Top Political Leaders Research Articles

China's Policy in the Field of Artificial Intelligence

Today, China has achieved tremendous success in the field of information technology and is actively promoting the modernization of the country and increasing its competitiveness in the world through progressive digitalization and informatization of all sectors of life and production. With more than a billion registered users of the global information network, actively using the scientific and educational potential of the country, China keeps information policy in the zone of close attention, as evidenced, in particular, by the fact that it was created in 2014. Since its creation, the Central Commission of the CPC Central Committee on Internet Security and Informatization has been personally headed by Xi Jinping. China is aware of the serious risks associated with the development of AI, but also understands the importance of this area for further development and improving the country's competitiveness. In this regard, the political leadership is taking systematic steps and measures for the healthy and safe development of this area in the country and in the world. The information sphere is no less important for Russia, especially in the context of attempts to isolate it and displace it to the global periphery, therefore, in the current conditions, the topic of cooperation with China in the field of information technology is of particular priority for Russia. This is evidenced by its inclusion in the final joint Russian-Chinese statement of May 16, 2024 following the meeting of the heads of state in Beijing. The article examines the general situation of the formation of AI regulatory tools in the world and, above all, in the PRC. A number of documents adopted by the country's top political leadership, as well as expert assessments and opinions, were reviewed.

Patriotism in the Political Discourse of the Union State of Belarus and Russia

The article delves into the nuanced challenge of crafting a cohesive unionwide patriotic agenda amidst escalating global tensions fueled, in part, by value conflicts. It scrutinizes the emergence of a patriotic discourse intricately woven into the institutional fabric of the Union State, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Belarus, primarily steered by top political leadership at the domestic level. The overarching aim is to delineate the enduring themes and prevailing narratives within the political elites' patriotic discourse within the Union State, while exploring its potential conceptualization as a coordinating discourse to further integration objectives and as a countermeasure of "anti-soft power" against external value threats emanating from the collective West. Methodologically, the study draws upon discursive neo-institutionalism, employing qualitative content analysis of speeches delivered by the respective presidents of the two countries as its primary analytical approach.In the conclusions, the paper underscores the remarkable alignment between Russian and Belarusian stances on patriotic issues, particularly concerning their ideological underpinnings. Both underscore the imperative of safeguarding and preserving historical memory and traditional values as the cornerstone of their discourse. However, the analysis also sheds light on the conceptual complexities inherent in articulating sovereignty values by both participating countries. The practical implications underscore the necessity of further solidifying a shared socio-cultural space, harmonizing historical policies within both nations and within the Union State framework, and stimulating a "demand for integration" through the practical implementation of the principal directives outlined in the 2021 package of integration decisions.

The gendered effect of populism on innovation

This research addresses the impact of the remarkable rise in populism on innovative new ventures. Integrating institutional theory with gender role congruity theory, we reason that the surge of populist discourse by a nation's top political leaders decreases the innovativeness of new ventures, and this negative relationship is more pronounced for women entrepreneurs. We also consider two critical yet overlooked institutions, gender inequality and grammatical gender marking in the dominant languages that entrepreneurs speak, and propose that they reinforce this negative relationship. Data from 69,406 observations of entrepreneurs across 40 countries during the period of 2005–2018, analyzed with a difference-in-differences (DiD) design, support our hypotheses. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for the challenges of promoting innovation among women entrepreneurs, in countries with greater gender inequality and where the dominant language exhibits greater intensity of grammatical gender marking, with populism on the rise worldwide.

Populism as a Threat to the Post-War Recovery of Ukraine

The article attempts to analyze the emergence and formation of populism in Ukraine. The role of political party leaders in the political transformation of Ukraine is studied, which allows us to understand social transformations caused by populism: populist parties are particularly prone to internal authoritarianism, often relying on a charismatic leader in the style of a strongman. It is noted that the political culture of the elite matters and shapes political institutions, and these political institutions influence both the process of societal consolidation and the type of political regime in general. It is emphasized that numerous elite groups are necessary for the functioning of democracy. The influence of the mass media on the results of the formation of public opinion and national voting is considered. The ability of populists to transition to personalistic authoritarian rule is emphasized, and this process is significantly accelerated during a long-term crisis, especially war. It is noted that one of the signs of growing authoritarianism is a decrease in the rights and influence of the regions and the regional political elite. The article concludes that after the victory, the ruling class and the political elite of Ukraine face two risks: the first is that it is quite possible to expect a further decrease in the level of trust of Ukrainians not only in the Verkhovna Rada, but also in the top political leadership of the country. And the second - there are likely to be splits within the ruling elite, which is usually one of the main factors in the collapse of a personalist or authoritarian regime. It is stated that after the war, opposition sentiments in Ukraine will increase significantly, and the opposition environment will be favorable for its representatives to try to compete for power. It is quite likely that after the end of the war, other elites and other leaders will enter the arena. Taking this into account, the authorities need to adjust to a difficult compromise with civil society, domestic business and foreign partners.

Exploring the typology of decision-makers, institutions, and incentives that shape health decisions in Pakistan and insulate decision makers from citizens feedback.

In developing countries such as Pakistan, program and policies underperform in providing public good as weak institutions lead to decisions that are unresponsive to citizens and are driven by personal motivations of the incumbents. We describe the decision-making processes in the health sector through the framework of "Public Choice" theory which posits how individual motives shape institutional performance and direction. We conducted 84 qualitative interviews with five types of stakeholders: politicians, senior and mid-level bureaucrats, donors, public health experts and media personnel spanning 2 periods over a decade. The initial interviews were conducted during 2013-2015 period and a case study on decision-making during the COVID-19 response was added in 2020-2022 period. Most new ideas originate from top political leadership, guided by personal agendas or political expediency. Senior bureaucrats implement politicians' agenda and mid-level officials maintain the status quo and follow established "authority." Since officials' performance, promotions, transfers, and the rare dismissals are based on tenure deviations rather than work performance, individuals and institutions are reluctant to take initiative without "consensus" among their colleagues often leading to inaction or delays that obviate initiative and reform. The public sector lacks institutional memory, formal information gathering, and citizen engagement, impacting public goods, health services, and policies. Media and donor personnel are important influencers. However, media mostly report only "hot issues" in health, with short publication and reader attention cycles. Donor personnel are the most likely to follow evidence for decision making, albeit while following their institutional priorities determined centrally. The COVID-19 response is presented as a contrast from usual practices, where evidence was used to guide decisions, as the pandemic was perceived as a national threat by the highest leadership. Absence of citizen feedback and formal systems for evidence gathering and processing leads to decisions that neglect the needs of those they serve, prioritizing personal or political gains and perpetuating the status quo. However, the COVID-19 pandemic emphasized the importance of evidence-based decision-making and offers valuable lessons for reforming decision-making processes.

Norms of international law regarding the prevention of crimes of genocide committed by the Russian Federation in the war against Ukraine

The article examines the norms of international law regarding the prevention of crimes of genocide committed by the Russian Federation in the war against Ukraine. The essence and specifics of ensuring the implementation of current provisions and norms of international criminal law regarding criminal prosecution for the commission of crimes of genocide against Russia as an aggressor state, a sponsor of terrorism, its top political and military leadership and the military, who directly commit these crimes in the beginning of February 24, 2022, were considered. full-scale war against Ukraine. It is established that the crimes of genocide are crimes against the security of humanity committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, any national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such by: a) killing members of such a group; b) causing serious bodily injury or mental disorder to members of such a group; c) deliberate creation of living conditions for such a group, designed to bring it to its complete or partial physical destruction; d) implementation of measures aimed at preventing childbirth within such a group; e) forcible transfer of children of this group to another group. The scientific developments and provisions of the current legal norms of the International Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and its Punishment, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, as well as the criminal law of Ukraine were studied with the aim of the need for the immediate ratification by the Parliament of Ukraine of the legal norms of the International Criminal Court and their implementation into the criminal legislation of Ukraine and Law of Ukraine “On the Judiciary and the Status of Judges” in English”.
 The author formulated reasonable proposals for improving the criminal legislation of Ukraine in accordance with the norms of international criminal law, as well as the criminal prosecution and punishment of the highest political and military leadership and the military of the Russian Federation, who directly commit crimes of genocide in the war against Ukraine.

Study of the Phenomenon of “Performers” During the Great Terror of 1937–1938

The article examines the phenomenon of “performers” during the Great Terror of 1937–1938 in Ukrainian historiography of the mid-1990s – 2020s is studied. Research methodology and methods. Exploring the principles of historicism, systematicity, objectivity, comprehensiveness, and continuity, the author reveals their dependency on the origin of historical knowledge. The factor of subjectivity (the researcher’s personality) is particularly determining and obstructing objectivity of the research. The author employed historiographical analysis, synthesis, typology of research directions, and comparative analysis. Conclusions. The study of the phenomenon of the “perpetrator” of the Great Terror became possible only after the complete declassification of the documents of the communist special services. The study of the phenomenon had a certain dynamic – from the role of the “general director of terror” Joseph Stalin, his closest entourage, the people’s commissars of Internal affairs of the USSR and Soviet Ukraine to the activities of specific investigators of the regional Ukrainian NKVD, heads of district apparatuses, direct executioners of death sentences. The researchers were able to outline the overall portrait of the performer: Chekist-organizer, Chekist-investigator, Chekist-executioner. Researchers have identified some patterns of Chekists’ behaviour when accused of “violating socialist legality” by the top political leadership. The patterns indicate attempts to avoid or reduce punishment, to not openly accuse Stalin and the higher party-Soviet leadership of forcing them to commit the crime. This shows that criticism of the Communist Party was inadmissible in their corporate worldview. Such a tendency was characteristic of the Soviet security organs throughout the life of the communist regime.

1937–1938 m. Didžiojo teroro „vykdytojų“ fenomenas

The article examines the phenomenon of “performers” during the Great Terror of 1937–1938 in Ukrainian historiography of the mid-1990s – 2020s is studied. Research methodology and methods. Exploring the principles of historicism, systematicity, objectivity, comprehensiveness, and continuity, the author reveals their dependency on the origin of historical knowledge. The factor of subjectivity (the researcher’s personality) is particularly determining and obstructing objectivity of the research. The author employed istoriographical analysis, synthesis, typology of research directions, and comparative analysis. Conclusions. The study of the phenomenon of the “perpetrator” of the Great Terror became possible only after the complete eclassification of the documents of the communist special services. The study of the phenomenon had a certain dynamic – from the role of the “general director of terror” Joseph Stalin, his closest entourage, the people’s commissars of Internal affairs of the USSR and Soviet Ukraine to the activities of specific investigators of the regional Ukrainian NKVD, heads of district apparatuses, direct executioners of death sentences. The researchers were able to outline the overall portrait of the performer: Chekist-organizer, Chekist-investigator, Chekist-executioner. Researchers have identified some patterns of Chekists’ behaviour when accused of “violating socialist legality” by the top political leadership. The patterns indicate attempts to avoid or reduce punishment, to not openly accuse Stalin and the higher party-Soviet leadership of forcing them to commit the crime. This shows that criticism of the Communist Party was inadmissible in their corporate worldview. Such a tendency was characteristic of the Soviet security organs throughout the life of the communist regime.

Special International Tribunal on the investigation of the russian aggression against Ukraine: legal analysis, international jurisdiction and challenges

The article is one of the first attempts to provide a comprehensive study of the theoretical and practical foundations for the scientific idea of establishing a Special International Tribunal on investigation of the russian aggression against Ukraine and determining its place in the system of international criminal justice.
 The problematic issues of establishing a Special International Tribunal to investigate the russian aggression against Ukraine have been studied. The organisational and legal efforts of the Council of Europe, NATO, OSCE and the EU in creating an international mechanism to bring the top political and military leadership of russia to justice for its aggression against Ukraine have been revealed. The attention is focused on the international legal analysis of the models for the future special tribunal, as well as its jurisdiction. The main challenges for the international community in establishing a special international tribunal to investigate the russian aggression against Ukraine are identified.
 It has been noted that the establishment of a Special International Tribunal to investigate the crime of russian aggression against Ukraine should become an effective mechanism for investigating and documenting violations of International Human Rights Law and International Humanitarian Law committed by russia on the territory of Ukraine with the identification of those responsible; compensation for victims and restoration of justice for the Ukrainian people from russia's full-scale armed attack; deterrence of aggressive and destabilising actions of the russian federation, which violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. At the same time, the establishment of a Special Tribunal will have an impact on preventing the recurrence of such crimes, impunity and setting a precedent for similar situations in the future; it will also play an important role in strengthening international law and norms, especially in the context of armed conflicts and aggression between states; as well as it will contribute to the restoration of confidence and stability in the region and around the world, and demonstrate the solidarity of the international community with Ukraine in its struggle to restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

"Soft power", "color revolution" and "hybrid war": public diplomacy vs political technology

"Color revolutions" are a form of "hybrid war" unleashed by the global hegemon against uncontrolled states in order to maintain its dominance in the world. Today they are becoming the main destabilizing factor both for a single nation and for the system of international relations as a whole. A comparative analysis of the "color revolutions" since the collapse of the USSR allows us to conclude that the theses spread by Western propaganda about the positive impact of the "soft power" on the "progress of democracy" are unfounded. Despite the presence of real socio-economic diffi culties and the so-called "protest potential” in the impacted countries "color revolutions" are primarily staged and controlled from abroad. As a rule, the main object of infl uence in the preparation of "color revolutions" are traditional family values, historical memory and the country's top political leadership as a guarantor of national sovereignty. The key actors of color revolutions are foreign-funded NGOs and the media which broadcast values and meanings alien to national self-consciousness into the information space and also “heat up” protest relations in the society. The point of application to seize control within the "color revolution" is the election of the country's national leadership or referendums on socially signifi cant issues. Accordingly, the most crucial task of sovereign states is to protect the electoral process from external interference, the spread of false information about elections and their discredit. An important factor in protecting the electoral rights of citizens and legitimizing state power is public observation of voting. Tools and resources of “soft power” are underestimated and poorly used by the post-Soviet states to defend national interests, protect the sovereign choice of the people and counteract attempts of external interference into domestic political processes. Promising directions for expanding infl uence on international relations are concentrated in the information, communication and political fi eld of the Internet which is still a territory of relative legal “freedom”. Among the main areas of protection "information sovereignty" are the following: expansion of Russian jurisdiction to representative offi ces of foreign IT platforms operating within the Russian Federation, development of media literacy and critical thinking of citizens, the need for constant refutation of "fakes", introduction of special programs that can recognize them and determine their distributors, prohibition of anonymity in social media, increasing legal liability for the production and distribution of "fakes".

Challenges in smart nation building: a solution-oriented framework based on a systematic literature review

PurposeNations are opening their “digital borders” to allow the free movement of business, employment and skills. However, this process of digitalization is fraught with challenges. This study aims to identify these challenges to build a solution-oriented framework for smart nations.Design/methodology/approachThis study conducted a systematic literature review, analyzing 69 peer-reviewed academic papers out of 5,958 identified papers.FindingsThe identified challenges for smart nation building were categorized as follows: people and society, technology and innovation, digital infrastructure, politics, governance, economics and business and sustainability. To overcome these challenges, this study highlights the need for a holistic national approach, which includes solutions such as improving education, technology-driven innovations, investments for building smart nation infrastructure, top political leadership involvement, national vision and action plan, national regulatory frameworks, business environment and job creation, stakeholder engagement, renewable energy use and technological integration – all of which are key for sustainable development.Research limitations/implicationsThis study provides directions for building a smart nation framework, but the literature review results are confined to articles, conference papers and book chapters. This study could be further enriched if the findings are cross-checked with experts. This limitation will be addressed in future research.Originality/valueGiven the dearth of literature on this nascent concept, the insights from this study can guide policymakers and industry leaders involved in smart nation building and benefit researchers engaged in theoretical development.

Feminine Leadership Ideals and Masculine Practices: Exploring Gendered Leadership Conditions in the Swedish Parliament

AbstractWomen’s access to political leadership positions has increased greatly in recent decades, which calls for research concerning the conditions of women’s political leadership in more gender-balanced contexts. This article responds to this need by exploring the leadership ideals, evaluations, and treatment of men and women leaders in the numerically gender-equal Swedish parliament (the Riksdag). Drawing on interviews with almost all the current top political leaders in the Swedish parliament, along with an original survey of Swedish members of parliament, we reveal a mainly feminine-coded parliamentary leadership ideal that should be more appropriate for women leaders. Masculine practices remain, however, and women leaders continue to be disadvantaged. To explain this anomaly between ideals and practices, we argue that a feminist institutionalist perspective, which emphasizes how gender shapes a given context in multiple ways, contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the conditions for women’s political leadership than that provided by the widely employed role congruity theory.

COVID-19 response in Africa: impacts and lessons for environmental management and climate change adaptation.

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10668-023-02956-0.

Women’s Participation in Leadership in Schools and Local Government in Ibumu and Image Wards in Kilolo District, Iringa Region,Tanzania

This study assessed women’s participation in decision making at schools and political leadership at local government in Ibumu and Image Ward in Kilolo District, Iringa region, Tanzania. It also assessed factors contributing to women’s underrepresentation in leadership positions and low levels of their participation in decision making and what should be done in order to enable them have equal access to decision making and leadership. The study was conducted in Kilolo District. The study was guided by questions focusing on how women participated in decision making and leadership, reasons for the situation and strategies to address women’s low level of participation in decision making and leadership. The methods of data collection were semi-structured interviews, document analysis and observations. Data were analyzed using a thematic framework. The findings revealed that very few women participate in decision making and leadership positions due to lack of education, men were not ready to allow women to participate in decision making. The basis for the lack of women participation, came from threats from husbands, antiquated traditions and customs, family responsibilities, lack of confidence in women and stereotypes. Male leaders held most top political leadership position and were the main decision makers.

Perspectives of Great Britain’s defense policy in 2020–2030s

This study is devoted to the study of the main directions of the development of British defense and security policy. The article analyzes the main directions of the strategy of this sphere of activity of the United Kingdom, examines the situation of the British military-industrial complex and the main challenges facing the national defense and security of London. The paper explores the main directions of defense and security policy, the vision of challenges by the British political and military leadership. The turn of the United Kingdom’s priorities in defense and security from “hybrid threats” to the possibility of confrontation with the regular forces of major military powers and its causes are revealed. One of the most important observations in the article is the role of the withdrawal of Allied troops from Afghanistan and its consequences in the British defense strategy. The importance of the Ukrainian conflict since February 24, 2022 and the involvement of British military and political resources in it is emphasized. The paper also examines the possible consequences of this conflict for British defense and security. The main conclusion of the work is the thesis about the collapse of the concept of “Global Britain” due to the lack of adequate resources to control a number of regions (first of all, we are talking about the Middle East, the Black Sea basin and Central Asia) and the decline in the level of competence of the top political leadership of the United Kingdom. The crisis in the British military-industrial complex and its dependence on foreign technologies and products is stated. In addition, the study predicts a possible fundamental reformatting of British foreign policy due to the challenges facing the defense and security of London.

Tools and Mechanisms for the Implementation of Chinese Cultural Diplomacy towards Russian Federation

The article is devoted to the identification and characterization of the main tools and mechanisms for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy in relation to the Russian Federation. The author proceeds from the fact that in the context of the new international situation and a new stage in the development of Sino-Russian relations, the maintenance and intensification of cultural exchanges between the two countries plays an important role. The article emphasizes that the means by which China conducts cultural diplomacy in Russia differ in ways and mechanisms depending on the sphere. It is shown that China's cultural diplomacy in Russia has achieved more significant results mainly in the field of education, literature, artistic cooperation and exchange between the media. Strategic, fateful decisions taken by the top political leadership of the two countries aimed at uniting the two states should be understood and accepted by the population of these countries, which is impossible without a deep mutual understanding of cultural heritage and cultural features. In the article, the author gives numerous examples demonstrating the variety of tools and mechanisms used by Beijing to implement cultural diplomacy in relation to Russia. The author concludes that China uses cultural diplomacy as a means of spreading its culture in Russia, effectively presenting the image of modern China. Cooperation between China and Russia in the field of culture is of great strategic importance for the development of relations between the two countries.

Философия и идеология (к столетию «Философского парохода»)

The article is an extended version of the introductory speech to the international conference dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the “Philosophers’ Ship”. It contains an event that began with the expulsion (forced sending abroad on steamboats) by decision of the top political leadership in 1922 from Soviet Russia of a large group of intelligentsia, including a number of prominent philosophers, and ended with the actual recognition by the same political autho­rity of the fallacy of this act. The author proposes to consider this event, which received the symbolic name of the “Philosophers’ Ship”, as a single (integral) process and at the same time as a historical experiment in elevating a certain philosophy (dialectical materialism) to the rank of state ideology. It is shown that the negative result of this experiment is important for understanding the na­ture of the interaction between philosophy and ideology as different forms of so­cial consciousness. They have a common area of intersection, but an attempt to merge them completely inevitably leads to mutual collapse, the most impor­tant consequence of which the author considers is the revival of the pluralism of philosophical teachings in the country. The symmetry between the expulsion of the “Philosophical Ship” and its return is emphasized. The most important outcome and socially significant lesson of this epoch-making event is the need for such an organization of the space of spiritual life, which by its very nature opposes the elevation of a certain philosophical doctrine, regardless of its qua­lity, to the rank of state ideology.

CONCEPTUAL DIRECTIONS OF REFORMING THE SYSTEM OF ENSURING NATIONAL SECURITY OF UKRAINE

The article analyzes a complex of issues related to the definition of the theoretical foundations of national security. Every year, the conditions of internal and external threats and dangers for the state do not decrease, but, on the contrary, are increasing all the time. The abovementioned puts a question of extreme importance to our state and to its top political leadership not only to ensure all spheres of the country's life in accordance with existing external and internal, real and potential threats and real aggression, but also to build a national security system in advance, which could fully ensure peace, calm and stable development of Ukraine in today's difficult conditions. Today, we need to talk not about reform, but about building a highly effective system of ensuring the national security of Ukraine, modem ensuring the national security of the state based on systemic analysis. At the same time, it is necessary to foresee, by means of applying a systemic approach, the construction of the executive branch of strategic management, in which all subjects of national security will be combined into a single system of management system and support subsystems: economic, state, military, internal, border, man-made, information security of Ukraine, and other functional security systems. The problem of increasing the effectiveness of scientific support for the processes of formation, implementation and evaluation of the effectiveness of the national security policy at the strategic level is of particular importance in the context of the development of the national security system. The article formulates and investigates the main tasks of the existing problem, namely, the development and implementation of the national methodology for making strategic decisions; formulation of the final sectoral component of national security and determination of specific departments and authorities, which are proposed to be entrusted with responsibility for the implementation of national security at the sectoral level; strengthening the control function of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine in strategic forecasting and planning in order to increase the effectiveness of planning, coordination and control over the activities of the subjects of national security and their responsibilities; implementation of informational and analytical support for the activities of state authorities, primarily in the conditions of war or status of emergency, in a special period, as well as in the event of crisis situations that threaten the national security of Ukraine. Conceptually important areas of reforming of the national security system of Ukraine are outlined and disclosed: 1. Definition and arrangement at the state level of the conceptual apparatus of the national security sphere. 2. Activation of innovative processes in the educational, scientific and technological, information and communication branches. 3. Formation of a system of national interests’ indicators. 4. Alignment of the concepts of "military security" and "border security". 5. Interdisciplinary integration of individual areas into the system of sciences on national security issues. 6. Distribution of responsibility between subjects of national security. Key words: national security of Ukraine, national security strategy, reforming the system of ensuring national security of Ukraine.

The Role of Patriarchy, Women’s Participation in Electing a Woman into Top Political Leadership of Kenya

Leadership is not only contextual, but it’s also significantly influenced by the patriarchal society. Unequivocally there is no consensus as to why women are underrepresented in the top echelons of the country. Since its inception, the Kenyan government patriarchy has taken the center stage and even the women who fought for independence were never considered for leadership but were relegated to the periphery. The 2022 general elections in Kenya come at a time when the two-third gender rule has never been implemented. Even with Maraga ruling that the president dissolves parliament for failing to implement the two-thirds gender rule, it was also unheeded. On the other hand, the patriarchal government has presented and nominated a woman for the position of Deputy President in the Azimio coalition. This is a position that has been received with mixed feelings, some with celebration and others with disgust. This disgust is based on their particular inclination. The question remains was she put there with good faith, or it’s just to become a stepladder to help the Azimio coalition to gain mirage? Bearing in mind the entrenchment of the patriarchal ideologies in most tribes in Kenya will men vote for a woman in the office of the deputy president in Kenya? These are the issues feminist leaders are wrestling with. The purpose of this paper is to establish the barriers that hinder women from being elected to the top echelon of the leadership of this country, and secondly, to discuss the role of patriarchy in keeping women away from the decision-making table and the top leadership of the nation. The paper provides a solution to enhancing women’s election into the top leadership in Kenya. It suggests that men must champion the election of a woman into top leadership. It contributes toward breaking the glass ceiling and political gender inequality, and suggests inclusivity as a way forward in having a woman in the top leadership of a country. Also, the partnership between men and women to support and elect a woman leader is a prerogative. Breaking the glass ceiling and electing a woman to the top leadership position of being the deputy president in Kenya brings hope and inspiration not only to the Kenyan women but also to the whole society.

Explaining Putin’s impunity: public sector corruption and political trust in Russia

ABSTRACT While corruption of different types has been shown to lower popular political trust in democratic regimes, evidence from non-democracies remains inconsistent. In some post-Soviet countries, for instance, widespread bribery and nepotism in the government co-exist with enduring popularity of top political leadership. Drawing on an unusually nuanced dataset from Russia (N = 2,350), we show that, in general, encounters with corruption in the public sector are associated with citizens’ lower trust of their government. At the same time, we theorize two caveats that attenuate this relationship, contributing to inconsistent findings in previous studies. First, we find that the negative association between corruption and political trust is significantly weaker when such corruption is beneficial to ordinary people. Second, citizens tend to “penalize” local rather than central government officials, which, we argue, is a result of top leaders’ ability to manipulate public discourse around corruption.