Toothless Tiger Research Articles

Robust Watchdogs, Toothless Tigers, or Kangaroo Courts? The Evolution of Anti-corruption Commissions in Australia

The spotlight has been shone on anti-corruption commissions with the creation of the National Anti-corruption Commission at the federal level in 2023. Despite the importance of these agencies in combating corruption in government, there is relatively little academic research in this area. This article will conduct a historical analysis of the development and evolution of anti-corruption commissions across the Australian federation. It will examine major legislative amendments to Australian anti-corruption commissions from their inception, and the political context in which amendments have occurred, with the goal of determining whether the changes to these bodies are attempts to bolster their function, clip their wings, or protect individual rights. We argue that while principles of independence, accountability and individual protection are important at the level of institutional design, the history and evolution of these bodies reveal the significant and sometimes overwhelming importance of political factors in driving design changes.

How Do Toothless Tigers Bite? Extra-institutional Governance and Internet Censorship by Local Governments in China

Abstract China has constructed a rigorous state apparatus to control its online social content. To date, research has largely focused on the central government's cyber control, but the less studied local cyberspace administrative forces are also important. Our fieldwork and interviews at a county-level cyberspace administration office (CAO) in east China reveal that the local CAO had been rendered a “toothless tiger” with insufficient technology, power and labour. However, it has made up for these deficiencies by utilizing systems such as outsourced surveillance, organized mass reporting and personnel secondment. We contend that these practices, which we label “extra-institutional governance” (EIG), emerge when bureaucracies with limited resources face external pressures. The findings shed light on how censorship machines operate in local governments in China and reveal the general dynamics of how bureaucratic organizations adapt to environmental pressures.

Slaying the Toothless Tiger: Social Equity as the Legal Element of the Blue Economy

The ‘blue economy’ is slowly emerging as a catch-all concept that captures the goals of sustaining economic development opportunities while simultaneously maintaining ocean ecosystem health. However, identifying the scope and boundaries of the blue economy has proven to be a challenging task. The aim of this article is to provide a new approach to finding a practical definition of the blue economy. Social equity is noted as the legal component and balancing mechanism that operates between the economy and the environment. This legal compensation mechanism has so far only been rudimentarily elaborated on in governance texts and must be given concrete form through legal methods and, in particular, through the creation of an institutional and procedural framework. The article introduces the idea that an advanced legal concept for the blue economy can be realised by using existing administrative processes and by strengthening the participation of private actors within these processes.

‘A little bit of a toothless tiger … ’ Police banning powers in Western Australia: key informant perspectives and implications for the administration of justice

ABSTRACT Individuals who engage in violence and other problematic behaviours, in Australia and other international jurisdictions, can be banned by police from entering certain locations. Bans are expected to deter recipients from further inappropriate behaviours, reduce crime, and increase community safety. This paper examines the operation of two banning mechanisms in Western Australia from the perspective of those charged with their imposition and enforcement. Interviews were conducted with 54 key informants, including police officers, licensees, and venue staff. Interviewees supported police bans as an appropriate way to address disorderly behaviours, and there was consensus regarding key policy objectives and desired outcomes. However, specific policy refinements were identified – including more effective data sharing to improve identification of recipients, more flexible breach provisions, and the introduction of temporary bans – to increase the enforceability and effectiveness of the provisions. Police banning powers in other jurisdictions may benefit from consideration of these findings.

POLICY OF NEW HORIZONS OF UKRAINE IN THE ASIAN DIRECTION

The article examines the new horizons policy in relation to the Asian continent, which was announced by the President of Ukraine at the annual Conference of Ambassadors of Ukraine at the end of December 2022. It is stated that the policy of Asian countries regarding Putin’s war against Ukraine is the policy of a «toothless tiger». It is assumed that due to the war and collective Western sanctions against countries that bought Russian weapons, Russia lost its position as the number one arms seller to Southeast Asia, Central Asia, and India. It was recommended to the specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to strengthen the coordination of efforts between the member states of ASEAN, Central Asia, India, and China, to expand the International Contact Group for ensuring the defense of Ukraine (the Ramstein coalition) at the expense of these countries in order to defeat the russian occupier. It is emphasized that the russian-Ukrainian war has a fundamental impact on the world system of international relations in the security, economic, and trade components and destroys the European security system.

Self-exclusion from gambling: A toothless tiger?

While there is evidence for self-exclusion (SE) as an individual-level harm reduction intervention, its effects on reducing harm from gambling at the population level remain unclear. Based on a review of national legal frameworks and SE programs, including their utilization and enforcement in selected high-income societies, the present analysis aims to explore the reach and strengths of SE in the protection of gamblers in these jurisdictions. It places particular emphasis on SE programs' potential to prevent and minimize gambling harm at the population level. The overview examined SE in Finland, Germany, Italy, Massachusetts (USA), Norway, Sweden, and Victoria (Australia). These jurisdictions differ considerably in how gambling is regulated as well as in how SE is implemented and enforced. The reach and extent of enforcement of SE apparently vary with the polity's general policy balance between reducing gambling problems and increasing gambling revenue. But in any case, though SE may benefit individual gamblers and those around them, it does not appear to be capable of significantly reducing gambling harm at the population level. To render SE programs an effective measure that prevents gamblers and those linked to them from financial, social, and psychological harm, utilization needs to be substantially increased by reforming legal regulations and exclusion conditions.

Protectors as ‘mere toothless tigers’? Advocating in favour of the ‘Wider View’

Abstract The author considers the varying recent approaches of the High Court of England and Wales, the Royal Court of Jersey, and the Supreme Court of Bermuda in the construction of protectors’ powers to consent to or to veto a proposed distribution. These authorities have been instrumental in delineating the distinction between the ‘Narrower View’ and the ‘Wider View’. The Narrower View only permits the protectors a discretion to bless a valid and rational decision, but not to veto the exercise of powers of trustees. In contrast, the Wider View confers protectors as fiduciaries with an independent decision-making discretion when deciding whether to give their consent to the exercise of powers by the trustees. This article advances arguments in favour of the ‘Wider View’.

Olson, Kristi A. The Solidarity Solution: Principles for a Fair Income Distribution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. 240. $74.00 (cloth).

Olson, Kristi A. <i>The Solidarity Solution: Principles for a Fair Income Distribution</i>. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. 240. $74.00 (cloth).

Toothless tiger with claws? Financial stability communication, expectations, and risk-taking

Central bank communication about financial stability causally affects individuals’ beliefs and risk-taking behavior, consistent with an expectations channel of financial stability communication. Individuals receiving a warning from the central bank in a randomized information experiment expect a higher probability of a financial crisis and reduce their demand for risky assets. This reduction is driven by downward revisions in individuals’ expected Sharpe ratios due to lower expected returns and higher perceived downside risks. In addition, these individuals deposit a smaller fraction of their savings at riskier banks.

Toothless Tiger With Claws? Financial Stability Communication, Expectations, and Risk-taking

We study the effects of central bank communication about financial stability on individuals' expectations and risk-taking. Using a randomized information experiment, we show that communication causally affects individuals' beliefs and investment behavior, consistent with an expectations channel of financial stability communication. Individuals receiving a warning from the central bank expect a higher probability of a financial crisis and reduce their demand for risky assets. This reduction is driven by downward revisions in individuals' expected Sharpe ratios due to lower expected returns and higher perceived downside risks. In addition, these individuals deposit a smaller fraction of their savings at riskier banks.

Toothless Tiger with Claws? Financial Stability Communication, Expectations, and Risk-Taking

We study the effects of central bank communication about financial stability on individuals' expectations and risk-taking. Using a randomized information experiment, we show that communication causally affects individuals' beliefs and investment behavior, consistent with an expectations channel of financial stability communication. Individuals receiving a warning from the central bank expect a higher probability of a financial crisis and reduce their demand for risky assets. This reduction is driven by downward revisions in individuals' expected Sharpe ratios due to lower expected returns and higher perceived downside risks. In addition, these individuals deposit a smaller fraction of their savings at riskier banks.

Beware of Toothless Tigers: Institutionalizing Whistleblowing May Crowd Out Compliance

Internal whistle-blowing systems are supposed to fight misconduct within organizations. Because it is difficult to study their efficacy in the field, scientific evidence on their performance is rare. This is problematic, because these systems bind substantial resources and might generate the erroneous impression of compliance in a company in which misconduct is prevalent. We therefore suggest a versatilely extendable experimental workhorse that allows the systematic study of internal whistle-blowing systems in the lab. As a first step, we tested the efficacy of whistle-blowing systems if internal punishment for misconduct is mild and hesitant which is usually the case in practice, as several fraud surveys confirm. Our results show that under these conditions almost nobody blew the whistle, and misconduct occurred even more frequently with than without a whistle-blowing system. The institutionalization of whistle-blowing seemed to crowd out the intrinsic motivation to act compliantly. Moreover, when a whistle-blowing system was either unavailable or not used, misconduct was highly contagious and spread quickly. Yet, when we implemented severe and ensured punishment for misconduct, whistle-blowing systems could deter wrongdoing. In such a setting, people were willing to blow the whistle and the prevalence of misconduct dropped substantially. Altogether, our results highlight the interaction between institutions and preferences and can support the design of compliance measures within organizations. For compliance managers a key takeaway is that if companies preach a zero-tolerance policy, they should practice it as well. Otherwise, they might even worsen the situation.

The speaker’s gender equality group in the Swedish parliament – a toothless tiger?

ABSTRACT A recent wave of research has engaged with gender-focused bodies within parliament studying their status, organization, and function. One type of body scarcely studied is issue-based parliamentary groups such as the Speaker’s Gender Equality Group in the Swedish Parliament. This article focuses on the form and function of this body, as well as its potentials and pitfalls. On the basis of secondary sources, two waves of interviews with men parliamentarians (MPs) and inside observations the Speaker’s gender equality group is analyzed from the 1990s until today. We conclude that despite lacking formal legislative power, this body has a key symbolic and informal role, manifested in the political will and engaged leadership to ensure that equal working conditions for women and men MPs are promoted. We also find constraints in terms of the limited and general (rather than expert) administrative support as well as the need for consistent authorization.

Maladministration: the Particular Jurisdiction of the Ombudsman

The office of the ombudsman is much misunderstood. Is it better viewed as part of the executive or the judiciary? Is it a fragile institution, unprotected with security of tenure? Is it a ‘toothless tiger’? The one constant in the face of such inquiries is that ombudsmen don’t seem to care, or at least carry on with great effectiveness as though they don’t. I would argue in any case that such queries are beside the point and that the one thing that must be understood about the ombudsman is that it is an office with a particular purpose.

Institutional Isomorphism of Anti-corruption Agency: The Case of Anti-corruption Commission in Bangladesh

Institutional isomorphism emerged in the 1960s and 1970s to show how institutions in different countries develop similarities through imitation. Countries such as Japan, Singapore, and Hong Kong gained massive success by copying successful initiatives from all over the world. Similarly, anti-corruption agencies such as the Singapore Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau and the Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption become global models for combating corruption. Donors such as World Bank, Asian Development Bank, suggest many developing countries create agencies like those to combat corruption. Bangladesh is one of the countries that chose those models and formed an anti-corruption commission (ACC) based on isomorphic pressure from international donors. The aim of this paper is to identify the problems of this isomorphic approach to combating corruption in Bangladesh through the ACC. Based on elite interviews with key informants and document analysis, this paper argues that despite the ACC is an excellent initiative, following the global isomorphism of the ACA model has proved somewhat frustrating. Findings suggest that the ineffectiveness of the ACC is mainly related to failures involving both structure and agency as well as problems within the ACC. Results indicate that these failures have created a ‘toothless tiger’ ACA in Bangladesh.

TAKING THE MEASURE OF CHANGING LABOUR MOBILIZATION AT THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANISATION IN THE WAKE OF THE EU SOVEREIGN DEBT CRISIS

AbstractThis analysis investigates changing mobilization at the ILO in response to the labour and social rights shock created by EU and IMF demands in the EU sovereign debt crisis (Crisis Europe or euro-crisis). Mobilization means the purposeful use of legal norms and institutions by social movements and civil society groups to advance identified policy goals. It can be contrasted with the use of legal norms and institutions by individuals or entities to settle disputes affecting them. After introducing relevant features of euro-crisis and the ILO, the article develops an analysis that measures changing mobilization at the ILO during euro-crisis. It then shows how such an analysis makes two key contributions: first, to our understanding of the ILO and, second, to how we approach mobilization. First, by viewing the ILO as a rights mobilization structure, it shows the vitality and interest of doubted or neglected ILO supervision and complaints mechanisms. Five elements are underlined: the ILO is more than existing literature assumes; it questions the depiction of the ILO as a ‘toothless tiger’; the sharp divide between unions and NGOs is overstated; certain institutional design features make the ILO a good venue for transnational mobilization; the ILO is not transparent in terms of access to documents relevant to mobilization and compares poorly in this respect with UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies. Second, by setting it against existing literature, it is shown how measuring mobilization is distinctive within the broader human rights mobilization scholarship. The most important insights it introduces are: rejecting the assumption that mobilization inevitably follows a significant rights shock such as euro-crisis; addressing the puzzles of union ‘mobilization’ and motivation; operationalizing measurement of mobilization against the backdrop of venue choices; considering how to deal with an international organization which is both a mobilization venue and an engaged actor.

Taking the Measure of Changing Labour Mobilization at the International Labour Organisation in the Wake of the Sovereign Debt Crisis

This analysis investigates changing mobilisation at the ILO in response to the labour and social rights shock created by EU and IMF demands in the EU sovereign debt crisis (Crisis Europe or euro-crisis). By mobilisation I mean the purposeful use of legal norms and institutions by social movements and civil society groups to advance identified policy goals. It can be contrasted with the use of legal norms and institutions by individuals or entities to settle disputes affecting them. After introducing relevant features of euro-crisis and the ILO, it develops an analysis that measures changing mobilisation at the ILO during euro-crisis. It then shows how such an analysis makes two key contributions: firstly, to our understanding of the ILO and, secondly, to how we approach mobilisation. Firstly, by viewing the ILO as a rights mobilisation structure, it shows the vitality and interest of doubted or neglected ILO supervision and complaints mechanisms. Five elements are underlined: the ILO is more than existing literature assumes; it questions the depiction of the ILO as a ‘toothless tiger’; the sharp divide between unions and NGOs is overstated; certain institutional design features make the ILO a good venue for transnational mobilization; the ILO is not transparent in terms of access to documents relevant to mobilization and compares poorly in this respect with UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies. Secondly, by setting it against existing literature, I show how the angle of measuring mobilisation is distinctive within the broader human rights mobilisation scholarship. The most important insights it introduces are: rejecting the assumption that mobilisation inevitably follows a significant rights shock such as euro-crisis; addressing the puzzles of union ‘mobilisation’ and motivation; operationalising measurement of mobilisation against the backdrop of venue choices; considering how to deal with an international organisation which is both a mobilisation venue and an engaged actor.

A toothless tiger? Capabilities for indigenous self-determination in and through Finland’s extracurricular music education system

ABSTRACTIn this article, we report an instrumental case study of extracurricular music education as an arena and means for securing the capability for self-determination among Finland’s Indigenous Sámi population. Finland’s egalitarian approach to education is rooted in complex, and at times contradictory, colonial legacies, raising questions as to whether or not mainstream education systems afford the Sámi the capability to enact their human and constitutional rights to sustain and develop their own languages, cultures, and worldviews. Through a critical analysis of international and national policy documents, and interview data from four Sámi music educators in Finland, we consider the capability for Indigenous self-determination as essential criteria for enacting social justice in, and through, music education.

The Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1993 and the Status of Rural Local Governance in India in Last Two Decades

It has been two decades since the Panchayati Raj system got the constitutional mandate of being the third-tier of democratic governance in India. Still, the lack of devolution of functional and financial powers being supported by the lack of will power of legislative and executive authorities has made it a toothless tiger and a mere puppet to the state governments. This article looks into different perspectives of it in the last two decades and tries to bring forth the hurdles in its functioning and the vulnerable actors involved in it. Lastly, the article presents possible solutions such as the application of principle of subsidiarity and redesigning of the 11th schedule to make gram swaraj a functional reality in India.

Ebola and the WHO: a journey from toothless tiger to global dragon?

Ebola and the WHO: a journey from toothless tiger to global dragon?