Treaty Of Trianon Research Articles

The Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920. A View of Contemporary Hungarian Historiography

The Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920. A View of Contemporary Hungarian Historiography

Formation of a New Literary Identity Within a New State. Hungarian Literature in Czechoslovakia

The early 20th century was a very turbulent period of time especially for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe – the Central Powers were defeated in World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy disappeared from the maps and new states were created. After signing the Treaty of Trianon in 1920, more than one million Hungarian people found themselves living behind the borders of Czechoslovakia. For Hungarians living in minority, the establishment of specific culture was crucial. The paper deals with the process of formation and re-creation of Hungarian literature within the newly formed First Czechoslovak Republic, and also attends to introduce the struggle of this newly established ethnic literature in the first decade of its existence, as well as the attempt to define itself.

Trianon and its aftermath: British geography and the ‘dismemberment’ of Hungary, c.1915-c.1922

ABSTRACTIn the wake of World War I, geographers helped advise national delegations at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference whose purpose was to delimit Europe’s new boundaries. The paper examines the role played by British geographers, specifically Alan Ogilvie and the British geographical delegation, in the Treaty of Trianon (1920) which greatly reduced Hungary’s territorial extent. Attention is paid to contemporary published work on the new Europe, particularly Marion Newbigin’s Aftermath: A Geographical Study of the Peace Terms and Ogilvie’s Boundary Settlement (1922). Assessment of manuscript diaries and correspondence reveals the complex circumstances faced by geographers engaged in peace work. The work of different practitioners – in the Royal Geographical Society (RGS), over how national boundaries should be arrived at (on either ethnic or physiographic grounds) – was hindered by inadequate map provision from British geographical institutions. This led Ogilvie to propose a new geographical body for Britain at a time when the RGS was facing criticism and when the meetings of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, not the RGS, provided the forum for discussion of the new post-war Europe.

Grenzfragen von den Pariser Vorortverträgen bis zum Ersten Wiener Schiedsspruch 1938 und seine Folgen

The first part of the article is dealing with the political negotiations, in particular, the one after the Munich Agreement, defining a three-month period to resolve Hungarian demands, to the First Vienna Award signed on November 2, 1938 at the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. The First Vienna Award separated predominantly Hungarian-populated territories in southern Slovakia and southern Carpathian Rus from Czechoslovakia and awarded them to the Kingdom of Hungary. Hungary thus regained some of the territories in present-day Slovakia and Ukraine lost in the Peace Treaty of Trianon. In the second part of the study the author is analyzing the negotiations following the First Vienna Award. The recovered territories were incorporated into Hungary (Kingdom of Hungary) on November 12, 1938, by a legislative act of the Hungarian Parliament.

Chapters from the History of the Hungarian Ministry of Justice in World War II

The author deals with four special issues from the history of the Ministry of Justice during the period mentioned in the title: the jurisdictional challenges in connection with the re-occupation of the so-called Southern Territories which were lost by the Treaty of Trianon; the scope of authority and the duties of the Service for National Policy organized in 1940; the new task of the Supervising Authority of Public Interests coming from the implementation of the Jewish laws; finally the mission of Minister Gabor Vladar at the end of the Horthy era.

“The Hungarian Public Is Very Pleased that the USSR Has Begun to Destroy the Building of Great Romania”. Revision of the Versailles Borders of Romania in the Context of the Soviet-Hungarian Relations at the Beginning of the Second World War.

From the beginning of the World War II, the Hungarian political elite, headed for revising the Trianon Peace Treaty, was getting more clearly aware of the commonality in aspirations of the USSR and Hungary, aimed at the dismemberment of the Great Romania, one of the most problematic products of the Versailles system. The annexation of Bessarabia by the USSR in June 1940 set a precedent, which was used by the Horthy regime which could begin to implement its own irredentist plans towards Romania. In early July the Soviet Union in the course of bilateral contacts supported the Hungarian claims on Transylvania. The rise of the Soviet influence in Hungary was a challenge for Germany. Berlin has made a response move, setting by the Second Vienna Arbitration on August 30, 1940, the balance of powers in the Danube-Carpathian Region in the interests of Nazi Germany.

Карпатська Україна як фактор у процесі формування політичної конфігурації Центральної Європи напередодні Другої світової війни

The article studies the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policy of European countries according to the political configuration in the Central Europe in late 1930s after the Munich Conference, 30 September — 2 October, 1938. The author has used both historical research methods and methodological techniques of jurisprudence. It is analysed international legal documents, in particular, the Treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon determining the Central Europe’s policy after the end of World War I. The provisions of the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920 are also analysed. The process of revising the Treaty of Saint-Germain and initiating the revision of the Treaty of Trianon determining the Carpathian Ukraine’s status iss analysed. It is underlined the German and Italian positions on the Carpathian Ruthenia’s situation. Diplomatic correspondence of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, covering the position of not only Germany but also Italy, Poland, Hungary, and Romania appealing to the Central Europe’s policy after launching the procedure of revising the peace treaties summing up the results of World War I, is used to address that problem. It is analysed the political and legal conditions of the Ukrainian state-established forces triying to realize the right to self-determination of the Ukrainian people in the Carpathian Ruthenia. The study of the problem of the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policies of big European states with respect to structuring the Central Europe’s policy reveals that the strengthening of the policies of Poland and Italy towards the regional bloc foundation became possible after the Munich Conference of 1938. Such bloc provided for strategic consolidation of such Central European countries as Poland (which was expected to play a leading role in that bloc), Hungary, and Romania, while Italy assigned itself the role of a strategic partner of the bloc. However, the fact of existence of the Carpathian Ukraine (initially, as an autonomous territory within Czechoslovakia) obstructed such geopolitical formation. The bloc in the Central Europe with Polish domination and Italian strategic partnership was wholly at odds with geopolitical interests of Germany. Actually, that was the reason behind German support to the Carpathian Ukraine. However, the change in the German strategic plans regarding the future of Poland caused the revision of the policy to support the Carpathian Ukraine.

The Impact of the Treaty of Trianon on Hungarian Infrastructure

This study aims to give an overview of the clauses of the Treaty of Trianon specifically targeted at the Hungarian system of transportation, and its overall impact on the country’s infrastructure. In the place of well-publicized slogans of “national self-determination,” economic and strategic considerations were primarily at play in this issue, with the system of transportation at their intersection. Since railways represented the most important means of transportation at that time, given the fact that train connections were fast, cheap, and had a huge transport capacity, railroads came to the forefront of the postwar border settlement second only to natural or ethnic boundaries that could serve as bulwarks of the new borders. As it is commonly known, new borders created new divisions, cutting through traditional economic units, detaching major cities from their hinterlands. It is less well known what the repercussions were of the maimed transportation infrastructure on the national and regional levels.

Die rechtliche Lage der deutschen Minderheit im Ungarn der Horthy-Ära

This publication seeks to provide an overview of the German minority in Hungary during the era of Regent Miklos Horthy (1920–1944), mainly with regard to its legal situation but also beyond. After delivering some background knowledge and facts concerning this minority, its legal status is shown by the examples of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon (forming part of public international law) as well as concerning the laws governing the Hungarian school system (legally on the national level). Moreover, the rising degree of organization within Hungary‘s German minority from the 1920s onwards, exemplified predominantly by the Ungarlandisch-Deutscher Volksbildungsverein and the Volksbund der Deutschen in Ungarn, is thematized. Lastly, also the legal effects of the “Volksgruppenabkommen” of Vienna from 1940 as a minority protection agreement between Hungary and the “Third Reich” are addressed. Thereby, this article proves that minority law was a highly political issue and that the legal situation of the Hungarian Germans during the Horthy’s period of office was strongly dependent on the foreign relations between the German Reich and Hungary.

Тріанонський договір: сучасні рефлексії.

The paper analyses the influence of the Trianon Treaty (1920) effects on contemporary foreign policy of Hungary. It covers the foreign policy priorities aimed at protecting the rights of ethnic Hungarians living abroad, and in particular, in Ukraine. It is proved that Ukraine and Hungary as parts of a common region should cooperate. The regional level can open new horizons for both states if they can stop thinking only by the categories of today. Ukraine must take into account that, despite all the harsh statements, Hungary is a member of the EU and NATO, that is, part of the communities Ukraine seeks to join. Any government in Hungary will pursue a policy of protecting their national minority in neighbouring countries, and Ukraine needs to use this circumstance for its own benefit. An informal agreement on the non-use of anti-Hungarian and anti-Ukrainian rhetoric in the internal narratives of both countries should become an appropriate step.

Historical background and constraints of a grapevine germplasm foundation in Hajdú-Bihar county, Eastern Hungary

The historical background of Debrecen linked to viticulture and wine-making stands mainly on the lack of drinkable water, the necessity of drinkable liquid during wartime and epidemics. The special character of the city evolved together with the changing lives of citizens and the increasing trade importance of the city. Period of Turkish occupation gave impetus to the formation of the 11 vine gardens of the settlement. After the devastation of rootmite and peronospora ‘Kadarica’ and ‘Nagy burgundy’ (‘Blaufrankish’), in smaller proportion - on lower sites – ‘Cabernet’ were planted. As white varieties ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Olasz Rizling’, ‘Kövidinka’, ‘white Mustos’, in smaller proportion ‘Szlankamenka’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Szilvaner’, ‘Mézesfehér’, ‘Bakar’, ‘Veltelini’ (red), ‘Fehér burgundi’ (? white burdunder), ‘Rajnai rizling’, ‘Red Tramini’, ‘Furmint’, ‘Muscat Lunel’, ‘Járdovány’ and ‘Juh-fark’ were planted. After the Trianon treaty in 1920, 2/3rd of Hungary was cut away. Érmellék wine region was also cut in two, thus Debrecen broke away from its wine region. Legal regulations after the World War II. (1959) referred back to variety application advised in 1924 for “place suitable for good wine production, not included in any wine region”, like Debrecen listing ’Ezerjó’, ’Mézesfehér’, ’Olaszrizling’, ’Bánáti rizling’, ’Furmint’, ’Hárslevelű’, ’Kövidinka’, Kecskemét virága’, ’Piros szlankamenka’,’Pozsonyi fehér’; ’Kadarka’, ’Oportó’ and ’Kékfrankos’ (Blaufrankish). The political changes of 1990 and Hungary’s admission to the Eurepoean Union almost annihilated the wine production of Debrecen. However little gardens conserved historic varieties which could date back even to many centuries. Through a local magazine a collecting work was announced pointing to gather ancient local (Vitis vinifera conv. pontica) varieties forming a genebank, established on the experimental station of the University of Debrecen. In 2014, about 112 items were collected (accessions). As a 2nd round of the work, with a more detailed and precise work, further 81 items were put into the reservatum. The latter represent single stuck collection, whereas the first ones are to be studied az mixed items. Most notable accession names (ACENAME) of the work are: ‘Fehér gohér’, ‘Veres gohér’, ‘Fekete gohér’, ‘Kék gohér’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Kűbeli’, ‘Rizling’, ‘Mézes fehér’, ‘Dinka’, ‘Madling’, ‘Bakator’ and ‘Kadarka’. Simulteneously with the strenghening and morphological description of conserved stucks genetic identification of the items is being elaborated. Database comprising FAO/IPGRI multi-crop passport descriptors and OIV Primary descriptor priority list are to be published on-line in between the development of the platform.

History, Nationalism and Democracy: Myth and Narrative in Viktor Orbán's ‘Illiberal Hungary’

This article studies the relationship between nationalistic discourse and Hungary's ‘illiberal turn’ from the election of Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in the 2010 Hungarian elections up until 2015. It begins by examining the arguments of authors such as Jeffrey Alexander, Quentin Skinner, and Tapio Juntunen in order to establish a theoretical framework for how political actors construct and manipulate historical myths for their own political purposes. It then goes on to examine how Orbán specifically uses and constructs narratives surrounding the Treaty of Trianon and Miklós Horthy, the interwar leader of Hungary. This article argues that in addition to allowing Orbán to build a defensive shield against criticism from international and domestic actors, these interpretations of Hungarian history restore to prominence the interwar-era ‘populist-urbanist’ cleavage, and allow Orbán to create an exclusionary image of Hungarian nationalism. Thus, this serves to legitimize Orbán and Fidesz, while denying opposition parties from both the right and the left the opportunity to stake claims to being true representatives of the Hungarian people.

Building a lieu de memoire in Romanian Consciousness: From Sorin Ilieşiu's Documentary "Queen Marie-The Last Romantic, the First Modern Woman" to the Golden Room in Pelişor Castle

In 2018 Romania will celebrate the centenary of the Union of 1918, or the Great Union, when all Romanian provinces united into one state: Great Romania, a national ideal which Romanians strove for and achieved on the battlefield and which the Trianon Treaty of 1920 confirmed. For such a time as this hundredth anniversary, it is only natural to call to mind people who made this ideal come true. Queen Marie is rightly considered one of the artisans of the Great Union, being regarded at the time and afterwards as “the living consciousness of Romanian unity, the symbol of confidence in final victory” (Boia 2001: 208). This article aims to investigate the manner in which the queen’s memory is kept alive, and draws on two distinct attempts to portray the queen: Sorin Ilieşiu’s documentary Queen Marie – The Last Romantic, the First Modern Woman and the Golden Room in Pelişor Castle, Queen Marie’s official residence in Sinaia, the royal resort in the Carpathians. These two attempts illustrate how present-day Romanian society tries to regain parts of a common memory that was purposefully obliterated by the communist regime, and strives to rediscover and remap places of their shared memory. My analysis of Ilieşiu’s portrayal of the queen is circumscribed to the field of social semiotics, mainly to the concepts of “distance”, “angle” and “gaze” which Theo van Leeuwen uses in the visual representation of social actors. In my investigation of memory remapping, I draw on Pierre Nora’s concept “lieu de mémoire” and aim to prove that the Golden Room in Pelişor Castle, a place that reflects the personality of the chatelaine and where the queen symbolically reconnected with her origins, has turned into a realm where Romanians have access to a part of their memory which communism did its best to extirpate.

Good writers, bad Jews: the “Jewish Question” among Hungarian Jewish intellectuals of the interwar period

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the perceived place of the Jewish writer in interwar Hungarian Jewish literature. Post-World War I Hungary suffered from the effects of a short-lived communist regime, and the Trianon Treaty by losing two-thirds of its territories and more than half of its population. Though previously Jewish communities had thrived in the country, these events caused resentment that manifested itself in the creation of anti-Semitic laws in 1920. Within this new context, assimilated liberal young Jewish writers posed the question of “what is a Jew,” reflecting on their Jewishness and Hungarianness at the same time and pondering about the value of each. They answered the question in their creative works, where they indirectly explored issues such as whether Jews are able to write Hungarian novels or whether only a Hungarian can do so; whether Jewish Hungarians could write Hungarian Jewish novels; whether Hungarianness and Jewishness are compatible or whether writing literature is preconditioned on identity. Through the lens of Aladár Komlós, this paper examines the way in which liberal and assimilated young Hungarian Jewish writers interpreted their place in Hungarian culture and society within the framework of these questions.

Specifics of Hungarian press in Vojvodina between the two wars

With the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire following the first world war, with the founding of Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenians on the 1st of December 1918 and the Trianon peace treaty in 1920, the Hungarians in Vojvodina became a minority. Therefore an entire new chapter followed in their political, social, industrial and cultural lives. The period of living as a minority, independent literary and cultural life, which was the polar opposite of their previous life, aimed at creating an independent, specific path of development. This new approach is best seen in Hungarian minority press in Vojvodina. Only two titles remain from the earlier period: B?csmegyei Napl? (Diary of Bacsmegye) from Subotica and Torontal from Nagybecskerek - Zrenjanin; also two new titles were issued: Delbacska (South Bacska) in Novi Sad, Hirlap (Gazette) I Subotica and Kozakarat (Public Will) in Nagybecskerek. It should be noted that approximately 200 other Hungarian press titles were present in the period between the two world wars in Vojvodina. All these press titles were characterized by a difficult material status and the struggles to survive, struggles with cencorship and the search for themes and possibilities of expression, and also the appearance of journalistic sensationalism.

Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory

AbstractSince the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless “memory warrior” (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz’s administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz’s multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.

Obraz traktatu z Trianon w słowackiej historiografii

The past used to be evaluated differently. The victors usually point out positive sides of the events and the losers typically the negative sides. The peace treaties of the 20 th century brought huge territorial changes. In the age of centralized national states to become a citizen of another state means more considerable changes in life of people than ever before. The peace treaties after World War I rewrote the map of Central Europe. They created new states which had never existed before. During those stormy times, Hungary suffered the greatest losses. The territory of the country was reduced from 282,870 km² to 92,952 km², of which Czechoslovakia gained 61,646 km². The number of inhabitants fell from 18,264,533 to 7,615,117 of which Czechoslovakia gained 3,517,568 persons including 1,066,685 Hungarians. The historical Upper Hungary was renamed to Slovakia and became the part of Czechoslovakia. The process of peacemaking reminded war, even so after the armistice between the Hungarian Soviet Republic and the Czechoslovak Legion Army broke out a war. These events the Hungarian and Slovak historians estimate completely different. While the Hungarian side focuses mainly on losses, contradictions inside the Czechoslovak diplomatic argument as well as the incorrect interpretation of facts, the Slovak historians are doing the same but from their own point of view: they accuse the Hungarian policy about national minorities, denied the truth of data of census about national minorities, and also criticise the Hungarian efforts to maintain the borders. The general aim of all historical oeuvres is to justify the Czech political acts during the formation of Czechoslovakia with the current frontiers. This paper constitutes an attempt to present the actual view on the Peace Treaty of Trianon by Slovak historians included in recently published books. I attempted to summarize the main group of opinions represented by the academics; books written by authors who are widely acknowledged historians as well as by historians representing the “nationalistic” approach. The paper primly deals with the Slovak opinion. The Hungarian view is resumed in the last part of the article.

The Image of the Treaty of Trianon in Slovak Historiography

<p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" lang="pl-PL" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Przeszłość zwykło się oceniać w różny sposób. Zwycięzcy zazwyczaj wskazują pozytywne strony zdarzeń, a przegrani z reguły skupiają się na ich negatywnych aspektach. XX-wieczne traktaty pokojowe niosły za sobą ogromne zmiany terytorialne. W czasach scentralizowanych państw narodowych uzyskanie obywatelstwa innego państwa oznacza bardziej znaczące zmiany w życiu ludzi, niż miało to miejsce kiedykolwiek wcześniej.</span></span></p><p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">Traktaty pokojowe kończące I wojnę światową na nowo nakreśliły mapę Europy Środkowej. Doprowadziły do powstania nowych państw, które nie istniały nigdy wcześniej. W tym burzliwym okresie Węgry poniosły największe straty. Terytorium państwa uległo zmniejszeniu z 282 870 km² do 92 952 km², z czego Czechosłowacja pozyskała 61 646 km². Liczba mieszkańców spadła z 18 264 533 do 7 615 117, przy czym na terytorium Czechosłowacji przeszło 3 517 568 osób (wliczając w to 1 066 685 Węgrów). Historyczne Górne Węgry (węg. </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">Felvidék)</span></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL"> zostały przemianowane na Słowację i stały się częścią Czechosłowacji. Proces pokojowy przypominał stan wojny, bo nawet po wprowadzeniu zawieszenia broni doszło do wybuchu walk między Węgierską Republiką Rad a Legionem Czechosłowackim</span></span></span><span lang="pl-PL">(</span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">Československé legie)</span></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">.</span></span></span></p><p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">Powyższe wydarzenia są oceniane w zupełnie odmienny sposób przez historyków węgierskich i słowackich. Podczas gdy strona węgierska skupia się głównie na poniesionych stratach, wskazywaniu sprzeczności w czechosłowackiej argumentacji praktykowanej w dyplomacji, jak i niepoprawnej interpretacji faktów, historycy słowaccy robią to samo, tyle że z ich perspektywy: oskarżają węgierską politykę w sprawie mniejszości narodowych, negującą prawdziwość danych ze spisów mniejszości narodowych, jak również krytykują węgierskie wysiłki zmierzające do utrzymania granic</span></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">(</span></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL"><em>status quo</em></span></span></span><strong><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL"><em><span style="font-weight: normal;">ante</span></em></span></span></span></strong><strong><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL"><span style="font-weight: normal;">)</span></span></span></span></strong><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span lang="pl-PL">. Zasadniczym celem ich historiografii jest uzasadnienie czeskich działań politycznych w czasie powstawania Czechosłowacji w (do niedawna) aktualnych granicach.</span></span></span></p><p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" lang="pl-PL" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia współczesnych poglądów na traktat pokojowy w Trianon, wyrażanych przez słowackich historyków w ostatnio opublikowanych syntezach. Starałem się podsumować główne poglądy prezentowane zarówno przez poszczególnych historyków akademickich, których opinie są szeroko akceptowane, jak i badaczy o nastawieniu „nacjonalistycznym”. Publikacja w pierwszej kolejności dotyczy poglądów historiografii słowackiej. Węgierski punkt widzenia został streszczony w ostatniej części artykułu.</span></span></p>

Granica Mađarske i Hrvatske na starim kartama

For centuries Croatia has been in a political association with Hungary. The borderbetween these two states lies on the Drava and the Mura rivers and is actually one of the oldest in Middle Europe, although between 1102 and 1526 there was a common Croatian-Hungarian kingdom and between 1526 and 1918 Hapsburg Monarchy (between 1867 and 1918 Austria- Hungary). The changes of the state border caused by the changes of the Drava and Mura’s bed, political interventions in the area of Međimurje and Baranja, especially from 18th to the middle of 20th century (1945) can be traced on the old maps, and these cartographic presentations represent a valuable historical source. The issue of border changes between Croatia and Hungary can be analyzed from two aspects: 1. macro analysis – i.e. bigger territory changes of the border between Croatia and Hungary 2. microanalysis – i.e. determining the border on the troubled rivers of the Drava and the Mura The macro plan includes the border changes between Croatia and Hungary where the most important issue is the borders in border areas of Međumurje, Prekodravlje and Baranje. For centuries there were arguments about the border in Prekodravlje. This part of Croatia, in Koprivnica area, has been populated by the Croats in the middle Ages, and in 16th and 17th century it was destroyed by Turks. At the beginning of 19th century Prekodravlje was again populated by Croats, two parishes, Gola and Ždala, were founded and they belonged to Zagreb bishopric (in 1854 it became archbishopric). Baranja was a part of the Hungarian district the longest of all border areas and beside Hungarians and Germans it was also populated by Croats and Serbs. It was annexed to Kingdom SHS (i.e. Republic of Croatia) by Trianon peace treaty in 1920. The old maps are very interesting because they document the microanalysis of the Croatian-Hungarian border, especially the border on the troubled Drava river. In this area the Drava is already a typical lowland-river, and in some Holocene sand and pebbles accumulation it meandered and changed its bed. For this reason it was necessary to determine the borderline which won’t change and will not depend on the river. Military land surveys conducted from 1781 to 1785 determined the borderline in the former Drava bed which was later verified by Trianon peace treaty.

Trianon Antlaşması ve Macar şiirine yansımaları

When we look at 20th century events, we see exrtemely two important developments in Hungarian history. With World War I and the Treaty of Trianon which Hungary was made to sign by great powers , we witness that the fate of Hungarians has been rewritten. Hungary became exhausted after World War I and was shattered with the Treaty of Trianon. This treaty led Hungary not only to lose a big part of land and their economy, but it also caused a large part of the Hungarians to live under the sovereignty of other states. Hence, with these losses, the Hungarians suffered profound wounds in their minds and bodies, and they experienced a great social trauma. This study aims to examine the general frame of this historical and tragic phenomenon and to point out how this has been reected on Hungarian poetry with its effects on the Hungarians. However, since there have been as many poems on this subject as in a book of poetry, this study mainly engage with the Hungarian poetry written from the irredentist ideological perspective in the 1920s.