Transatlantic Alliance Research Articles

“An Honest Bargain?”: Transatlantic Marriage, Domestic Violence, and Garden Restoration in Frances Hodgson Burnett’s The Shuttle (1906)

ABSTRACT In The Shuttle (1906), Frances Hodgson Burnett explores the mercenary dimensions of the transatlantic marriage alliances of the late nineteenth and early twentieth. In The Shuttle, the naïve Rosalie Vanderpoel, is harangued and beaten into submission by her husband, Sir Nigel Anstruthers, into relinquishing her inheritance, money he has no access to without Rosalie's authorisation. Drawing from the work of Lisa Surridge, Sarah Wagner-McCoy and Thomas Recchio, this article explores how The Shuttle centres domestic violence and its impact. Surridge argues that scenes of domestic violence can be seen as “peripheral” or on the border of a narrative. By moving the transatlantic courtship plot of Bettina Vanderpoel and Lord Mount Dunstan to the border of the narrative, this essay explores the ways that Burnett problematises transatlantic marriages. Sir Nigel's considered and deliberate plans for abuse shape the novel, and the enduring ramifications of the traumas he inflects through outright violence, emotional manipulation and neglect are what Bettina Vanderpoel undoes to rescue her sister. Investing her family funds into the estate Sir Nigel has bankrupted, Bettina models a different form of transatlantic alliance, one of active investments in the English country estate to better the community.

Liberation, Re-Education, Democratisation: The Politics of Gratitude in German-American Relations after 1945

The US-American presence in postwar Germany and its role in West Germany's re-education and democratisation have fuelled a discourse of gratitude that has lastingly shaped the transatlantic alliance. German politicians and other policy actors continue to rely on proclamations of ‘thankfulness’ as a means of what Todd Hall has termed ‘emotional diplomacy’. In the process, they affirm a collective memory of the postwar years that emphasises friendship and contains social conflicts, political tensions, and ambivalent affects. They draw on iconic tropes and powerful narratives – ranging from the GI handing out chewing gum to CARE packages and the ‘gift’ of democracy – which have cast German-American relations in terms of generosity, gift-giving, and gratitude. This article traces the roots of this discourse to (the popular memory of) the postwar moment and situates it vis-à-vis the multifaceted affective landscape of early postwar Germany with a specific focus on its gender logics and with an eye to its benefits and the risks it entails.

NATO and the global colour line

Abstract This article explores the role of NATO in the upkeep of what W. E. B. Du Bois termed the global ‘colour line’—namely a racialized division of the world. Formally, the organization views itself as a defensive alliance, focused on safeguarding the freedom and security of its member states. However, building on works that reveal the racialized founding and workings of international relations, I argue that this seemingly defensive aspiration is premised on an antagonistic, racialized conception of the global order that is tantamount to what Du Bois conceived as the ‘colour line’. For one thing, it is premised on the metropolitan notion that values such as freedom, security, stability, human rights, democracy and rule of law are endogenous to transatlantic alliance and, by extension, the global North. Furthermore, by positioning itself as a line of defence against threats to these values also presumes that such ‘good values’ are lacking beyond the geographical limits of this alliance. Empirically, this article will focus on NATO's policy engagement in the Middle East and its strategic concerns with ‘threats’ of terrorism, conflict, fragility and instability emanating from the region that undermine the freedom and security of the NATO states.

Alina Polyakova/Edward Lucas/Mathieu Boulègue/Catherine Sendak/Scott Kindsvater/Ivanna Kuz/Sasha Stone: A New Vision for the Transatlantic Alliance: The Future of European Security, the United States, and the World Order after Russia’s War in Ukraine. Brüssel: Center for European Policy Analyses, November 2023

<b>Alina Polyakova/Edward Lucas/Mathieu Boulègue/Catherine Sendak/Scott Kindsvater/Ivanna Kuz/Sasha Stone:</b> A New Vision for the Transatlantic Alliance: The Future of European Security, the United States, and the World Order after Russia’s War in Ukraine. Brüssel: Center for European Policy Analyses, November 2023

The rise of China and the US-Western Europe alliance: a crack in the liberal building?

ABSTRACT The system of alliances is the only element of US power that China is unable and unwilling to surpass in the foreseeable future. However, in the past decade, China’s rise has posed a challenge to the transatlantic alliance in the form of a potential alliance drift that has not been addressed by existing literature. Western European allies of the United States have not hesitated at times to adopt a stance contrary to Washington’s interests, but at other times, they still maintain a position similar to that of the United States when dealing with China. This paper argues that the presence of security concerns is what largely prevents them from adopting a position favourable to China. This conclusion is reached after the examination of three factors (economic opportunities, security concerns and Washington’s pressures) in the behaviour of Germany, the UK, France, Italy and Spain in three crucial cases for the balance of power between Washington and Beijing: the AIIB, the BRI and Huawei’s 5G. The evolution of their responses suggests that China’s rise, once a divisive aspect among allies, has the potential to become an unexpected source of unity for the transatlantic alliance.

마크롱의 드골주의 노선 추구와 대서양동맹의 갈등

Emmanuel Macron, representing the newly formed party 'En Marche' and advocating for centrist policies, successfully won the presidency in 2017, gaining popularity among the French population. After taking office, President Macron implemented economically right-leaning policies while also bolstering welfare programs as part of an expansion of left-leaning social initiatives. In terms of foreign policy, he positioned himself as an ideological successor to President de Gaulle, who led the Fifth Republic of France. He strategically utilized the transatlantic alliance's division caused by President Trump in executing his foreign policy, aiming to establish a 'New European Order' with fellow Europeans. Additionally, after the UK's Brexit referendum, he worked towards expanding France's influence in Europe, following the traditional Gaullist path that lies at the core of French right-wing ideology.&#x0D; This study analyzes how President Macron effectively demonstrated the strengthening of France's position, in line with the principles of Gaullism, amid the shifting dynamics of the European order. This was achieved through the deepening of European integration, the collaborative construction of Europe by Europeans, the enhancement of strategic autonomy, and the prioritization of security within the EU over NATO. Ultimately, President Macron incorporated a significant portion of the Gaullist approach into his foreign policy, aiming for an independent and self-reliant European policy for France. He sought to implement this Gaullist approach through the EU, working to empower France to make decisions and take action independently in its relations with the United States. This study illustrates his efforts to enable the EU to operate autonomously in matters of diplomacy, security, and defense.

Defense industrial policy in a changing international order: rethinking transatlantic burden-sharing

ABSTRACT Though it is a core function of a sovereign state, governments do not navigate defense policy free from outside influences and constraints. The provision of external security requires armed forces to be adequately equipped but the distribution of material resources - defense-industrial capacity – for such equipment is not even but rather concentrated in the international system. How do alliance politics and defense-industrial policy connect? Our contribution highlights the material resources for military alliance effectiveness and emphasizes a strategic view of the relationship between these material factors and alliance burden-sharing. The sudden surge in demand for materiel resulting from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine revealed the defense-industrial fault lines within the transatlantic alliance. We outline existing dependencies and interdependencies, identify trade-offs and connections between industrial policy and defense spending, and formulate policy recommendations based on our findings. Taking a political economy of security perspective, these recommendations are aimed at a better understanding of how industrial politics and alliance stability are intertwined. They suggest pathways to a new and more stable transatlantic defense-industrial bargain in an era of increased great power conflict.

The conflict in Ukraine and its global implications

ABSTRACT Russia’s intervention in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, has been subject of serious concern for the international community. Specifically, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which was previously regional, has evolved into a global dispute, drawing in all major powers and their alliance systems. Above all, this conflict became a test for global economic and security architecture and challenges the decades-long dominance of the transatlantic alliance system and its "rules-based international order." To address this special issue’s topic and contributions, we discuss how the 2022 intervention constitutes a test of resolve for Russia as the intervener and the West as the supporter of Kyiv. Then, we frame the debate regarding the causes of the kinetic intervention. Finally, we examine the varying international reactions to Russia’s invasion as an indicator of a changing international order.

The Rise of Neo Ottomanism in Turkey for Strategic Autonomy in Liberal World Order

This research paper aims to investigate Turkey's quest for strategic autonomy in the Liberal World Order. As per these ambitions, Turkey has increasingly distanced itself from the European Union (EU) and the transatlantic alliance and has shifted its focus towards China, Russia, and the Global South. These developments are a direct consequence of the 2023 termination of the Treaty of Lausanne, along with the shift to multipolar world order. Turkey has viewed these shifts as a chance to gain strategic autonomy in the region and proclaim itself as the leader of the Muslim world. As a result, intervention in Syria, Libya, and the Black Sea was utilized to assert influence, and the atrocities of Israel and India against the Muslim community were also called out. Turkey's ambitions to cash on the shifting international system and redirect its foreign policy can be associated with neo-Ottomanism, implying that the Turkish state aspires to regain the lost glory of the historic Ottoman Empire and its regional dominance. US is creating hurdles in this process however, Turkey is adamant about its goals and continues to invoke strides in that direction.

Europe’s China Problem: How Not to Feed Beijing’s Military–Civil Fusion

This essay explores the question of restricting China’s access to European dual-use technology. Under Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party is transforming China into a techno-security state. The country’s innovation-driven development strategy and strengthened push for military–civil fusion, fuelled by powerful industrial policies, have made technology exchanges with China a challenging policy issue in Europe. The issue is not only a bilateral one with China – it constitutes a challenge for the management of the transatlantic alliance as well, given that US intervention has at times been a decisive factor shaping European policies vis-à-vis China, mostly through targeted action regarding specific issues of technology transfers. The European Union has developed a toolbox of defensive instruments in the past five years to address asymmetries and imbalances in EU–China trade and investment relations, providing European decision-makers with the instruments to manage technology transfers to China. This toolbox still needs to be perfected, however. The EU is only now starting to develop a political narrative linking China’s military build-up, its powerful industrial and innovation policies, and Xi’s vision for Chinese leadership in world affairs. In the absence of a shared European vision, technology transfers will remain a sporadic irritant in transatlantic relations.

NATO-ISRAEL COOPERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has shifted NATO’s attention to its eastern flank and raised the importance of collective defence. However, the transatlantic alliance has spent long years to build up its reputation as a security provider in the Middle East as well, in the southern strategic direction. The current paper analyses the state of NATO’s efforts on the southern flank, using its partnership with Israel as a case study. It argues that, in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war, robust NATO cooperation in the South, having Israel as a key pillar, is more important than ever, even though it is a low priority on NATO’s agenda in 2023 because of the ongoing war.

Historic missed opportunities and prospects for renewal: Turkey-EU relations in a post-Western order

ABSTRACT Turkish-European Union (EU) relations in the broader context of the transatlantic alliance have been one of the defining features of Turkish foreign policy in the post-war era. The article identifies elements of the cyclical nature of the relationship and missed opportunities, notably in the 1970s and the early 2000s, which have been costly both to Turkey and the EU. Domestic politics and crises both in Turkey and the EU have played an important role in shaping the long-term dynamics of this complex and mutually important relationship. The emerging post-Western order has contributed to the decline and recent stalemate in Turkey-EU relations. The article probes into the possibilities of a revival in Turkey-EU relations and consider whether the Russian war against Ukraine will create a new opportunity for a revival of the relationship as part of a new wave of enlargement, which was not on the agenda previously.

The Quad, AUKUS, and I2U2 formats: Major lessons from minilaterals

Over the past two decades, a trend has emerged where US partners and allies look outside of their bilateral relationship with the United States and pre-existing multilateral bodies to join ad-hoc networks. They are joining these networks to both obtain their own security goods and to provide regional public goods. Yet, these ad-hoc networks, or “minilaterals,” often include multiple US allies or shared partners of the United States. For example, the revived Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) includes Japan, India, Australia, and the United States, encompassing two separate US treaty alliances. Similarly, the tripartite pact AUKUS connects the US-UK transatlantic alliance relationship to the US-Australia alliance in the Indo-Pacific. The newest addition to this growing trend in minilateralism, the I2U2, which redefine the Middle East as West Asia by bringing together the United States, India, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), provides additional insight into the benefits of minilaterals as mechanisms for organizing interstate cooperation.

Russian Policy Toward Turkey Since the 2010s

ABSTRACT: Historically, the Ottoman Empire and Russia have had recurrent conflicting relations since the eighteenth century and, particularly, from the beginning of the "Eastern Question". Indeed, almost all the wars to which the Ottoman Empire was a party had Russia as an opponent. However, Russia's relations with the Republic of Turkey have been evolving. Indeed, the Soviet Union was one of the first countries to recognise the young Republic of Turkey. Then, during the Cold War, Turkey, which joined the Transatlantic Alliance in 1952, played a strategic role as NATO's Middle Eastern bulwark against the USSR. After the break-up of the USSR, the return of Russian regional dominance in the first decade of the twenty-first century led to competitive relations between Russia and Turkey. However, they have intensified and diversified since the 2010s. We will consider the evolution of Russian policy towards Turkey since the 2010 decade by analysing its stakes and the highlights of a complex strategic alliance. Russia's intervention in Syria in 2015 generated developments in its relationship with Turkey. From 2017, a turning point in the relations between Russia and Turkey has been the issue of the war exit and the future of Syria. In addition, in order to diversify its military logistical arms purchases and move away from a relationship of dependence on NATO, in 2017 Turkey intensified its rapprochement with Russia. Indeed, Russia procured S-400 air defence system missiles for Turkey and negotiated a nuclear energy agreement. This rapprochement between Russia and Turkey irritates the US and NATO, generating collateral effects.

ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCE, GLOBALIZATION AND SECURITY CRISIS IN 21st CENTURY EUROPE

The development and functioning of the concepts of economic interdependence and globalization under the influence of Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine has been researched in the article. The main idea of the article is focused on determining the impact of Russian military aggression in Ukraine on the formation of the modern European security system of the 21st century. The war in Ukraine became a decisive factor in the security crisis in Europe. In order to achieve the stated purpose, further prospects for the functioning of the concepts of economic interdependence and globalization in the conditions of Russian military aggression in Ukraine has been researched in the article and the impact of Russian military aggression in Ukraine on the depth of the security crisis in Europe has been researched in the article. Russia’s attack on Ukraine showed the inadequacy of previous efforts to build a sovereign Europe. It is proven that the unforeseen risks of Russia’s economic interdependence with European countries have led to tectonic shifts in world geopolitics and the worst security crisis in Europe since World War II. Expanding trade with a country that has significant control over critical resources has caused interstate conflict. The article focuses on the fact that reliability is more profitable than unpredictability today. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has affected all regions of the world, contributing to slower economic growth, faster inflation, disruptions in supply chains, fuel and food shortages, and increased poverty. It has been proven that such actions are the basis of another wave of deglobalization. which will reorient the world economy and cause a re-planned economic order. It has been updated that the idea of European strategic autonomy as a replacement for American participation in European security is currently invalid. It can be stated that the world is in a dangerous and very uncertain state. The global security environment is becoming increasingly contested, complex and interconnected. It has been proven that cooperation with the transatlantic alliance remains the most successful and powerful tool in ensuring collective security for the EU in today’s conditions. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine revealed important differences in European visions of future security. Consequently, the world is expecting a likely reformatting of the international order that the EU and many other countries have been trying to build over the past few decades.

UK–Japan Relations and the Indo-Pacific Tilt: The Cornerstone

The UK’s relationship with Japan is the cornerstone of the Indo-Pacific ‘tilt’ and provides unique insights into its motivating logic and the UK’s role in world politics, Philip Shetler-Jones argues. First, it exhibits the importance the UK gives to universal principles unrestricted by cultural or geographic markers in its choice of ‘like-minded’ partners – an aspect of Global Britain that is reciprocated in Japanese policy, informing how the ‘tilt’ is received in the region. Second, it represents the prime example of how the tilt maintains the equilibrium of UK foreign policy in the midst of a shifting global power balance, by means of a more diversified, flatter framework of ‘quasi alliance’ relations built on the foundation of the transatlantic alliance. Third, the foremost commitment in the Integrated Review that the UK remain a leading technology power is reflected in the defence technology and industry partnership that is becoming central to the UK–Japan relationship.◼

Time for a New Atlanticism: The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment and the International Order

ABSTRACT There has been no shortage of critiques of the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) signed on 30 December 2020. Many have perceived the CAI as a snub in the face of the Biden administration, which has the potential to jeopardise one of the most important strategic goals of the transatlantic alliance: setting aside four years of Trump’s populist economic policy and working in close coordination with a view to developing a united front to contain China. While the CAI does indeed indicate that the EU considers itself a fully autonomous international economic player, however, such a display of autonomy need not be incompatible with a stronger transatlantic alliance. In fact, the CAI may be an opportunity for the transatlantic alliance to evolve into a partnership among equals that is necessary to successfully navigate the uncharted waters of the coming global (dis)order.

Between Europe and Asia: Narrow Spaces for Strategic Hedging in New Europe

ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the former Soviet states of Europe, located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, have been the site of a political game between the great powers, gradually developing a left-right strategy. This paper constructs the explanatory theory of hedging strategy and argues that post-socialist European countries, collectively referred to as ‘New Europe’, have navigated a middle way between balance and followup strategies called compound hedging. Starting at the regional scale, this paper discusses three issues, i.e., whether the new Europe has adopted a hedging strategy, why they adopt a hedging strategy, and the policy performance and effectiveness of hedging in the security and economic fields. Specifically, New Europe has implemented diversified fuzzy strategies amidst the transatlantic alliances and Eurasian powers, avoided security risks from Russia through cooperation with NATO, and balanced interest risks caused by European Union pressure through contacts with the United States, Russia, China and other countries. Although New Europe has realized certain practical strategic effects, it still faces difficulties (e.g., structural pressure changes, divergences between old and New Europe, and a lack of hedging capacities and motivations), and its policy space remains narrow and uncertain.

A policy recommendation for the reinvigoration of the transatlantic alliance

A policy recommendation for the reinvigoration of the transatlantic alliance

Turkish-American strategic partnership: is Turkey still a faithful ally?

ABSTRACT It has been widely argued that Turkish foreign policy has undergone a shift of axis under the ruling AKP, moving Turkey away from its Western alliance towards new alignments. The article employs neoclassical realism to explain the Turkish foreign policy behaviour, particularly Turkey’s policies vis-à-vis the United States and Russia in recent years. It aims to provide an account of Turkey’s military operations in Syria, the changing nature of Turkish-American relations, and Turkish-Russian strategic rapprochement, which has been raising concerns over Turkey’s faithful ally role in the transatlantic alliance. The tensions between Turkey and the US have gradually escalated following the American refusal to hand over Fethullah Gülen, Turkey’s military operations in Syria, Turkey’s decision to purchase Russian S-400 antiaircraft systems, and its removal from the F-35 fighter jet programme. The article analyzes both the unit-level variables and the systemic variables to explain Turkey’s evolving security and defence policies against the changing power structures and the implications of these policies on the country’s deteriorating relations with the US, competitive cooperation with Russia, and the future of the transatlantic alliance.