Tokens Of Exchange Research Articles

The stuff of currency: Changing styles and uses of ear ornaments at Tikal

Abstract This article revisits ear ornament data from Tikal—both material and visual—to better understand the varied roles of ear ornamentation in ancient Maya society over time. The author discusses relevant terms and terminology, then emphasizes the social aspects of ear piercing and stretching as well as the place of ear ornaments in economic exchange. Ear ornamentation was a critical aspect of socialization for ancestral Mayas, but the extent of this practice was classed. Whereas the styles of nonelite ear ornaments were more resistant to change over time, the jade earflares of elites became more standardized in form while growing in complexity. With this standardization, jade earflares achieved a status close to currency, not just to be coveted or collected but also to be displayed on the body to the fullest extent possible. However, like many currencies, jade earflares were more complex than simple tokens of exchange. The symbolic dimensions that gave these objects meaning and economic value were integral to their power.

Economy Aware Token-Based Incentive Strategy to Promote Device-to-Device (D2D) Relay Use in Mobile Networks

Device-to-device (D2D) relay enhances the capacity of a mobile network. If the channel quality of a user equipment (UE) is bad, the UE asks a neighbor to get its data from the base station and forward the data to it by using D2D communication. Since cellular and D2D communication can share spectrum resources, the spectral efficiency will rise. As UEs are owned by self-interested users, they may not provide relay services gratis. Thus, some incentive methods let UEs exchange tokens to buy and sell relay services. However, they assume that each relay service is worth one token and offers a fixed data rate, which lacks flexibility. Through the law of supply and demand, this paper proposes an economy aware token-based incentive (EAT-BI) strategy. A supplier (i.e., the service provider) charges different prices for its relay service with different rates. A consumer (i.e., the service requestor) takes different policies to choose a supplier based on its tokens and may bargain with suppliers to avoid starvation. Simulation results show that EAT-BI can efficiently promote D2D relay use and increase throughput under different mobility models of UEs.

Impact of Crypto Tokens on Work-Life

Crypto token is a digital money group or a virtual cash token. It refers to a tradable resource or utility that exists entirely on the Blockchain and allows the holder to use it for business or monetary purposes. Crypto tokens, like legal tender, can address a financial backer's stake in the organization or fill a monetary need. This means token holders can use them to make purchases or exchange tokens for profit, just like other securities. In addition, people can use crypto coins to make payments with their computerized money (Frankenfield, 2022). Individuals can use tokens for a variety of purposes, however. They can use them for exchanging, storing significant value, and, of course, trading. Therefore, organizations must be aware of the causing factors of crypto currency and its consequences on work-life. This study aims to offer a model of the consequences of crypto technology in organizations and its effect on work life. To this end, we have analyzed some studies on Crypto and work-life through a systematic literature review. In addition, some topics such as automation, remuneration, and remote work will be discussed. Finally, this paper will be helpful in the academic and industry to further explore this field.

Ontology-Based Process Modelling-with Examples of Physical Topologies

Reductionism and splitting application domain into disciplines and identify the smallest required model-granules, termed ”basic entity” combined with systematic construction of the behaviour equations for the basic entities, yields a systematic approach to process modelling. We do not aim toward a single modelling domain, but we enable to address specific application domains and object inheritance. We start with reductionism and demonstrate how the basic entities are depending on the targeted application domain. We use directed graphs to capture process models, and we introduce a new concept, which we call ”tokens” that enables us to extend the context beyond physical systems. The network representation is hierarchical so as to capture complex systems. The interacting basic entities are defined in the leave nodes of the hierarchy, making the overall model the interacting networks in the leave nodes. Multi-disciplinary and multi-scale models result in a network of networks. We identify two distinct network communication ports, namely ports that exchange tokens and ports that transfer information of tokens in accumulators. An ontology captures the structural elements and the applicable rules and defines the syntax to establish the behaviour equations. Linking the behaviours to the basic entities defines the alphabet of a graphical language. We use this graphical language to represent processes, which has proven to be efficient and valuable. A set of three examples demonstrates the power of the graphical language. The Process Modelling framework (ProMo) implements the ontology-centred approach to process modelling and uses the graphical language to construct process models.

Parrots do not show inequity aversion

Inequity aversion, the negative reaction to unequal treatment, is considered a mechanism for stabilizing cooperative interactions between non-kin group members. However, this might only be adaptive for species that switch cooperative partners. Utilizing a comparative approach, inequity aversion has been assessed in many mammalian species and recently also in corvids and one parrot species, kea, revealing mixed results. To broaden our knowledge about the phylogenetic distribution of inequity aversion, we tested four parrot species in the token exchange paradigm. We varied the quality of rewards delivered to dyads of birds, as well as the effort required to obtain a reward. Blue-headed macaws and African grey parrots showed no reaction to being rewarded unequally. The bigger macaws were less willing to exchange tokens in the “unequal” condition compared to the “equal high” condition in which both birds obtained high quality rewards, but a closer examination of the results and the findings from the control conditions reveal that inequity aversion does not account for it. None of the species responded to inequity in terms of effort. Parrots may not exhibit inequity aversion due to interdependence on their life-long partner and the high costs associated with finding a new partner.

Counterfeit money, starring Patty Hearst

This essay explores non-monetary uses of money in the Pacific world circa 1800: the ways in which coins were used not as tokens of exchange, but as raw materials for artistic elaboration. Historically, to counterfeit did not necessarily have the negative forgery-falsification connotations that it has today. Counterfeiting could just mean copying; etymologically, counterfeit means ‘to make in opposition or contrast.’ Connecting Mexico to Manila to Canton to Jingdezhen to Alaska to California to Peru, this project considers economically dominated histories of relations between China and the Americas (in which the Americas are a passive source of raw materials for a dominant core power), as well as how cross-cultural appropriations of physical goods allow us to see material culture with greater precision: in particular, the relations of money and ornament.

Taking Pictures: The Economy of Affect and Postcolonial Performativity in NoViolet Bulawayo’s We Need New Names

At the center of this essay is a consideration of the dual register of the term “affective economy” that hones in on the use of photography and videography in Bulawayo’s 2013 novel, We Need New Names . Building from Sontag’s consideration of the emotional trade in photographs, the essay considers how the neoliberal privatization of aid and charity have created a brisk trade and expectation of the performance of suffering in African subjects to foster in consuming, Northern subjects an affect of superiority that reinforces the capricious nature of private interest and investment in the Global South. Bulawayo’s novel very adroitly makes the distinction between performances of suffering that are meant as tokens of exchange with outsiders, and the necessary work of suffering as a point of emotional cathexis within the community, all culminating in a critical depiction of collective mourning in response to the failure of democratic elections, underscoring the utter dependency of politics on economics under neoliberalism.

Captive chimpanzee foraging in a social setting: a test of problem solving, flexibility, and spatial discounting.

In the wild, primates are selective over the routes that they take when foraging and seek out preferred or ephemeral food. Given this, we tested how a group of captive chimpanzees weighed the relative benefits and costs of foraging for food in their environment when a less-preferred food could be obtained with less effort than a more-preferred food. In this study, a social group of six zoo-housed chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) could collect PVC tokens and exchange them with researchers for food rewards at one of two locations. Food preference tests had revealed that, for these chimpanzees, grapes were a highly-preferred food while carrot pieces were a less-preferred food. The chimpanzees were tested in three phases, each comprised of 30 thirty-minute sessions. In phases 1 and 3, if the chimpanzees exchanged a token at the location they collected them they received a carrot piece (no travel) or they could travel ≥10 m to exchange tokens for grapes at a second location. In phase 2, the chimpanzees had to travel for both rewards (≥10 m for carrot pieces, ≥15 m for grapes). The chimpanzees learned how to exchange tokens for food rewards, but there was individual variation in the time it took for them to make their first exchange and to discover the different exchange locations. Once all the chimpanzees were proficient at exchanging tokens, they exchanged more tokens for grapes (phase 3). However, when travel was required for both rewards (phase 2), the chimpanzees were less likely to work for either reward. Aside from the alpha male, all chimpanzees exchanged tokens for both reward types, demonstrating their ability to explore the available options. Contrary to our predictions, low-ranked individuals made more exchanges than high-ranked individuals, most likely because, in this protocol, chimpanzees could not monopolize the tokens or access to exchange locations. Although the chimpanzees showed a preference for exchanging tokens for their more-preferred food, they appeared to develop strategies to reduce the cost associated with obtaining the grapes, including scrounging rewards and tokens from group mates and carrying more than one token when travelling to the farther exchange location. By testing the chimpanzees in their social group we were able to tease apart the social and individual influences on their decision making and the interplay with the physical demands of the task, which revealed that the chimpanzees were willing to travel farther for better.

Nazlı's photographic games: Said and art history in a contrapuntal mode

ABSTRACTThrough a focus on photographic portraits commissioned in the late nineteenth century by the Ottoman-Egyptian Princess Nazlı Hanım, Roberts analyses the ways they tested Ottoman and western conventions. An examination of Nazlı's strategic engagement with photography in this period positions her within the often-separated domains of Egyptian nationalism, Ottoman political reform, western Orientalist art and a proto-feminist moment of Egyptian women's history. One of the striking things about the Nazlı portraits is their transgressive inventiveness. This is transgression as Edward Said defines it, with an emphasis on crossing boundaries, testing and challenging limits, and cutting across expectations. Nazlı's inventiveness is apparent through her canny experimentation with the codes of portrait photography and the ways she deploys her portraits as tokens of exchange within her culture and with her European interlocutors. Roberts argues that Nazlı Hanım's use of photography operates in a contrapuntal mode in the Saidean sense of a simultaneity of voices that sound against, as well as with, each other. Over the last three decades Said's writings have provided a crucial methodological framework for the critique of western Orientalist visual culture. Recently art historians have repositioned this corpus of western imagery in relation to art by practitioners from the region and addressed cultural exchanges. Said's seminal text Orientalism has been pivotal within these debates. Yet it is not so much this landmark book, but rather Said's writings on music, in which we can find an alternative approach to cross-cultural exchange. By transposing this model into the domain of art history, Roberts engages with his notion of reading contrapuntally. Said was interested in the broader applicability of this term, although its potential as an interpretive model for the visual arts remains unexamined. Through this case study of Nazlı Hanım's photographs, Roberts reassesses the value of Said's writings on music for understanding nineteenth-century visual culture.

When given the opportunity, chimpanzees maximize personal gain rather than “level the playing field”

We provided chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) with the ability to improve the quality of food rewards they received in a dyadic test of inequity. We were interested to see if this provision influenced their responses and, if so, whether it was mediated by a social partner’s outcomes. We tested eight dyads using an exchange paradigm in which, depending on the condition, the chimpanzees were rewarded with either high-value (a grape) or low-value (a piece of celery) food rewards for each completed exchange. We included four conditions. In the first, “Different” condition, the subject received different, less-preferred, rewards than their partner for each exchange made (a test of inequity). In the “Unavailable” condition, high-value rewards were shown, but not given, to both chimpanzees prior to each exchange and the chimpanzees were rewarded equally with low-value rewards (a test of individual contrast). The final two conditions created equity. In these High-value and Low-value “Same” conditions both chimpanzees received the same food rewards for each exchange. Within each condition, the chimpanzees first completed ten trials in the Baseline Phase, in which the experimenter determined the rewards they received, and then ten trials in the Test Phase. In the Test Phase, the chimpanzees could exchange tokens through the aperture of a small wooden picture frame hung on their cage mesh in order to receive the high-value reward. Thus, in the Test Phase, the chimpanzees were provided with an opportunity to improve the quality of the rewards they received, either absolutely or relative to what their partner received. The chimpanzees responded in a targeted manner; in the Test Phase they attempted to maximize their returns in all conditions in which they had received low-value rewards during the Baseline Phase. Thus, the chimpanzees were apparently motivated to increase their reward regardless of their partners’, but they only used the mechanism provided when it afforded the opportunity for them to increase their rewards. We also found evidence that the chimpanzees’ responses were enhanced by social facilitation. Specifically, the chimpanzees were more likely to exchange their tokens through the frame when their test partner also did so, even in circumstances in which their reward value could not be improved. Our paradigm provided the chimpanzees with the possibility to improve the quality of rewards they received in the Test Phase. We found that refusals – to exchange tokens or to eat rewards – decreased significantly in the Test Phase compared to the Baseline Phase, where no such opportunity for improvement of outcomes existed. Thus, the chimpanzees participated more when they could improve the rewards they received.

Macaque Monkeys Can Learn Token Values from Human Models through Vicarious Reward

Monkeys can learn the symbolic meaning of tokens, and exchange them to get a reward. Monkeys can also learn the symbolic value of a token by observing conspecifics but it is not clear if they can learn passively by observing other actors, e.g., humans. To answer this question, we tested two monkeys in a token exchange paradigm in three experiments. Monkeys learned token values through observation of human models exchanging them. We used, after a phase of object familiarization, different sets of tokens. One token of each set was rewarded with a bit of apple. Other tokens had zero value (neutral tokens). Each token was presented only in one set. During the observation phase, monkeys watched the human model exchange tokens and watched them consume rewards (vicarious rewards). In the test phase, the monkeys were asked to exchange one of the tokens for food reward. Sets of three tokens were used in the first experiment and sets of two tokens were used in the second and third experiments. The valuable token was presented with different probabilities in the observation phase during the first and second experiments in which the monkeys exchanged the valuable token more frequently than any of the neutral tokens. The third experiments examined the effect of unequal probabilities. Our results support the view that monkeys can learn from non-conspecific actors through vicarious reward, even a symbolic task like the token-exchange task.

Richard III: An Arab Tragedy (review)

Richard III: An Arab Tragedy Presented by Culture Project (Kuwait) and Sulayman Al-Bassam Theatre at Swan Theatre, Stratford-upon-Avon. February 8-17, 2007. Adapted and directed by Sulayman Al-Bassam. Arabic translation by Mehdi Al-Sayigh. Producer Georgina Van Welie. Designer George Tomlinson. Lighting design by Richard Williamson. Costume design by Abdulla Al Awadi. Original music and sound design by Lewis Gibson. With Carole Abboud (Queen Elizabeth), Nicolas Daniel (Minister of State Hastings), Monadhil Daood (Catesby, King Edward IV), Christopher Harvey (General Richmond), Raymond Hosni (Palace Advisor Buckingham), Nadine Joma'a (Lady Anne, Mistress Shore), Fayez Kazak (Emir Gloucester), Areal Omran (Queen Margaret), and others. Richard III lends itself to topical adaptations. Its implacable villain announces his villainy from opening scene: what better bogeyman could a historical moralist desire? Thus Richard has served as a figure of political invective for propagandists since Milton; more recently he has come to wear the imagery of twentieth-century fascist dictator. (See M. G. Aune, The Uses of Richard III: From Robert Cecil to Richard Nixon, in SB 24:3.) Offshoots and productions such as Brecht's Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui (1941) and 1990s play and film starring Ian McKellen have used Nazi parallels, whether to expose banality of evil or to induce a near-historical there-but-for-the-grace-of-God frisson. So accepted is allegorical approach that modern-dress productions lacking a coherent political frame risk looking somehow ad hoc. (This was my impression of Michael Boyd's 2007 RSC production, despite Jonathan Slinger's arachnid charisma as Richard. Why black shirts? What exactly were Richmond's kaffiyeh and Kalashnikov meant to tell us?) Into midst of these audience expectations strode Sulayman al-Bassam, a fearless 35-year-old playwright/director commissioned to produce RSC's first-ever Arabic-language play. Included in Complete Works Festival, Richard III: An Arab Tragedy was billed as a response to main RSC production. It was an inspired commission. Kuwaiti-British Al-Bassam oversaw a new Arabic translation of Shakespeare's text and assembled a gifted pan-Arab cast. He worked with costume designer Abdulla Al Awadi to reproduce (and parody) a variety of regional fashions, dressing Queen Elizabeth (Carole Abboud) in Qatar-esque sophisticated hijab and punctuating Lady Anne (Nadine Joma'a) with a pink handbag in shape of a poodle. He recruited Kuwaiti musicians to perform a powerful score that drew on a range of Gulf Arab musical styles, offset with eerie post-modern compositions by Lewis Gibson. And, as he had done in his earlier Shakespeare adaptation, Al-Hamlet Summit (staged in English in 2002 and in Arabic since 2004), Al-Bassam sought out contemporary Arab and Muslim correlatives for Shakespeare's treatment of rhetoric, religion, family, and politics. However, Al-Bassam's take on Richard III went a step deeper than allegory. Tickets were originally sold under title Baghdad Richard, but Al-Bassam wisely decided against producing an adaptation centered on Saddam Hussein. Instead Richard III: An Arab Tragedy used Shakespeare's play to orient Western viewers to some traits of Gulf Arab culture and politics. It also commented (pessimistically, I thought) on chances that such an orientation could somehow make sense of violence and suffering in region. In fact, by showing how very tokens of cultural exchange (traditional costumes, music, prayers, food rituals, rhetorical tropes, etc.) were cynically theatricalized and exploited by those in power, production undercut its own ethnographic lessons even as it imparted them. Gulf Arab context occasioned some smart transpositions. Gloucester wooed Lady Anne from under a woman's abaya (loose black cloak) at an all-female mourning session. …

Afterward 1: New Relations of Substance

'Relations of substance,' so I thought, was a catchy subtitle with a suggestive double meaning for a collection on drugs in the Pacific that was published in 1987 (Lindstrom 1987b). This book appeared just as marijuana was spreading deeply in the hinterlands of Papua New Guinea (Marshall 2004:215). Aside from brief accounts in regional newspapers, however, this 'Pacification' of marijuana had not yet much been noticed. Only one chapter in the 1987 collection dealt with marijuana use, on Chuuk (Larson 1987), reflecting marijuana's earlier and greater presence within Micronesia. The drug has now spread rapidly into both urban and rural Pacific communities, the latest in a line of global 'drug-foods' (Jankowiak and Bradburd 2003). These substances were also among the earliest global commodities: tobacco, caffeine in coffee, tea, cola, and cacao, alcohol, opium, cocaine, and one might as well count in sugar here too (Mintz 1985). All of these drug-foods have now spread into the Pacific to augment the two traditional Pacific drug substances, betel and kava, both of which are used in Papua New Guinea. A second titular offering, 'relating with drugs,' introduced the 1987 volume's themes by previewing the relational aspects of Pacific drug production, exchange, and consumption. I argued that 'drug substances are special exchange tokens' and 'a focus on Pacific drug production, exchange and consumption helps to reveal the structures and meanings of interpersonal relations in a variety of social contexts' (Lindstrom 1987b:ix). Marilyn Strathern generously provided a provocative conclusion to the collection. Strathern riffed on the notion of 'substance' to argue that drugs are unlike food, sexual fluids, or sweat. They, in fact, lack true substance. They differ from other, more substantial substances, mediated through social relationships, which can both effect and affect bodies. The work, the fluids, and the food produced and shared by mothers and fathers, for example, create their children.

Post-War Jewish Fiction: Ambivalence, Self-Explanation and Transatlantic Connections by David Brauner (review)

YES, 34, 2004 YES, 34, 2004 participation in various networks of consumption -the presents (the books and vodka he buys for Patsy Southgate and Mike Goldberg in 'The Day Lady Died'), sex, music, painting, gossip, food and drink, and poems (his own and those of his friends),that are the tokensof exchange in the hectic social life he leads in order 'to kill the fear of boredom', to quote from Joe'sJacket', 'the mounting panic of it'. In a capitalistcountry, O'Hara once pointed out, fun is everything;but having fun, as Smith'ssophisticatedreadingsof his majorworksamply illustrate,is no picnic; 'and surelywe shall not continue to be unhappy', he laments in 'Adieu to Norman, Bon Jour to Joan andJean-Paul'; 'we shall be happy'. One loves O'Hara as he loved Reverdy 'for saying yes, though I don't believe it'. UNIVERSITY COLLEGELONDON MARK FORD Post-War Jewish Fiction: Ambivalence, Self-Explanation and Transatlantic Connections. By DAVID BRAUNER. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave. 2001. xi + 222 pp. /42.50. ISBN:0-333-74035-I. While one might assume that a people that has existed for over three millennia would have a good idea of its identity, this has not necessarilybeen the case as Jewishness has been possible to define in a number of ways. David Brauner's impressive study focuses upon the difficulties and uses made of definitions and how these make themselvesfelt in post-WorldWar II American and BritishJewish fiction, the latter frequently being judged against its more successfulrelation. He statesthat 'the fact that so many (mostlysecular)post-warJewishwritersworryaway at Jewishness like a raw scab in their fiction seems to me a phenomenon worth investigating,and the restof thisbook representsmy attemptto providesome explanations for this phenomenon' (p. 37).Braunersees this 'worryingaway', as a desire for explanation, a need to establishan identity,as fraughtwith ambivalencetoward these writers'Jewishness. It is both a desire to flee what they perceive as Jewish constraintsand a resistanceto losing their difference shame and pride combined. This tension in representingJewishness makes the literature, Brauner states, 'rich and compelling'. One effective way that he develops this sense of the ambivalence and need to explainJewishness is through a discussion ofJewish novelistswho create 'Gentiles who mistake themselves for Jews' (p. 39). In his analysis of five authors' works, including those by Arthur Miller, Bernard Malamud, and Frederick Raphael, Braunershows that the non-Jewishcharacterswho view themselves asJews are all attemptingeither to atone for their own anti-Semitismor make a stand againstdiscrimination in society. Intriguingly,he argues that the novelistswho have created these self-hating characters are 'exploring their own ambivalence towardsJewish identity, a way of explaining themselves through characterswho are, and are not, Jews' (p. 73).This may be overstatingthe imagined psychologicalunderpinningsof the motivation of these authors,but it is an interestingconjecturenone the less. Brauner identifies paranoia and city dwelling as shared attributes in fictional Jewish characters.Temperamentallythey have 'an instinctiveaversionto, Nature in all its guises' (p. 74). Using examples from Saul Bellow and BruceJay Friedman, Howard Jacobson, and Emanuel Litvinoff among others, he identifies an overwhelming feeling of detachment from the pastoraltradition,which dislocatesthese charactersfrom certain core Western values. participation in various networks of consumption -the presents (the books and vodka he buys for Patsy Southgate and Mike Goldberg in 'The Day Lady Died'), sex, music, painting, gossip, food and drink, and poems (his own and those of his friends),that are the tokensof exchange in the hectic social life he leads in order 'to kill the fear of boredom', to quote from Joe'sJacket', 'the mounting panic of it'. In a capitalistcountry, O'Hara once pointed out, fun is everything;but having fun, as Smith'ssophisticatedreadingsof his majorworksamply illustrate,is no picnic; 'and surelywe shall not continue to be unhappy', he laments in 'Adieu to Norman, Bon Jour to Joan andJean-Paul'; 'we shall be happy'. One loves O'Hara as he loved Reverdy 'for saying yes, though I don't believe it'. UNIVERSITY COLLEGELONDON MARK FORD Post-War Jewish Fiction: Ambivalence, Self-Explanation and Transatlantic Connections. By DAVID BRAUNER. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave. 2001. xi + 222 pp. /42.50. ISBN:0-333-74035-I. While one might assume that a people that has existed for over...

The “Traffic” in Graduate Students: Graduate Students as Tokens of Exchange between Academe and Industry

This study analyzes interview data from 37 science and engineering faculty involved in university-industry relations. Faculty are particularly concerned about how these relations affect their work with graduate students. Our analysis is guided by ritual exchange theory and network theory. First, we explore the ways faculty define and redefine what makes industrial or corporate research appropriate or inappropriate for training graduates. Second, we examine difficulties and tensions faculty face when they work with students on industrial or corporate projects. These difficulties and tensions center on intellectual property and we look at how faculty negotiate with industry over restrictions on publication of graduate student and faculty research results, on faculty and graduate student involvement in start-up companies, and on faculty and graduate student ownership of intellectual property.

"Like Kissing through a Handkerchief": Traduttore Traditore

"Like Kissing through a Handkerchief": Traduttore Traditore Joshua A. Fogel (bio) Lydia Liu , editor. Tokens of Exchange: The Problem of Translation in Global Circulations. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1999. 458 pp. Hardcover $64.95, ISBN 0-8223-2401-6. Paperback $21.95, ISBN 0-8223-2424-5. Despite the fact that there is much we could learn from one another, one of the sharpest and most unfortunate divides in the China studies profession is the one separating humanists from historical linguists. Few historians have seen the need to attempt to penetrate the universe of linguistics, and by the same token few historical linguists have made the effort to interact with other humanists. As a result, when historians and literary scholars have broached the theme of translation and the emergence of the modern Chinese lexicon, as they have in recent years, their work as a rule sorely belies this glaring lacuna.1 We are still trapped within a series of vague notions of the Chinese language being ineffably transformed by hundreds and thousands of Japanese coinages of Meiji-era vintage and their overseas Chinese users, but how each of these many terms "became Chinese," to use the currently popular phrase, and helped form the modern Chinese language remains a critical desideratum. Federico Masini's extremely important The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language (1993)2 should have begun to change all this, but its publication in an obscure place and ignorance of his fascinating findings by most scholars have led to our general understanding not being advanced. Among other things, Masini demonstrated that many of the terms we have long believed to have entered the Chinese language via Meiji neologisms in fact had earlier been coined by Western missionaries—Catholic and Protestant alike—when they translated Western works of importance into Chinese. Because these works did not circulate widely in China but did so more extensively in Japan, these many terms frequently did not catch on in China, but they often did come to the attention of Japanese intellectuals responsible for "coining" new kanji terms to translate Western scientific and humanistic expressions in the Meiji era. Chinese students and publicists in Japan frequently assumed that these terms were Japanese creations and adopted them into Chinese, often uncritically. Even if we focus on the latter half of this process, the transition from Japan to China, we still need numerous micro-studies of how, when, where, and why [End Page 1] each of these terms "made the trip." In recent essays, for example, Mori Tokihiko of Kyoto University looks at Liang Qichao's great reluctance to adopt the term jingji (Jpn: keizai) as a translation for "economy," "economics," or "political economy," even after living in Japan, where it had been widely used for years, because he felt the classical connotations behind the term—its root in the ancient term jingshi jimin, meaning "to manage the realm and save the people"—would confuse his well-educated readers. Because his competitors for readership among the expatriate Chinese community in Japan, the revolutionaries, were considerably less well educated in the classical Chinese heritage, this overlay of meaning in no serious way posed a conflict for them, and they readily adopted jingji. Ultimately, Liang hesitantly and reluctantly, but never consistently, fell in line.3 Tokens of Exchange is comprised of fourteen essays and an introduction by the editor, Lydia Liu. Given this volume's subtitle, one would assume that the essays engage the topic of translation as a linguistic issue. Some in fact do, although reference to the immense body of literature, theoretical and otherwise, in the burgeoning field of translation studies is essentially absent here, and none of the authors demonstrates an empathetic sense of the overall phenomenon of translation from inside the process. There is the equally plausible alternative that Liu and her collaborators are not interested in translation as this term is ordinarily used. Instead, they may be using it metaphorically as a form of exchange in one of many different media. Liu never informs us as to which sense of "translation" is being utilized here, so we must assume both—if only in fairness to...

The Appropriation of Pleasure in The Magnetic Lady

What is true pleasure, and who is allowed to have it? Or rather, who is allowed to have her? In The Magnetic Lady, Ben Jonson reduces these questions to matters of gender and class, allegorizing pleasure as two nubile fourteen-year-old girls, one the heiress Placentia, the other her foster-sister and waiting-woman Pleasance. Both names suggest delights ranging from sweet amiability to sexual gratification, although neither girl offers much beyond her own ignorance in the way of personality. But then Jonson does not offer them as anything other than figures of male fantasy, to be contemplated and competed for in the presence of other men, ratifying and ranking male victories or losses. The girls are conventional objects of desire, tokens of economic and social exchange, female bodies whose reproductive power men appropriate as vehicles for transmitting and securing property. These blanket binaries inhibit more complicated characterizations that might otherwise mitigate the satirical context. But they do allow Jonson to establish the rightness of this system of feminine nature in the service of masculine culture by showing what happens when a household of women reappropriates maternity and motherhood in the course of their own pursuit of independent pleasure or profit. The very idea of women taking control of their own sexuality and procreativity threatens the dominant male order with illegitimate heirs that might topple the established rule. Though The Magnetic Lady develops the most explicit matriarchal takeover

"Streght to My Matere": Rereading Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde

Abstract Chaucer'sTroilus and Criseydesuggests in closing that it was written "moost for wommen that bitraised be." The Freudian love of the gaze is helpful in reading for this difference, because the gaze, and the voyeurist and exhibitionist poles of scopophilic desire, have pervasive impact on Chaucer's epic. Oedipal codes are reinforced as the dominant, visual codes of written epic, framed around ambivalence toward women and language: The deception implicit in writing is likewise "built in" to women. Patriarchal society needs to control such tokens of exchange, but paradoxically, as tokens dominate exchange, their value and agentic power increases. Texts proliferate and disagree, allowing play for the agent. Often read beyond the conclusion, Criseyde (as agent) reads and writes herself as well. Thus when the poem's ending exaggerates both closure and open-endedness, leaving the audience in turmoil, it creates an open text "moost for wommen that bitraised be."(Literary criticism, psychological ap-proach; gender studies)

Alliance through the Circulation of Men: A System of Name-Assigned Residence

In many societies, names bestowed by kin denote membership in descent groups and thus, indexically, denote rights and statuses that are tied to descent. In such societies, names trace the role of descent in shaping social institutions; for example, marriage and ritual exchange. But, as Maybury-Lewis (1984:6-7) has observed, rights and statuses determined by names can also stand in contrast to those determined by descent group membership. When this occurs, naming does more than simply identify individuals; receipt of names transforms individuals into persons whose social identities augment identities derived from descent alone. This article discusses a naming system in which the idiom of descent is preserved but detached from substance, allowing descent-based rights and statuses to be bestowed upon members of other patrilines through naming. Among the Urat, veridical descent is clearly understood. Through name bestowal, however, all its sociological markers become available for use as tokens of exchange. Since naming typically determines residence, this exchange allows the naming system to emulate a marriage system in important functions, notably the formation of alliances between localities.

The Wool Industry of Crete in the Late Bronze Age

In this paper the writer examines the largest group of Linear B tablets from Knossos, the great archive of records dealing with sheep. The results of this inquiry provide, it is suggested, a plausible solution to a long-standing problem, the source of the wealth of Knossos in the Late Bronze Age.The account of the great archive of sheep records from Knossos (Series D) which Ventris and Chadwick present inDocuments in Mycenaean Greekremains the most influential treatment of this series taken as a whole, and must provide the starting-point for any further discussion of the texts which it contains. In the course of their account, V.C. consider what the purpose of these records is likely to have been, and rightly reject suggestions that the sheep listed on them are, for instance, hecatombs of sacrificial animals, or merely tokens of exchange, as sheep sometimes were in the ancient Near East.