The article focuses on concrete examples - the visits of Emperor Franz Joseph, and how the city of Lviv presented itself. And how this representation has changed over time - from the neo-absolutism of the 50s of the XIX century to the broad autonomy of the early XXth century. What social groups dominated, how national communities fought for the right to be heard. How they built a symbolic relationship between the emperor and his subjects. The methodological basis of the study comprises the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematics. General scientific and special research methods were used in solving the set tasks: historiographical analysis, generalization, quantitative, chronological, retrospective. The scientific novelty of the work lies in a comprehensive analysis of the state of study of the issue in modern historiography and comparison of existing data with the available evidence of the time. Conclusions. For almost 70 years, from the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth century, Galicia as part of the Habsburg Empire went from brutal rule from Vienna to broad autonomy. At the same time, the nature of relations between the main national groups (Poles, Jews and Ukrainians) changed. These groups, using the opportunities provided by the constitution, developed and represented themselves to the authorities, delineated symbolic boundaries, interacted with each other. They also mobilized their members for certain mass events, such as the emperor's visits or other national demonstrations. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the ritual of emperor’s visits to the province had already been practiced, as had the symbolic roles of the emperor. He was a philanthropist, military leader, judge, “father” etc. Galicia and Lviv (as the capital city of the province) in the beginning were simply recipients of these rituals and symbols. However, over time, local elites began to form their own programs, emphasize their own symbols, that is, actively involved in this process. And this activity is important for understanding the history of the region at that time. Especially when you consider that imperial rituals have become a model on which local elites built some national traditions of mass politics. The traditions of demonstrations, festive illumination, construction of triumphal arches, military orchestras and much more were borrowed from the imperial ritual and adapted by local elites to their needs. If we understand how it worked at the level "faithful subjects greet a just monarch", we can look differently at the mass politics of the early twentieth century, when the streets of Lviv became a stage for the political drama of modern times.
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