Trade Union Movement Research Articles

Green Shoots: Political Education in the UK Trade Union Movement on the Climate Crisis

In labor, climate and social movement organizing contexts, calls have been made for the importance of political education; yet the meaning of political education is often left poorly defined. This article argues that what is usually being called for is a model of radical (political) education. Using the example of political education developed by the UK trade union movement to address the climate crisis, the article suggests how a model of radical education can help to identify and understand gaps and limitations in attempts to develop effective political education for building power to create a more just and sustainable world.

Hegemony and Transformism: Post-Soviet Trade Unions as an Object of Study

The article discusses Maksim Kulaev’s book “Trade Unions, Workers’ Movements, and Hegemony in Contemporary Russia”, which is dedicated to the history of trade union and workers’ movements in the post-Soviet era. The author attempts not only to reconsider what has happened to trade unions over the last thirty years but also to make sense of them drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasized the need for the formation of hegemony as a sociocultural framework rather than purely political framework, enabling the establishment of value foundations for the dominance of the working class and resistance to the dominant hegemony of capitalist elites.The book chapters, in which the author describes the history, discourse, and interactions of trade unions with various political forces and social movements, are undoubtedly valuable. Importantly, this analysis is built on a vast array of diverse information—observations, documents, interviews, and data by other researchers. This allowed the author to critically reassess the data obtained in the 1990s, a time when much was still unknown and unclear. Now, this work represents a significant milestone, providing a perspective on the post-Soviet development of the workers’ and trade union movements after a quarter of a century. The book is of interest to researchers studying social structures, trade union and workers’ movements, and socio-labor relations.

Women Will Rise! Recalling the Working Women’s Charter.

Editors Marie Russell and the late Gay Simpkin set out to share knowledge about the late 1970s campaign for the Working Women’s Charter with a younger generation. Their book provides interesting insights into the history of both the trade union movement and the struggle for women’s rights in Aotearoa/ New Zealand. The Charter was a set of sixteen demands aimed at redressing the inequity and oppression women faced in the workplace and beyond, like “a bill of rights for working women” (21). Its clauses ranged from demands for equality and an end to all discrimination, to access to childcare and reproductive rights. The first five chapters are largely focused on the efforts to win support for it within the labour movement.

The role of the labor movements in the colonial spaces: trade unionism in Palestine and Lebanon in the colonial era (1920-1948)

ABSTRACT This article aims to demonstrate how the working class evolved and was organised in Palestine and Lebanon between 1920 and 1948. Palestine and Lebanon, which share characteristics such as being a part of the Ottoman Empire and being governed by mandates, also share similar experiences in combating sectarianism based on nationality or religion. The establishment of British rule in Palestine and French administration in Lebanon after World War I also influenced the trade union movement in these two countries: Nationalism flourished, trade unions became tools of politics, and the divide and rule policy of the colonial administration made organization difficult. Although these administrations were referred to as ‘mandates’ of the League of Nations, they actually experienced a colonization process and its effects similar to those in Africa. In this study, particularly the concept of colonization will be used, and the activities of trade unions in colonial regions will be examined through two Middle Eastern countries. While the Palestinian trade unions, which struggled against both British colonization and settler colonialism, were effective in preserving Palestinian identity, the Lebanese trade unions, dealing with French colonization as well as sectarianism, also managed to significantly preserve working-class unity.

The Christian Trade Union Movement in the Weimar Republic according to Apostolic Nuncio Eugenio Pacelli’s Assessments

This article focuses on the opinions of Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Germany, regarding the German Christian labor movement in the 1920s. During the Weimar Republic, there were two types of organizations for Catholic workers: the interconfessional Christian Trade Unions and the Catholic Workers’ Associations. In his reports to Rome, Pacelli mainly emphasized the Church’s loss of contact with workers, as well as the spread of «misconceptions» regarding economic theory among them. In comparison to the Catholic Workers’ Associations, the Christian unions seemed more «moderate and reasonable» to the Nuncio, as he believed that the latter were more susceptible to radicalization.

Adaptation Strategies: Labour Education, Climate Crisis and the UK Trade Union Movement

Adaptation Strategies: Labour Education, Climate Crisis and the UK Trade Union Movement

On the Necessity to Transform the BRICS Trade Union Forum

The article is devoted to topical issues of improving the activities of the BRICS Trade Union Forum, which is especially important from the point of view of expanding this international organization and the need to optimize supranational social partnership in terms of deepening the trend of international regionalization. The existing problems of the trade union movement at the BRICS level are generated by the presence of various models of employee representation in labor relations in the BRICS countries and the absence of an international legal act on the principles of organization and functioning of trade unions in the BRICS countries. The solution to the problems is seen in the need to transform the format of the BRICS Trade Union Forum, its name, as well as to develop common approaches to the trade union movement, which, of course, will contribute to optimizing the legal regulation of the protection of workers’ labor rights in the BRICS countries.

“A Bloody Migrant Who Thinks He Can Run a Union”: The Case of Jerzy Bielski, a Migrant Trade Unionist in 1950s Australia

Jerzy Bielski, a Polish displaced person (DP) who resettled in Australia in 1949, was the first post-war migrant to work for an Australian trade union. He was recruited in 1951 by the Australian Workers Union (AWU) as a migrant unionist and, some years later, established his own migrant trade union: the New Citizens Council. The council faced heavy criticism from within the trade union movement, including by right-wing DPs who, acting as Cold War warriors, were instrumental in the Labor Party split in the mid-1950s. Ultimately, this article argues that migrant trade union activism has a longer post-war history than is commonly acknowledged.

Politics of a Just Transition: lessons from the UK coal mines

ABSTRACT The concept of a Just Transition [JT] gained considerable international interest as exemplified by a dedicated pavilion set up for the JT by the European Commission and the ILO at the COP27. Although the concept now encompasses a wide range of justices such as the social, legal, and environmental justices, the original concept itself can be traced back to trade union movements in the 1980s. Drawing lessons from the socio-economic damage caused by a failed JT of the UK mine closures between the 1980s and 1990s, this paper argues that former coal mining communities in the UK today continues to face similar problems identified in the past, which makes them uniquely vulnerable against the current process of JT. This paper utilises the multi-level perspective [MLP] theory by fleshing out the role of politics and policy in enabling a JT, using a case study approach to the coal mine closure in the North of England. This paper identifies the failed JT at every stage of the MLP theory. It concludes that the example of the coal mine closures provides a valuable lesson for a successful JT today such as stronger key stakeholder cooperation and a place-based response through significant decentralisation.

The right to strike

It is a basic, fundamental human right for any worker to withdraw their labour — that is why the trade union movement in the United Kingdom needs to resist the new Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Act when embarking on industrial action. This legislation is a back-door attempt to ban strike action in certain occupations and for certain groups of workers. The Prison Officers’ Association (POA) argues that it is vital that together we campaign not only to repeal the MSL Act and the Trade Union Act 2016, but also against the disgraceful stain of section 127 of the Criminal Justice Public Order Act 1994. The POA will not rest until we get justice. Our fight goes on irrespective of whether or not we are supported by the wider trade union movement.

Class mobilisation and class consciousness in the British strike wave of 2022–23

For a brief period, the British strike wave of 2022-23, which broke out during the inflationary surge and subsequent ‘cost of living crisis’, both reflected and enabled the articulation of a heightened level of class consciousness, given expression by the left of the trade union movement. The widespread collapse in living standards interacted with the longerterm weakening of consumption-based identities in the wake of the financial crash, and the manifest profiteering of big business, to create a moment where it was possible for union leaderships to describe the strike wave and the plight of working people in terms of a class struggle. The longer-term legacy of this moment is yet to become clear.

Negotiating job security and capital investments in response to deindustrialization: the case of Canada’s auto sector

ABSTRACT Job security has always been a paramount concern for the trade union movement. This article explores the ways that unions used collective bargaining to gain a measure of job security for their members in the face of deindustrialization as unionized factories in North America began to close in large numbers after the 1970s. These new measures included advance notice, severance pay, plant closing moratoria, restrictions placed on plant movements, transfer rights, and expanding the scope of collective ‘social’ bargaining to cover training and adjustment. In some sectors, such as automotive, collective bargaining has also been extended into areas normally left to management. The price was often high. Eventually some unions, notably the Canadian Auto Workers (established 1985; part of Unifor after 2013), prioritized winning new capital investments and product lines for unionized plants in their negotiations, though often at the cost of jobs, wage freezes or reductions, and other concessions. By focusing upon auto sector deindustrialization in Canada since the 1980s, we draw lessons from more recent union bargaining strategies, and how they constitute an important element of worker responses to industrial job loss and manufacturing closure.

The Politics of Health in the Lusophone Libertarian Movement: Portugal and Mozambique, 1910–1935

AbstractSignificant advances in the study of the historic labor movement have entailed new work on the intersection between political parties, trade unions and subjects such as ‘race’, colonialism, sexuality, masculinity, and the reception of scientific ideas. The intersections between the labor movement and the politics of health, however, have been neglected to date both in labor studies and in social studies of health care and provision. This article builds on my on-going research into the dynamics of the Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) labor movement in the form of anarchism and syndicalism and explores, specifically, the reception of ideas on health and the attainment of healthy working conditions and lifestyles as a central aim of these working-class movements. This study examines, among other aspects, the reception of ideas on nutrition, medical care, the provision of hospitals, the responsibility of medical professionals, sexual health, the consumption of alcohol and the provision of quality housing for workers within a framework that critiqued capitalism and the state and the relations they fostered.A further dimension is incorporated into this study. This is the colonial dynamic at play between Portugal and its colonies, in this case Mozambique. What were the relations between the Portuguese syndicalist movement and the emerging trade union movement in Mozambique? To what degree did concerns in Portugal over issues of health find resonance in this African colony's labor movement? To what degree was the largely white labor movement in Mozambique attuned to local knowledge on health and racial issues surrounding health? What specific aspects of health and medicine were broached in the colony and how did these interact with an anticolonial critique and discourses and practices of ‘tropical medicine’?This study, through a detailed analysis of a range of libertarian periodicals in Portugal and Mozambique during the movement’s period of maximum influence provides responses to these questions and makes a contribution to transnational research on labour movements through the interconnecting linguistic and class dynamics of the Lusophone world.

Analysis of Trade Union Movements in The South African Mainstream Politics

Analysis of Trade Union Movements in The South African Mainstream Politics

The War on the North American Left-Wing Labor Movement From World War I Through the Post-World War II Period

Repression of the North American trade union movement dates to the late nineteenth century. Much of this repression has occurred in response to union militancy during strikes, some of which were directed against political radicals of various orientations. Peaks of repression against radical trade unionism occurred during World War I and in the immediate postwar years as well as in the early Cold War period, after World War II’s conclusion into the early 1950s. Through the analysis of three recently published volumes, I argue that the repression of North American left-wing unions was intentionally severe because of the strength of these labor organizations and the threat they were perceived to pose to employers and the government. Given that these left-wing unions were much more militant than the American Federation of Labor unions, this governmental repression (as well as that of other forces) can be viewed as a conscious set of tactics invoked that were meant to break, or at a minimum tame, these radical unions in the service of capital. Such behavior also acted as a warning to nonradical unions that repression could be directed against them as well.

Kronik Gerakan Serikat Buruh di Indonesia: Peta dan Sejarah

This research focuses on studying the dynamics of the trade union movement in Indonesia in a historical review and current map of the Trade Union Confederation/Labor Unions registered with the Ministry of Manpower. This study is a qualitative combination of literature and empirical research, combining literature and field data to explore the dynamics of trade unions in Indonesia, especially confederations. Since the 19th century, the birth of the Dutch East Indies Teachers' Workers' Union in 1879 began the emergence of the Workers' Union Movement (SP) or Labor Unions (SB) in Indonesia. These labor organizations, especially in the transportation and plantation sectors, played a central role in Indonesia's struggle for independence. Over time, various labor organizations emerged that played a key role in national political dynamics, such as VSTP, PPKB, and the Indian Vakbonden Association (PVH). Despite experiencing challenges during the Japanese occupation and the failure of the PKI's political action in 1926, the labor movement continued to develop until post-independence, with a major role played by organizations such as SOBSI in the Old Order era, SPSI in the New Order era, and various organizations that emerged during the Reformation era. Since the Reformation era, new trade unions have emerged and old unions have emerged, driven by political reform and the rapid growth of trade and labor unions. The latest mapping shows that more than 4 million workers/laborers are members of more than 20 organizations under various federations and confederations. Organizations such as KSPSI AGN, KSPSI JUMHUR, KSPI, and KSPSI YRS have the most members.

Labour, the Unions and Proportional Representation

AbstractThe Labour Party's support will likely be crucial to any major change of the voting system in the UK. While Labour has supported first past the post for most of its existence, a resolution was passed at the 2022 party conference calling for Labour to include in its manifesto a commitment to change the voting system to proportional representation after the next election. This resulted from an effective campaign by activists to change the party's policy on electoral reform. The position of the trade unions, often perceived to be conservative on constitutional issues, was particularly important. This article focusses on the campaign to change the opinion of the British trade union movement. It outlines the British trade union movement's historic reservations about electoral reform and then analyses the grassroots effort behind this movement, focussing on the organisation of Make Votes Matter, Labour for a New Democracy, and Politics for the Many. The article concludes by offering insights into the potential long‐term consequences of this campaign and its potential impact on the ideological direction of the Labour Party.

Effects of Institutional and Organizational Factors on the Changing Contours of Industrial Relations in Central and Eastern Europe

Since the early 1990s, the industrial relations systems in the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe have been undergoing complex transformation processes. As the business environment has radically altered from a centrally planned system to an open competitive one, trade unions in the region have struggled to carve out a role in the new order. We draw upon organizational survey level evidence gathered from 1604 HR managers to examine trade union recognition, trade union coverage, as well as the perceived ongoing influence of the trade union movement in Croatia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Our analysis points to the legitimacy challenges faced by the labour union movement in the dramatically altered political and economic situation that emerged in the region as a result of the attenuation of socialism and the advent of a new market order. It also lends further support to the growing body of evidence on the lack of preparedness of the union movement for the new dispensation that emerged following the collapse of communism in the region.

Trade Unions: a Symbiont of Multifaceted Changes in Kerala

Trade unions, as we see them today, are the vibrant remnants of the great struggle that unfolded after the 1850s when numerous large-scale industries began recruiting a large number of people in less than agreeable working environments. Despite the unfavourable conditions and appalling work, workers persevered until agitations began. Shri Lokhandey was the first person in India to form an association of Bombay Mill Workers in 1890. Encouraged by this initiative, many associations and labour unions sprang up in different parts of India. This eventually led to the formulation of various labour legislations at the national and state levels. In this study, we analyse the trade unions of Kerala, rightfully called the 'political laboratory of India,' owing to its distinguished political scenario compared to the rest of the Indian states. This study delves into the analysis of trade unions in Kerala concerning its political landscape, socio-economic factors, and legal frameworks. The historical backdrop sheds light on the roots of trade unions in Kerala, evolving from early struggles during trade expansion to their pivotal role in the Punnapra-Vayalar revolt of 1946. In the political domain, the article aims to explore the symbiotic relationship between trade unions and political parties, especially the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], which has been a stalwart presence. It also elucidates the integral role played by trade unions in the evolving political landscape. The socio-economic dynamics highlight the economic hardships and poor working conditions that fuelled the trade union movement, shifting from an initial focus on political issues to later emphasizing economic demands post-independence. Legally, the article focuses on the current Trade Union Act and its demand for legislative updates.. This analysis offers valuable insights into the multifaceted nature of trade unions in Kerala through the examination of trade union activities, strikes, and case studies.

ISU, Royal Antwerp, European Superleague & employment relations in sport

The ISU, Royal Antwerp and the European Superleague cases have upheld athletes’ individual employment rights and provided access to national courts to challenge overly restrictive measures pursuant to EU competition law, amongst other things. The immediate impact on the labour relations environment in sport, however, is less obvious. This article discusses the effects of the CJEU decisions for employment relations and the broader trade union movement in sport. It considers the decisions’ effect on collective bargaining, highlights the effectiveness of independent players’ associations as a countervailing power to regulatory power and discusses whether the decisions may be a catalyst for the greater use of social dialogue as a mode of governance insofar as concerns regulation of the labour market.