Traditional Plant Knowledge Research Articles

Comparison of traditional wild plant knowledge between aboriginal communities inhabiting arid and forest environments in Patagonia, Argentina

The Mapuche people have a deeply rooted tradition of wild plant use for their subsistence. In this study we evaluated whether plant selection by the Mapuche is influenced by environmental constraints. Selection patterns of wild plant richness were compared in two Mapuche communities sharing the same traditions and beliefs but inhabiting different environments. Similarities and differences in the use patterns of wild medicinal and edible plants were quantitatively analyzed by using concepts derived from ecological theory. The Cayulef community is settled in the NW Patagonian (herbaceous) steppe while the Curruhuinca community is established near the Andean temperate forest, 100 km away from each other. Free-listing and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 families in Cayulef and 39 in Curruhuinca corresponding to 80% and 40% of each population, respectively. Data were analyzed by means of the Jaccard similarity index and statistical tests. The main results of this study showed that the home environment is a determinant factor that influences which plant species are utilized, as is the anthropic environment (with its high exotic species richness) in each community. However, similar patterns were found with respect to plant families, ways of utilization, plant parts and life forms utilized irrespective of where the communities are settled. In addition, in both populations, wild plant richness was significantly higher for medicinal than for edible species. Our results showed that the use of wild plants is primarily based on the utilization of species belonging to the nearest ecological environments that have both therapeutic and dietary functions.

Ethnobotany of the Samburu of Mt. Nyiru, South Turkana, Kenya.

Traditional plant use is of extremely high importance in many societies, and prevalent in African communities. This knowledge is however dwindling rapidly due to changes towards a more Western lifestyle. The influence of modern tourism cannot be neglected in this context.This paper examines the plant use of the Samburu of the Mt. Nyiru area in Northern Kenya. The Samburu pastoralists of Kenya are still amongst the most traditional communities of the country and have retained most of their knowledge about the use of a large part of the plants in their environment for a wide variety of purposes.The results indicate that the local population has a very high knowledge of the plants in their surroundings, and attributes a purpose to a large percentage of the plants found.448 plant species were collected, identified and their Samburu names and traditional uses recorded. 199 species were reported as of "no use". The high proportion of 249 plant species however had some traditional use: The highest number (180 species) was used as fodder, followed by 80 species that had medicinal use. Firewood (59 species), construction (42 species), tools (31 species), food (29 species) and ceremonial use (19 species) ranked far behind.Traditionally the Samburu attribute most illnesses to the effect of pollutants that block or inhibit digestion. This can include "polluted" food, contagion through sick people as well as witchcraft. In most cases the treatment of illness involves herbal purgatives to cleanse the patient. There are however frequent indications of plant use for common problems like wounds, parasites, body aches and burns.The change from a nomadic to a more sedentary lifestyle, often observed in other areas of the country, has affected the Samburu of remote Mt. Nyiru to a much lesser extent and did so far not lead to a major loss of traditional plant knowledge. However, overgrazing and over-exploitation of plant resources have already led to a decline of the plant material available.

Developing the medicinal plants sector in northern India: challenges and opportunities

The medicinal properties of plant species have made an outstanding contribution in the origin and evolution of many traditional herbal therapies. These traditional knowledge systems have started to disappear with the passage of time due to scarcity of written documents and relatively low income in these traditions. Over the past few years, however, the medicinal plants have regained a wide recognition due to an escalating faith in herbal medicine in view of its lesser side effects compared to allopathic medicine in addition the necessity of meeting the requirements of medicine for an increasing human population. Through the realization of the continuous erosion of traditional knowledge of plants used for medicine in the past and the renewed interest at the present time, a need existed to review this valuable knowledge of medicinal plants with the purpose of developing medicinal plants sectors across the different states in India. Our major objectives therefore were to explore the potential in medicinal plants resources, to understand the challenges and opportunities with the medicinal plants sector, and also to suggest recommendations based upon the present state of knowledge for the establishment and smooth functioning of the medicinal plants sector along with improving the living standards of the underprivileged communities. The review reveals that northern India harbors a rich diversity of valuable medicinal plants, and attempts are being made at different levels for sustainable utilization of this resource in order to develop the medicinal plants sector.

Plant use of the Maasai of Sekenani Valley, Maasai Mara, Kenya

Traditional plant use is of tremendous importance in many societies, including most rural African communities. This knowledge is however, rapidly dwindling due to changes towards a more Western lifestyle, and the influence of modern tourism.In case of the Sekenani Maasai, the recent change from a nomadic to a more sedentary lifestyle has not, thus far lead to a dramatic loss of traditional plant knowledge, when compared to other Maasai communities. However, in Sekenani, plants are used much less frequently for manufacturing tools, and for veterinary purposes, than in more remote areas. While the knowledge is still present, overgrazing and over-exploitation of plant resources have already led to a decline of the plant material available.This paper examines the plant use of the Maasai in the Sekenani Valley, North of the Masaai Mara National Reserve. The Maasai pastoralists of Kenya and Tanzania use a large part of the plants in their environment for many uses in daily life. The plant use and knowledge of the Sekenani Maasai is of particular interest, as their clan, the "Il-Purko", was moved from Central Kenya to this region by the British Colonial Administration in 1904.The results of this study indicate that despite their relocation 100 years ago, the local population has an extensive knowledge of the plants in their surroundings, and they ascribe uses to a large percentage of the plants found. One-hundred-fifty-five plant species were collected, identified and their Maa names and traditional uses recorded. Although fifty-one species were reported as of "no use", only eighteen of these had no Maasai name. Thirty-three were recognized by a distinctive Maa name. Thirty-nine species had a medicinal use, and 30 species served as fodder for livestock. Six species could not be identified. Of these plants five were addressed by the Maasai with distinct names. This exemplifies the Sekenani Maasai's in-depth knowledge of the plant resources.Traditionally, the Maasai attribute most illnesses to the effect of pollutants that block or inhibit digestion. These pollutants can include "polluted" food, contact with sick people and witchcraft. In most cases the treatment of illness involves herbal purgatives to cleanse the patient. There are alsofrequent indications of plant use for common problems like wounds, parasites, body aches and burns.

What Happens to Traditional Knowledge and Use of Natural Resources When People Migrate?

The study investigates traditional knowledge of forest plants in a community (La Quetzal) inhabited by people who returned to Guatemala at the end of the civil war after 10--12 years in exile in Southern Mexico and now are in the process of constructing a new community in the Lacandon jungle in the Peten Guatemala. We ask if the basis of knowledge and the use of natural resources change when people migrate. The relevance of vascular plant diversity for consumption and other daily needs of the population is explored. Relatively few species are presently used with the exception of timber species where knowledge seems to be increasing. Traditional knowledge has been maintained in certain areas such as medicine. Nature as such is regarded as important primarily as potential monetary capital and not for its subsistence capital. We find that the refugee situation has led to the introduction of global consumption patterns. Still there continues to be a dynamic local intuitive knowledge arising directly from practical experiences. Two interlinked factors have been the driving forces altering the knowledge and the use of natural resources by the people in La Quetzal: Change in the natural environment and change in the social and economic environment. (authors)

The ethnobotany of the Midzichenda tribes of the coastal forest areas in Kenya: 1. General perspective and non-medicinal plant uses

The coastal forests of Kenya represent a rare and threatened forest type, rich in biodiversity, with an estimated flora of over 3 000 plant taxa, of which about 550 taxa are endemic. The existing forest patches include sacred kaya forests, which are the historical forest village homes of Midzichenda tribes. Living in the kaya forest villages, the Midzichenda have had diverse experiences over generations, giving rise to a rich traditional knowledge of plants. This paper presents some of this traditional knowledge of plants among three Midzichenda tribes: Duruma, Giriama and Digo. The plant resources found in the forest areas are significantly important to the Midzichenda for basic domestic needs, cultural obligations and to understand their natural environment. In addition some forest plant resources are traded at a low scale by some members of the community. The plant usage is based on 'fitness' for purpose, as well as on traditional virtues (faith, traditions and taboos) in the Midzichenda social system. There is a significant relationship between utility and labelling of plant taxa, but utility is not the only basis used in the traditional plant classification. Some traditional preparation procedures of plants for usage are important and can be justified by orthodox science.

English

This paper presents the results of ethnobotanical studies on medicinal and other useful plants used traditionally by the Muruts in Sabah. They have rich ethnobotanical resources. A total of 91 species of plants were noted and collected during the surveys. Among them are 68 species of medicinal plants and 64 species of other useful plants. Reports from plant informants were obtained during field studies in February 1994, in March 1998, in May 1998, in May 2000 and in February 2001. For each species are given the botanical name, Murut name(s), collection number, medicinal uses, as well as plant part(s) used, and other uses. The popularity of plants with traditional uses among the Muruts is fading due to migration, restriction from religion, lost interest of younger generations and heavy dependence on modern medicine. Opening of forests for agricultural development and timber harvesting makes the resources scarce which is also contributing to the loss of knowledge. Awareness activities in Malaysia’s primary and secondary schools on the usefulness of plants and their environment, and government policies on medicinal plants, have contributed significantly towards the preservation of indigenous traditional knowledge of plants

Colliding Worlds

In this paper I suggest a number of reasons for concluding that Australia's existing Plant Intellectual Property system (henceforth system) is incompatible with the provision of adequate protection of ownership of indigenous peoples' traditional plant knowledge.2 The incompatibility of the existing PIP system with adequate protection of traditional plant knowledge is deeply troubling since its provision is morally, legally and politically required. First, the moral requirement to provide for indigenous traditional knowledge protection derives from the imperative to recognise the moral right of indigenous peoples to such protection. The existence of such a right is prima facie established by the common law recognition (in the Native Title principle expressed in the High Court's 1992 Mabo decision) that indigenous peoples have rights of land use, occupation and access where continuity of practice and interest can be demonstrated. A strong case can be made that indige nous ownership rights over plant resources and traditional knowledge

An Ethnopharmacological Study from Thane District, Maharashtra, India: Traditional Knowledge Compared with Modern Biological Science

This paper is a synthesis of local traditional knowledge of plants used as medicine and western biological science. In many areas women are responsible for curing their family members and others for various illness. Ethnomedical uses of 51 plants by women in hamlets/villages of Jawhar and Mokhada talukas in Thane district, Maharashtra, have been recorded. Information from scientific literature for each plant collected has been incorporated with traditional knowledge to explain or substantiate traditional medicinal uses.

An ethnobotanical study in Central Anatolia (Turkey)

This study examines both edible plants and non-food uses of plants in a limited area to provide clues for archaeologists, to interpret their findings including the reconstruction of former diets. The results are based on an ethnoarchaeological study conducted in 1994-1995 on the traditional subsistence economy of a contemporary village, in close proximity to a pre-ceramic Neolithic site, Asikli, in the Aksaray province of Central Anatolia. As a part of this study, about 600 plant specimens were collected, of which over 300 were considered useful by the villagers. Through this study the floral potential of a limited area, and the richness of the traditional knowledge of plants was documented to provide clues to archaeologists, archaeobotanists, botanists, pharmacologists, economists, and perhaps to the planners of future local development projects.

Sociopolitical, economical and ethical issues in medicinal plant research

Medicinal plant research may be pursued with several goals: the understanding of a native medical system, the elucidation of the rational basis for the medicinal use of a certain plant species, the development of low cost phytotherapeutics, the discovery of prototypic drugs, and so on. More often than not, the research project starts with the collection of indigenous medical knowledge in various parts of the world and generates a dissertation, a scientific paper or a drug. Usually, indigenous knowledge was crucial to the development of such products; nevertheless, indigenous groups tend not to benefit from the achievements of research. Ethnopharmacology involves a series of sociopolitical, economic and ethical dilemmas, at various levels. Most research projects involve more than one country (e.g., field work in a remote part of an underdeveloped country). Frequently host country scientists, visiting scientists, and informants disagree about these dilemmas. As a result, such research efforts are perceived as scientific imperialism: scientists are accused of stealing plant materials and appropriating traditional plant knowledge for financial profit and/or professional advancement. Many governments, as well as indigenous societies are increasingly reluctant to permit such research. Increasingly, funding for field work utilizing indigenous informants is coming from industry. Historically, neither native populations nor host countries have shared to a significant extent the financial benefits from any drug that reaches the market. Unless these issues are amply discussed and fairly resolved, medicinal plant research runs the risk of serving ethically questionable purposes.

The meaning of ‘Biomaterials’

Despite the rich history of traditional medicine and biodiversity in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, few studies exist with regard to the use on traditional medicinal plants for cosmetic purposes. Thus, this study explored the indigenous knowledge of traditional cosmetic plants used by the Xhosa women of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. An ethnobotanical survey using semi-structured questionnaires was used to document the indigenous knowledge held by Xhosa women of the Eastern Cape Province on herbal cosmetics. Eighty-eight participants were interviewed from October to November 2017, and August 2018 through non-probability convenience and purposive sampling methods. A total of 16 plants belonging to 14 families were recorded as indicated by the 88 Xhosa women aged from 16 to 85 years. Cassipourea flanaganii had the highest frequency of citation while Hypoxis hemerocallidea had the highest use value. Documented plant parts included the bark (25%), bulb (16.67%), fruit (13.54%), seeds (6.25%), leaves (15.63%) and tubers (14.58%). The cosmetic preparations were mostly prepared through maceration, crushing and infusion. These preparations were predominantly applied topically while a few were taken orally. The local cosmetic applications of the plants included uses for changing skin complexion, sunlight protection, treating pimples and body rashes, removing spots, making skin soft, treating sunburns, making skin smooth and maintaining a healthy skin. Skin complexion recorded the highest citation frequency. Medicinal plants still play a major role in the local cosmetics industry of the Xhosa community in the Eastern Cape. As a result, their sustainable utilization should be encouraged. There is also need for more studies to compliment and validate the in vitro and in vivo cosmetic potential of the plant extracts.