Traditional Tenure Research Articles

Beyond Traditional Tenure

Beyond Traditional Tenure

Beyond Traditional Tenure: A Guide to Sound Policies and Practices.

Academic tenure is too prevalent a practice to disappear and too consequential a policy to disregard. About 85 percent of all American colleges and universities have a tenure system, and 59 percent of all full-time faculty have tenure.

Not Far Beyond Traditional Tenure

(1983). Not Far Beyond Traditional Tenure. The Review of Education: Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 5-12.

Beyond Traditional Tenure

Beyond Traditional Tenure

The Declaration of Independence or the AFL-CIO?

Abstract Beyond Traditional Tenure By Richard P. Chait and Andrew T. Ford San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1982, 291 pages, index, $16.95. Reviewed by Robert L. Spaeth

Beyond Traditional Tenure: Extended Probationary Periods and Suspension of “Up-or-Out” Rule

(1982). Beyond Traditional Tenure: Extended Probationary Periods and Suspension of “Up-or-Out” Rule. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning: Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 44-54.

The Rise and Demise of Kadazan Nationalism

Writing in June 1960 Donald Stephens, editor of the North Borneo News and Sabah Times, remarked that “… the Penampang Kadazans have seldom found much favour in official circles because of the bit of education they possess and because of the courage they have in fighting for their rights.” Certainly the observations of British North Borneo Chartered Company officials and others in the past often included disparaging comparisons between the then-called “Dusun” people of the Penampang, Papar and Membakut areas south of Jesselton (now Kota Kinabalu), and the more tractable people of Tuaran to the north. Owen Rutter, for instance, delivered himself in 1922 of the opinion that “The Dusuns of Tuaran … are … the pleasantest of the lowland Dusuns, just as the people of Papar and Membakut are the most objectionable.” He went on to describe an incident occurring in 1910 in which the people of Papar led a protest movement against the sale of land by the Chartered Company to rubber companies. They contended that such compensation as they had received for fruit trees and ancestral graves was inadequate, and that the land itself was their heritage for which they should also be paid. “At one time”, wrote Rutter, “the agitation movement threatened to spread to Tuaran, but the good people of the district did not appreciate squandering on legal charges the comfortable sum they had extracted from the Tuaran Rubber Estate for their fruit trees, and the Papar envoys went home practically empty-handed.” K. G. Tregonning, alluding to the same incident, merely says “At Papar, a notorious trouble-maker, strongly influenced by the long-established Roman Catholic mission there, found for the Christian Dusuns imaginary faults in the change from traditional tenure.”

Peasant Resistance and Revolt in South India

WX TITH A THIRD OF THE WORLD socialist, and guerrilla movements active in more than a dozen countries, some social scientists in the West have turned their attention to the role of peasants in revolution.1 This article stems from work by Hamza Alavi, Eric Wolf, and A. G. Frank.2 It tries to supplement Alavi's analysis of peasant revolts in two areas of India-Telengana and Bengal-with an account of some peasant actions in the northern part of the state of Kerala, with references for purposes of comparison to Tanjore, a district in southeast Madras. The questions of principal concern are, first: Is rural class struggle endemic in these South Indian regions, or is it engendered by self-interested political parties, especially the communists? Second: in modern peasant insurrections, what have been the respective roles of landlords, rich peasants, middle and poor peasants, and landless labourers? Third: what is the potential for future peasant revolt? Kerala has a large number of types of land tenure, which vary, moreover, as between Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore. The most common traditional tenure has been kdnam, in which the tenant surrenders a fixed rent, often about a third of the crop, to the landlord, in addition to a cash renewal fee every twelve years. In pre-British times this superior tenure was confined to Nayars and other high caste Hindus of similar rank and to relatively high ranking Muslims and Christians. The most common inferior tenure is verumpdftam, in which the tenant pays a fixed rent, usually amounting to about two-thirds of the net produce, to the landlord or the kanam tenant, whichever is immediately above him. Verumpda.tam and simi-