but also of other provinces of the Empire, notably Noricum and Pannonia. Based on the available data, a reconstruction of the original appearance of the funerary monument with the relief of Achilles and Hector from Pincum is attempted, and the inscription discovered along with it analyzed. Also, the importance of Pincum itself is shown, an archaeological site in the Upper Moesian Limes area which remains insufficiently investigated.

Antecedentes y función literaria del sueño de Eneas y Andrómaca: Verg., <i>Aen </i>. II 268-295 y Sen., <i>Troad </i>. 438-488

Traditionally it is said that the source of Seneca's tragedies is Euripides. The coincidence with the subjects corroborates it. However, the nearness between tragedy and epic, the Trojan cycle that the first Latin writers of tragedy take for themselves, and, above all, the poetics of artistic effect based on the narrative structure and the lexical and syntactic patterns show that, at least in this passage, Seneca's source is Vergil, who is also the receiver and transmitter of ancient epic and the Greek and Roman tragedy.

ХЕРОЈСКО ИМЕ АНТИЛОХ КАО ЛИЧНО ИМЕ КОД ХЕЛЕНА

У раду се истражује херојско грчко име Антилох и његова дистрибуција као личног имена у хеленском свету. На богатом антропонимијском материјалу из различитих делова грчког света анализирају се могући разлози за давање овог херојског имена смртним људима. Бројни примери који су наведени у истраживању извесно показују да је лично име Антилох давано у историјским епохама потомству са јасном свешћу да је херојско и нелеидско. Аутор идентификује три основна разлога који су допринели популарности овог имена као личног имена у старој Грчкој уопште, а нарочито у појединим областима хеленског света, као што су Атика, Јонија, Тесалија, острво Родос: 1) пошто је реч о хероју истакнутом у традицији о Тројанском рату, име Антилох је могло бити прихватљиво свим Грцима и могло би се зато најпре посматрати као панхеленско и од значаја за све Хелене; 2) име Антилох је, с друге стране, као нелеидско име било прихватљиво нарочито Јоњанима, одакле се може тумачити и његова популарност у Атици, али и у другим јонским крајевима, наиме на острвима у Егејском мору, као и у малоазијској Јонији; 3) име Антилох је, осим тога, као лично име присутно и у Тесалији где је према истој нелеидској генеалогији херој Антилох могао бити подједнако сматран и локалним тесалским херојем; уједно као пријатељ Ахилеја, највећег ахајског јунака под Тројом, али и националног хероја Тесалаца, херој Антилох је био необично цењен код Тесалаца, па је и његово име могло у традицији добити посебну „тесалску“ боју. Овим разлозима би се најпре могле објаснити потврде овог имена као личног имена у градовима Тесалије, посебно у класичном и хеленистичком периоду.