Transnational Networks Research Articles

The Responses of Muslims in Weimar Germany to the Abolition of the Caliphate

The abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 had profound global repercussions that were felt far beyond the territorial boundaries of the former Ottoman Empire. This event provoked intense and ambivalent responses among the community of Muslims in Weimar Germany. To date, this reaction has received little attention. Defeat in the war deprived Germany of its colonies, but Berlin became an important point on the map of emerging transnational anti-colonial networks and the centre of the intellectual and political life of Muslims in Europe. In the Islamic space of Berlin, there was an active search for new normative values and a vocabulary that would correspond to the realities of the post-Ottoman Muslim world. A more detailed and nuanced picture of Muslim reactions in Germany to the abolition of the Caliphate can shed more light on the history of Muslim émigré activism and the creation of a Muslim space in Europe during this period.

Bodies on the Move: Central Americans’ Strategies for Coping with the Marks of Irregularity

In the current migration system, mobility in an irregular context affects the migrant body physically and mentally. This article seeks to identify the ways irregular Central American migrants in transit through Mexico continue their journey northwards despite the physical demands of the route. Through the analysis of forty-two in-depth interviews with migrants, it shows how migrants respond to this experience through a repertoire of actions developed in a context of marginalization. Two practices illustrate the strategies and resources they use to resist. The first is the mobilization of a cultural capital of migration within both local and transnational social networks in their countries of origin, transit, and destination, through economic and technological resources. The second is physical and mental resistance based on optimism underpinned by values such as the family and faith.

Book Review: The New Political Economy of Disability: Transnational Networks and Individualized Funding in the Age of Neoliberalism

Book Review: <i>The New Political Economy of Disability: Transnational Networks and Individualized Funding in the Age of Neoliberalism</i>

South-South Cooperation for development : an introduction

The text discusses the importance of international cooperation in science, technology, and innovation (STI), highlighting changes in bilateral partnerships between Brazil and China, especially in the space sector, and the promotion of health cooperation in South America. Additionally, it examines transnational networks involving Brazilian scientists and researchers and regional inequalities in scientific collaboration. It also explores the evolution of technical cooperation in sectors such as metrology and food security, emphasizing the potential for future cooperation initiatives and the need for a strategic approach to sectoral agendas such as health and STI.

A way with words: Nawab Siddiq Hasan Khan (1832–1890) and the unexpected power of print

AbstractThe writings of Muhammad Siddiq Hasan well exemplify the argument of Francis Robinson's influential article on vernacular print publications that furthered a Protestant Reformation-like democratising of sacred knowledge. Both the number of his publications, and the personal empowerment enjoined by his Ahl-i Hadith jurisprudence, make him, in fact, an ideal exemplar of this kind of publication. He also, however, stands apart. First, his ‘vernacular’ included not only Urdu, but also Arabic and Persian. Second, beyond democratisation, print simultaneously enhanced scholarly authority, and it did so to an unusual extent for Siddiq Hasan because of his pioneering reach beyond India to the Ottoman lands, with Arabic works published and distributed from cities like Istanbul and Cairo. Third, Siddiq Hasan's publications served a diversity of purposes, like Persian publications that enhanced his princely status, and Arabic publications that not only forged transnational networks of like-minded scholars but also, in other hands, served modernist theologians and innovative literary scholars. Finally, in the end, the potential of print turned on him as officials used his publications to allege seditious intent. That denouement aside, the life of Siddiq Hasan's print publication points to a moment of rich intellectual life in the context of colonial rule, taking Robinson's insights on the potential of publication in unexpected directions.

Evaluation &amp; Criticism

The COST-Action (CA 18137) on Middle Class Mass Housing in Europe (MCMH-EU) has established a transnational scientific network to document the productions of middle-class mass housing built in Europe since the 1950s in order to investigate this specific topic and share knowledge. Considering that middle-class mass housing dominates most of our cities, the research translates into the study of the extensive development of cities in Europe after World War II. The breadth of the theme and the differences between the countries make it difficult to construct a systematic and unified criticism of middle-class mass housing, albeit concentrating on the post-war period. The COST-Action has the goal to build a network to gather research representing the pooled knowledge and experiences from the network of multidisciplinary researchers. So, transversally throughout the Working Groups, an inventory of case studies, a collection of articles, and studies on the policies were produced. This paper elaborates on the collected and produced material and data in order to trigger comparisons and reflections on the approaches and methodologies to face the complexity of middle-class mass housing topic. The comparison was built by using different methods intersecting multiple points of view and following specific thematic tracks that seek to deconstruct the complexity of the middle-class mass housing topic into singular aspects. This paper presents the results of data analyses, visualisation techniques and comparative studies to identify massification processes, morphological structures, demographic and policy developments. It shows a combination of several methods to build a cross-sectional and systematic approach to the diverse knowledge envisioned to develop a methodology for future research. This can be especially useful for future developments and insights towards joint or individual European guidelines, laws and policies to improve the dilapidated housing stock, current housing situation and to compete the housing crisis in general.

Analisis Aktor Non Negara dan Ketahanan Psikologi: Studi Kasus Kekerasan Berbasis Gender Online (KBGO)

ABSTRACT The research was conducted with the aim of knowing: (1) the strategies implemented by NGOs, especially SAFEnet and INFID in the process of ratifying the TPKS Bill, and (2) explaining the psychological impact of KBGO victims and the role of the family in handling KBGO. The method used is qualitative research through interviews with representatives from SAFEnet and INFID, as well as conducting literature reviews obtained from online mass media, journal articles, books and scientific reports. Afterwards, the data collection method used triangulation using the theory of the Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) and the theory of psychological resilience. The results showed that the TAN concepts such as information politics, symbolic politics, influence politics, and political accountability, SAFEnet and INFID together with networks both nationally and internationally were able to encourage the ratification of the TPKS Bill to become the TPKS Law in advocating legal protection for victims of sexual violence, especially in digital (online) domain. The impact experienced by victims of KBGO can be minimized, reduced or prevented through family support in educating, building communication, protecting to increase psychological resilience

The “World Migration Congress” of 1926 and the Limits of Socialist Internationalism

Abstract In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational solidarities; it is also too focused on Europe and therefore overlooks a more serious limit to internationalism, namely a perspective that proclaimed a principle of color-blind solidarity among all peoples of the world but in practice built a much more limited transnational community of workers either born in Europe or of European descent. This article engages with these historiographical trends and complicates our knowledge of socialist internationalism in the 1920s by exploring a unique and underresearched event, the “World Migration Congress,” held in London in 1926 and jointly organized by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International, the main transnational networks of trade unionists and political parties of the social democratic tradition. Drawing on the idea that international organizations and meetings can be used as “observation points” for studying global history, the article uses the prolegomena to, the preparations for, and the discussions of this congress as a lens to understand the stances of socialist parties and reformist trade unions regarding the question of migration in the 1920s, explaining to what extent, and for what reason, they have changed in comparison with the prewar period. Moreover, it shows that the stances on migration were intertwined in many ways with socialist and labor perspectives on colonialism and condescending views of the “colored peoples” of the world.

The Role of European Think Tanks as a Channel of the EU Public Diplomacy Towards Domestic and Foreign Publics

&lt;p&gt;This article examines the role of European think tanks in public diplomacy efforts of the EU. It builds on Bourdieu’s field theory and concept of capital using data from EU official documents, website materials, and semi-structured interviews with representatives of think tanks from Brussels, France, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom, as well as their networks and the EU institutions. The article argues that EU institutions provide financial support for think tanks to obtain political capital in the form of internal and external legitimacy. The European Commission mobilises think tank academic capital by funding their educational activities, which helps to deal with the “democratic deficit” and plays the role of intellectual “soft power” by training current and future policymakers in Europe and beyond as potential allies in competition with other regions. Due to the particularity of the EU public sphere, characterised by the lack of outreach mass media, the European Commission tries to improve its capacity to shape public opinion at the European and global levels by using think tank publicity capital in its communication activities via new media platforms, distinguished by direct access to wider audiences. The European Commission benefits from think tank social capital, encouraging them to create transnational networks regarded as contributing to the promotion of integration within the EU, building relations with candidate countries, and strengthening its position in multilateral negotiations. Although the citizen’s dimension is not always at the core of practices of European think tanks, this article demonstrates their effectiveness as a channel of public diplomacy towards transnational publics.&lt;/p&gt;

Exploring Cross-Border Labor Commuting as a Practice of Tactical Mobility

Within the last few years there has been an increased interest in the interplay of structure and agency in border studies. Following the strategic-relational approach, these studies generally focus on territorial actors, particularly subnational institutions and how they use their capacities, to establish transnational cooperation and networks, to overcome the obstacles resulting from national and / or multi-governmental policies. Like subnational organizations and institutions on border regions, cross-border commuters develop and use tactics to overcome the socio-economic and legal risks and crises. Based on the thematic analysis of the semi-structured interviews with commuters from Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Poland, it is demonstrated that by being mobile across the borders, commuters aim at gaining flexibility and a relatively advantageous position in housing and labor markets of different countries. This paper, by referring to the strategic-relational approach, argues that cross-border mobility is practiced as a form of tactical mobility in which commuters constantly revise their mobility practices, depending on new, emerging socio-economic conditions. Moreover, by referring to the concept of de Certeau’s (1984) tactic, three main typologies of cross-border mobility are conceptualized.

Making Global Governance Accountable: Civil Society, States, and the Politics of Reform

AbstractRecent decades have witnessed the adoption of unprecedentedly broad and inclusive accountability mechanisms by many major international institutions, from grievance redress systems to transparency policies. What explains the establishment of these mechanisms—and why have only some institutions embraced them? I argue that adoption is more likely when member states, in particular the most powerful, face “bottom‐up” pressures for accountability from dense transnational civil society networks—networks with the capacity to build leverage through agenda setting, coalition building, and advocacy strategies—and when institutions perform governance tasks that are costly to monitor. Analysis of a rich new dataset shows that adoption is positively related to the density of international nongovernmental organizations in an institution's issue area—including only those based in powerful member countries—and that this relationship is stronger when governance tasks entail high monitoring costs. Statistical tests are complemented by qualitative evidence from interviews and other primary sources.

Witness Reporting as Resistance and Recovery–The Swedish Missionary Alma Johansson and the 1915 Armenian Genocide

ABSTRACT Western missionaries became important eyewitnesses of the 1915 Armenian genocide, and many reported on the events. This article analyses witness reporting from a biographical and gendered perspective, taking into account the significance of studying local activism and transnational networks in a humanitarian setting. Taking the witness accounts of the Swedish missionary Alma Johansson as an example, I discuss the conditions and strategies for women to reach out and form opinions in a transnational setting. I also analyse how gender shaped the humanitarian message. Using a narrative analysis, the article further explores the dual motives of the witness accounts of Alma Johansson—the aims of public resistance and private recovery. She wanted to protest openly against the violence and the perceived silence of the world concerning the genocide, at the same time as having to work on her personal trauma. The article assumes that witness narratives can be a catalyst of change, and that these two motives, resistance and recovery, were deeply connected.

Autonomising Conflict: Conflict Transportation in Online Activity among Kurdish and Turkish Diasporas in Denmark

Within diasporas and conflict studies, little research has so far looked at the content and dynamics of online conflict transportation. Addressing this gap, this study investigates how the Turkish-Kurdish conflict is reflected in the online mobilisation of Kurdish and Turkish diasporas in Denmark. Through an online ethnography of associations on Facebook, the study finds that while conflict transportation occurs in online spaces, it is shaped and influenced by the country of residence, transnational networks and other diasporic communities and actors. This suggests a plurality of consciousness rather than the duality of ‘homeland’-‘host-country’ attachments often attributed to diasporas.

Resisting Without Violence: KNPB and Transnational Advocacy Network Towards West Papua Referendum

After Indonesia’s authoritarianism collapsed in 1998, the fight for independence in West Papua became diversified, focused on physical resistance and strategic international diplomatic steps. The National Committee for West Papua (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB) is an organisation that tends to use a non-physical and non-violence approach. The approach garners support from the international community as they fight for the right of self-determination for the people of West Papua. KNPB’s international diplomacy has become a sort of strategic shift in the struggle of the West Papuan people, which initially tended to be instrumental, but eventually became wider by adopting a transnational advocacy network. This study uses the theoretical framework of non-violent resistance from Gene Sharp in explaining KNPB’s movement and the transnational advocacy network from Keck and Sikkink to explain KNPB’s international political relations. This research relies on documentation studies and interviews with key figures in the struggle for Referendum and Papuan independence. KNPB has consistently linked its local actions with independence movements and the global struggle for human rights. KNPB often frames its efforts as a part of their struggle to reject violence against the people of West Papua. The non-violent resistance movements and actions carried out by KNPB are indeed directed to gain public attention, especially from the international public. Their approach aims to show the Referendum’s importance and create an international agenda related to Indonesia’s actions in West Papua.

Towards a Postsecular Shia Rhetoric – the Discursive Strategies of Transnational Online Network of Shia Muslims in India

Abstract Much of the scholarly discussions on the nexus between secular worldview and discourse on Islam have depicted a rather homogeneous image of ‘postsecular Islam’ by overlooking the heterogeneity and changing nature of communications on Islam. In most cases, the postsecular rhetoric of minority sects in Islam, such as Shia Islam, is rarely mentioned. This study aims to offer a more empirical and context-oriented understanding of the emerging postsecular turn in the contemporary narratives of Shia Islam due to its encounter with secular ideologies, digital media, and popular culture. To do so, it examines dominant discursive features of a transnational Shia religious network – ‘Who is Hussain’. The analysis focuses on exploring new interpretations and representations of Shi’i messages online. Four main types of narrative features were found: a postsecular contextualization of Shi’i religious events, a secular call for action infused with Shi’i moral motivations, promoting postsecular humanitarian responses, and translating Shi’i religiosity into citizenry engagement. The language deployed by the Facebook page of this network to translate religious ideas denotes a high degree of malleability. This open hermeneutic margin, this study finds, allows the knowledge producers to develop a postsecular narrative of Shi’ism that has the potential to travel beyond the confines of religious boundaries by animating new debates internationally.

Setting ‘green’ boundaries for Chinese green finance: Multi‐level governance and regulatory stringency

AbstractThis article focuses on setting ‘green’ boundaries for green finance in China—the scope of eligible ‘green’ projects to be supported by Chinese green finance. China started building its green finance system in 2015, and 23 provinces issued guidelines on green finance between 2016 and 2020. Applying multi‐level governance as our analytical framework, this study collects data from a broad range of publicly available sources, including 64 policies issued by Chinese state ministries, provinces or pilot zones, transcripts of relevant press conferences, and streamed speeches given by relevant stakeholders in online workshops. We explain who governs the ‘green’ boundary of Chinese green finance, how it is governed, and the implication for regulatory stringency. We identify three levels of regulators involved in setting green boundaries—central ministries through the horizontal allocation of overlapping mandates, provinces through vague references and priority lists, and green finance pilot zones through vertical knowledge co‐production. We argue that continuous multi‐level negotiation and coordination dynamics determine the ‘green’ boundary in Chinese green finance, which further influences regulatory stringency. While several provinces and a pilot zone did temporarily prioritise industries with local competitive advantages (as exemplified by clean coal) as eligible to be supported by green bonds, the central government disapproved of such practices by its strong coordinating authority. The regulatory stringency was also safeguarded by the influence of transnational networks and China's decarbonisation objectives.

Belonging here and there: How social media affect the transnational lives of Spaniards in Iceland

Following the economic crisis of 2008–2014, the number of Spaniards in Iceland has quintupled. This study explores how young, highly qualified Spanish migrants in Iceland adopt social media to become embedded in Iceland and to maintain relationships in Spain, and how it affects their sense of belonging. For this aim, semi-structured interviews were held in 2017–2018 with 29 Spaniards residing in Iceland, and their personal networks were analyzed. We found that migrants who felt they belonged to both Spain and Iceland had more social relationships in Iceland and used more social media platforms to sustain their local and transnational networks compared with migrants who felt they belonged nowhere or only in Spain. Not only did they extend their repertoires with new social media, they also adapted how they used platforms to the media environment in Iceland. In this way, social media facilitated a sense of local and transnational belonging.

Transnational uncivil society networks: kleptocracy’s global fightback against liberal activism

What is the global social context for the insertion of kleptocratic elites into the putatively liberal international order? Drawing on cases from our work on Eurasia and Africa, we sketch a concept of ‘transnational uncivil society’, which we contrast to ‘transnational activist networks’. While the latter denotes the liberalizing practices of global civil society, the former suggests a specific series of clientelistic relations across borders, which open space for uncivil elites. This distinction animates a growing line of conflict in global politics. These kleptocrats eject liberal activists from their own territories and create new spaces to whitewash their own reputations and build their own transnational networks. To do so, they hire political consultants and reputation managers, engage in public philanthropy and forge new relationships with major global institutions. We show how these strategies of reputation-laundering are neither illicit nor marginal, but very much a product of the actors, institutions and markets generated by the liberal international order. We compare and contrast the scope and purpose of civil and uncivil society networks, we explore the increasing globalization of Eurasian and African elites as a concerted strategy to distance themselves from associations with their political oppression and kleptocracy in their home countries, and recast themselves as productive and respected cosmopolitans.

Institutionalising 100 Resilient Cities governance experiments in cities with no metropolitan government: A case study of Living Melbourne (Resilient Melbourne), Australia

This paper investigates the institutionalisation of 100 Resilient Cities [100RC] governance experiments in cities that lack a metropolitan government. In examining this phenomenon, the research develops a novel analytical framework that builds upon the ‘beyond experiments’ literature and two conceptual foundations: the role of urban governance context, particularly cities lacking a metropolitan government, and the role of transnational city networks. The framework is then applied to review the case study of Living Melbourne (Resilient Melbourne) – a 100RC governance experiment implemented in Melbourne, Australia. Key findings show that the institutionalisation of 100RC governance experiments occurs in cities lacking a metropolitan government by generating new changes in governance, particularly around two key domains: ways of thinking and ways of organising. The study also reveals that most changes generated via institutionalisation are incremental and reformistic, rarely transformational adjustments that can directly bring about urban sustainability transitions. In addition, this research suggests that the extent of institutionalisation is influenced by three key factors: (1) existing metropolitan governance conditions, (2) internal conditions of governance experiments and (3) city networks (only to a limited extent).

Book review: J. Megan Greene, Building a Nation at War: Transnational Knowledge Networks and the Development of China during and after World War II

J. Megan Greene, Building a Nation at War: Transnational Knowledge Networks and the Development of China during and after World War II (Cambridge, MA/London: Harvard University Asia Centre, Harvard University Press, 2022), 336 pp., US$ 60. ISBN: 978-0674278318.