Party System Transformation Research Articles

Политический проективизм в партийном строительстве

To this day, political design is the subject of academic and public discussions, the result of which is the realization of private, rational, rather than social, interests related to ideas and ideologies. To the greatest extent, this criticism affects the processes of party building. In the mass (and partly in expert) consciousness, parties are defined as institutions aimed at promoting social interests. Within the framework of such views, any emerging and developing project is considered as a de-ideologized formation, based on the rational goals and motives of its participants. Accordingly, the assessment of political projectivism in party building is an important and relevant research task and forms the purpose of this article. The methodological basis of the study was made up of systemic and neo-institutional approaches, the combination of which made it possible to consider political design as a sustainable practice, implemented in the system of political interaction and transforming the essence of modern party organizations. The study also took into account the projective approach of public administration, which defines projects as key components of political (and party) functioning. The main research methods were the general scientific principles of analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, comparison, as well as the applied method of situational analysis (case-study), which made it possible to determine the significance of political projectivism in their formation and functioning using specific examples of Russian parties. The conclusions of the article are that in the processes of modern party building, political projectivism is a natural and integral process of insti-tutional interaction. It is associated with both objective processes of transformation of modern political and party systems, as well as political parties themselves, and with the subjective orientations of political figures to obtain and maintain positions of power, based on rational planning and use of their available resources. As Russian party history shows, the implementation of party projects can have negative and positive aspects associated with the implementation of activities by such parties, which are also of a pro-ject nature and focused on working with the electorate, including those involving the solution of certain social issues.

The (De‐)Europeanization of the Political Class in the European Parliament: A Longitudinal Analysis of Members of the European Parliament's Career Patterns (1979–2019)

AbstractThis article presents a systematic empirical analysis of the career patterns of all 3634 members of the European Parliament (MEPs) who served in the European Parliament (EP) over the last 40 years (1979–2019). It explains how changes in the EP's structure of opportunities have shaped the development of MEPs' career patterns. First, we show that the development of a European political class is not a recent trend but that this process took place in the early days of the EP (as soon as in the 1984–1989 term), albeit with variance across political groups of the European Parliament (EPGs) and Member States. Second, we observe that the transformation of party systems and electoral volatility have been questioning the existence of the European political class. Overall, we conclude that legislative institutions are only as strong as the individuals who are called to serve them. Recent rises in the EP's turnover could ultimately undermine the EP's formal policy‐making capacity in the middle and long terms.

Паттерны трансформации партийных систем стран ЕС: направление перемен и причины различий

The article presents an original classification of patterns of transformation of party systems in EU countries under the influence of the institutionalization of a new post-industrial cleavage. Drawing on theories of cleavage and spatial competition and using party positioning databases, electoral indices and statistics, the author attempts to identify the main trajectories of the transformation of the European party systems between 1990 and 2023 and identify factors that explain the differences between them. The study identified five patterns associated with the effects of two key parameters. The first one is the structural specificity of the conditions of party competition in post-communist and other EU countries, associated with the difference between the old structured and new volatile party systems. The second parameter is the type of a country’s party-political system in accordance with Arend Lijphart’s classification — either majoritarian-polarized or coalition-consensus. While under majoritarian system the institutionalization of a new cleavage often gave rise to a radical breakdown of the old configuration of parties with the emergence of powerful populist forces, under consensus system — a smooth increase in fragmentation with the outflow of votes in favor of various new parties and the complication of the process of forming coalitions. For a number of countries other factors, such as the level of socio-economic development, ethnocentricity of politics, the type of electoral system and the stability of the welfare state appeared relatively important. In contrast, hypotheses about the significance of the initial configuration of party systems, the timing of formation of new parties and the geographical proximity of countries were not confirmed.

Party system transformation from below: protests by Jobbik and LMP

AbstractRecent changes in European politics—such as the rise of so-called movement parties on both the left and the right—call for a rethinking of the links between protest dynamics and party system transformation. In this paper, we contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of the mechanisms that unfold in periods of intensified interactions between protest and electoral politics through a case study of the transformation of the Hungarian party system. We ask what mechanisms drive parties' involvement in protests before and after entering parliament. We focus on two competitors: the radical right Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) and the green party Politics Can Be Different (LMP). Using a dataset of protest events compiled from Hungarian news agency reports and official police records, we map the protest network mobilized by the two parties between 2002 and 2022. We analytically distinguish and empirically identify three different mobilization mechanisms: strengthening the party's profile by protesting its own issue, using protest mobilization to build alliances with other parties and actors, or relying on protest to establish a presence at the local level. The empirical results show that Jobbik relies on protest through a combination of different mechanisms, while LMP uses protest to broaden its issue profile and build alliances with other political parties. Over time, both parties increasingly rely on protest to establish a local presence outside of Budapest.

Парадоксы конституционных трансформаций и политический процесс в Беларуси и Узбекистане: имеют ли значение формальные институты?

Introduction: referendums on amendments to the constitution held in 2022–2023 in Belarus and Uzbekistan raised a number of issues relating to public authorities organization and functioning. This brings about a research problem of the factors and reasons under development and implementation of these changes as well as the amendments impact on political process in the respective states (in particular, on the transformation of presidency and party systems). Objectives: to analyze the purpose of amending the Belarus and Uzbekistan constitutions with regard to the form of government and regulation of the political parties role and potential political consequences of the changes; to assess the further evolution of political regimes in the respective states in the context of maintaining their stability. Methods: the method of index analysis by A. Crowell – O. Zaznaev, the method of assessing the presidential powers by M. Shugart and J. Carey, the author’s typology of the presidency models. Results: in Belarus, the right to determine the main directions of policy was assigned to the newly created supreme authority – the All-Belorussian People’s Assembly, and in Uzbekistan this right has been retained by the President. At the same time, the formal powers of the Belarus President have strengthened, while in Uzbekistan the president remained constitutionally “weak”. As a result of the changes, the President of Belarus has been deprived of a number of important powers; however, due to the fact that the current president is likely to use the constitutional right to head the People’s Assembly, his constitutional powers will expand significantly while maintaining informal powers. The party systems of Belarus and Uzbekistan, despite the different proportion of party member deputies in the parliaments, can still be attributed to the same “non-party” type. The amendments have not changed the form of government indices in both Belarus and Uzbekistan and these still differ from each other, but the models of power organization in these states are quite close. Conclusions: the main purpose of the amendments to the constitutions of Belarus and Uzbekistan in 2022–2023 was to strengthen the presidential power. The new legal framework is not only of formal importance, but will also determine the political systems functioning in both states for decades to come. They can play a special role in the power transfer to a new president, the extension of the current president powers or providing the ex-president with a special status in the political system.

Transformation of the Political Parties of the EU Member States

The study aims to provide an analysis and systematize the complex of factors influencing the transformation of party systems. We attempt to identify the relationship between their general and specific influences in particular countries to explore the transformation process's general patterns and national characteristics in European Union's political spaceion. This study's method is based on an overview of the unique bibliography collected by the researchers, which includes sources devoted to the study of foreign parties and party systems in the European Union by modern political scientists. The analysis shows the specification of internal and external factors that influence the adaptation of the political parties and systems to the EU's changing situation, country, and society. The modern transformation of political parties and party systems in the EU is caused by the phenomenon of globalization, the financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, the overlapping migration crisis of 2015-2026, Brexit and changes in the institutional environment, and the democratic deficit in the EU itself. The obtained results have verified the research hypothesis. This study discussed modern tendencies in the transformation of political parties and political space in the European Union under the influence of different, controversial but discrete factors of development and complete explanation about the essence of new types of political parties

Electoral behavior of citizens in regional elections in Spain (2020–2022): new trends

The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to find out the changes in the factors and parameters of electoral behavior in the regional communities of Spain in the context of a pandemic. The study is conducted on the materials of the Basque Country, Galicia, Madrid, Catalonia, Castile and Leon. The theoretical basis of the article is a socio-cultural approach to electoral behavior. The results of questionnaires and voting, election programs and statements of political parties’ representatives, statistical data are analyzed. Serious changes in party orientations and the identity of the electorate are shown in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and the economic crisis. There is an increase in the influence of online technologies in the course of election campaigns. Short-term factors of changes in the support of parties in elections are revealed. The scientific significance of the work lies in the identification of spatial factors of uneven support for parties in the compared autonomous communities. The consequences of the defeat of “Unidas Podemos” in the elections in Madrid are determined. The author comes to conclusions about the transformation of party systems and the growth of the influence of right-wing populism in the studied autonomous communities.

Transformation of Modern Party Systems on the Example of Advanced Practices

In the current information age, the rapid development of technology is creating new changes in the political sphere, as in any other field. In particular, changes and innovations are observed in the activities of political parties. Also, the growing aspiration for democracy, based on civil society, is accelerating the transformation of party systems. The article discusses the transformation of the party system on the example of advanced foreign experience. At the same time, in the theory of modern political science, attention is paid to the approaches of scholars who have deeply studied the transformation of party systems.

Transformación, fragmentación y continuidad del sistema de partidos de Castilla-La Mancha (2003-2015)

La literatura académica española ha prestado poco interés por el sistema de partidos en Castilla-La Mancha, al contrario que los del resto de Comunidades Autónomas, especialmente de aquellas consideradas históricas. En el presente texto se pretende analizar la evolución del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos de la región para observar la transformación del sistema de partidos, desde la hegemonía electoral del PSOE (2003 y 2007) hasta la llegada de la alternancia política (2011) y la vuelta al poder de los socialistas (2015). En base a las encuestas poselectorales del Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS) de las elecciones autonómicas, se ha trazado algunas de las explicaciones para entender los alineamientos partidistas de la región. Los resultados indican que el éxito del PSOE está relacionado tanto con una mayor abstención diferencial de los votantes del PP así como por su voto dual en las elecciones autonómicas debido a una buena valoración del candidato socialista. Este modelo se va debilitando hasta que en 2011 la gestión de la crisis económica acaba con el PSOE en la oposición. Además, la menor fragmentación electoral en la región en las elecciones de 2015 parece estar influido, más que por cuestiones ideológicas, por el rechazo de los liderazgos de los dos candidatos de los partidos sistémicos.

Two faces of party system stability: Programmatic change and party replacement

Despite extensive research on party system stability, the concept is often reduced to the survival of existing parties. This article argues for introducing programmatic stability as a separate dimension and shows how the combination of party replacement and programmatic instability shapes patterns of party competition. Based on their interaction, the article distinguishes four ideal types: stable systems, systems with empty party labels, systems with ephemeral parties, and general instability. The empirical analysis relies on media data and proposes a new measure of programmatic stability to study its interaction with party replacement in fifteen European countries during the period of the economic crisis. As the article shows, the two dimensions shape the transformation of party systems in northwestern, southern, and eastern Europe. Relying on multidimensional scaling, the article analyzes in detail the cases of the United Kingdom, Romania, Ireland, and Latvia to showcase party competition under different conditions of systemic instability.

The Alternative for Germany from Breakthrough toward Consolidation?

The emergence of new parties, especially of populist radical-right parties, has generated considerable scholarly as well as media attention in recent decades. German exceptionalism since the 1950s has come to an end with the electoral successes of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), formed in 2013. Comparative studies, however, provide caution about quick pronouncements of party system transformation. Party organization is an important factor in a new party’s coping with changing external circumstances. Accordingly, this article concerns itself first with the formative circumstances of the AfD compared to those of the Greens and the Pirates, earlier new parties that challenged the established parties. Second, the article focuses on the institutionalization of the AfD as a party organization since 2013. To what extent has it followed the design of successful populist radical-right parties, such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPӦ) and the Italian Northern League (ln)? Third, the article considers the prospective relationships between the AfD and established parties. Such challenger parties have agency and may switch from government-mode to opposition-mode and back again without lasting electoral harm. In conclusion, the AfD seems likely to survive its first term in the Bundestag, but it seems unlikely soon to be mainstreamed by its participation in electoral and parliamentary politics.

Das spanische Parteiensystem von 1977 bis 2019: Veränderung oder Transformation?

This article investigates if a party system change has taken place in Spain from June 1977 to January 2019 . The operationalization of Smith’s (1989) definition of party system change requires the distinction between “normal” and “unusual” values of the indicators, which are subject to constant fluctuations . This distinction was achieved by defining unusual values as values that fall outside the area of plus/minus one standard deviation around the mean of the respective indicator . If an indicator’s values are unusual several times in a row, Smith considered it to have undergone change . The distinction between limited and general change as well as a party system transformation depends on how many indicators measure the properties of different party groups that undergo change . The results show that the Spanish party system underwent a series of limited changes from 1977 to 2015 . Despite the following massive shifts in the distribution of seats and the increases in format, this period can only be qualified as one of (weak) general change, but not of party system transformation .

Transformationsprozesse in den europäischen Parteiensystemen und ihre Folgen für die Zukunft der Europäischen Union

Transformation processes at both the political and societal level are decisive factors for the future integration process of the European Union. Among the member states, highly variable causes for change are evident and particularly the inclusion-exclusion cleavage stands out. In addition, the pan-European crises of recent years have proved to be catalysts for the transformation of European societies and party systems, which is also being driven forward by new communication structures. Although the European elections themselves did not turn out to be an “earthquake” for the European integration process, they do make it more difficult to find a majority and form a government. The campaign themes that shaped the 2019 European elections have proved to be diverse. Environmental and climate policy does not count among the crucial issues for the elections across Europe.

CRISIS ECONÓMICA Y CAMBIO EN LOS SISTEMAS DE PARTIDOS. ESTUDIO DE LA VOLATILIDAD ELECTORAL EN TRES PAÍSES INTERVENIDOS (2000-2016)

Los contextos de grave recesión económica habitualmente cambian la estructura de la ventana de oportunidad política de los sistemas de partidos. En Europa, la Gran Recesión, afrontar las dificultades económicas, aplicar las políticas de austeridad, y las repercusiones sociales que se derivan, ha traído consigo la trasformación de los sistemas de partidos. Este trabajo se orienta a analizar de manera descriptiva el grado en el que los sistemas de partidos están cambiando en el periodo de la Gran Recesión, prestando atención a diferentes componentes de la volatilidad para definir hacía qué tipo de partidos políticos se está desplazando el voto y de esta manera saber hasta qué punto está amenazada la estabilidad de los sistemas de partidos en Irlanda, Portugal y España. Las principales conclusiones apuntan que mientras que los sistemas de partidos se han desestabilizado especialmente en España y en menor medida en Irlanda, esta tendencia no se observa en Portugal, donde se observa una estabilidad sorprendente en el sistema de partidos.

Floating Voters and the Rise of New Left Parties: Electoral Volatility During Party System Transformation

AbstractVolatility is a central theme of the scholarship on party competition. At the extreme, entire systems collapse. Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela each went through a protracted period of change with the crash of old parties and the rise of new ones, including one representing the “new left.” Average electoral volatility grew by more than 50 percent and remained high for a decade or more. Can this churning surface of party death, birth, and change obscure undercurrents of stabilization in individual voting behavior? This project decomposes electoral volatility into two subtypes: system-level volatility—long-term spatial and temporal trends of change in support (e.g., realignment)—and individual volatility—fluid and cycle-specific fluctuations in support (e. g., electoral swing). It shows that the high volatility through the transformation has been at the system level, not the individual level. The cause is the stronger partisan and ethnic bonds mobilized by the new left.

Party System Deinstitutionalization: The 1997–98 Colombian Elections in Historical Perspective

Taking the 1997-98 electoral season as its case study, this article seeks to determine whether Colombia’s party system is undergoing deinstitutionalization. The resilience of the Liberal Party and the lack of an organized alternative to the traditional parties may mean that Colombia is in the process of party system transformation.

Italy: the promised land of populism?

Since the 1990s, Italy has been considered by many social scientists as a fertile testing ground for populism, or even as a populist ‘paradise’. Understanding the underlying causes of the populist upsurge that characterised politics after the party-system transformation that came in the wake of the Tangentopoli scandal requires a long-term perspective in order to identify both the structural factors facilitating populism’s sudden growth, and the behaviour of those political actors responsible for the spread of populist arguments and communication styles. The article aims to develop this analysis by illustrating the different embodiments of the populist mentality within the Italian political system since the re-establishment of democracy in the aftermath of World War II.

Politics of childcare policy beyond the left–right scale: Post‐industrialisation, transformation of party systems and welfare state restructuring

AbstractChildcare policy has become an integral part of social and economic policy in post‐industrial democracies. This article explores how the transformation of party systems structures the politics of childcare policy. It reveals that political parties contend with each other over childcare and female employment policy on the social‐value dimension as well as the redistributive dimension. Assuming that different party policies have distinct impacts on public childcare policy, it is hypothesised in this article that a government's policy position – composed of the governing parties' policy positions – affects changes in public spending for childcare services. Through an analysis of the pooled time‐series and cross‐section data of 18 advanced industrialised countries from 1980 until 2005 using multivariate regression methods, it is revealed that a government's redistributive left–right policy position interacts with its social liberal–conservative policy position, and that a left–liberal government raises its budget for childcare services while a left–conservative government does not.

If Everyone Votes Their Party, Why Do Presidential Election Outcomes Vary So Much?

Despite mountains of election returns, opinion surveys, and controlled experiments, political scientists have not offered a particularly compelling explanation for the most important conundrum facing students of U.S. elections: how could we have had such different election results across the past decade when the electorate is so polarized along partisan lines? Relying mostly on data from the American National Election Studies, this article examines the nature of party attachments and presidential voting in the 2000s, with an eye towards estimating the relative importance of persuasion and mobilization for variation in electoral outcomes. I also consider the most obvious source for future party system transformation: the mobilization of Hispanic-American and Asian-American voting cohorts.

Study of Volatility and Party System Transformation in the 2010 Election of the Czech Chamber of Deputies

The paper deals with measuring volatility in the election of the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic, calculated for both national and regional levels (the latter being the level of electoral constituencies). The main aim of the paper is to identify the link between the gains and losses of parties, and the volatility of a region. In comparison with the 2006 election, an overall increase in volatility was recorded in 2010, but most of the more volatile regions remained the same in both elections compared. Volatility on the regional level is strongly connected with the losses of the previously governing parties (in office 2006-9) and with the gains of the strongest new party, TOP09. We also compare three possible calculations of volatility involving the category of “other” parties. In calculating volatility we could not recommend the omission of “other” parties from the numerator without a corresponding change in the denominator. As for the remaining two methods (“other” parties calculated as one bloc, or “other” parties omitted both in the numerator and the denominator), future comparisons would be required.