Time Of Emancipation Research Articles

Przemiany estetyki

Metamorphosis of Aesthetics Many aesthetic lecturers feel that the subject of their lectures is not so much aesthetics as the history of aesthetics, the aesthetic views of Plato and Aristotle, Kant and Hegel, Hume and Burke, British philosophers of taste and German romantics. Does this mean that aesthetics is nourished by its own past, nourished by reinterpretations of its classics, defends concepts and categories that no longer inspire anyone? Don’t they open up new cognitive perspectives? Does this mean that aesthetics is dead today, like Latin or Sanskrit, and that its vision of art and beauty is outdated, out of date and completely useless? Stefan Morawski in the introduction to the anthology Twilight of Aesthetics – Alleged or Authentic? he wrote that he did not know the history of aesthetic thought that would begin in the eighteenth century with Baumgarten. Today we can meet with such an approach more and more often. Many authors assume that in the second half of the 18th century, modern aesthetics was born as a science of senses, how our higher (sight, hearing) and lower senses (taste, smell, touch) contribute to our knowledge of the world. In the introduction to the anthology cited here, Stefan Morawski divides the history of aesthetics into four periods of unequal length. The Morawski diagram seems to be a convenient starting point for defining the changing object of aesthetics. The first of the periods distinguished by Morawski is the longest one, lasting from Ancient Greece to Enlightenment, can be called the history of aesthetic thought, the second is philosophical aesthetics, the third is a time of emancipation and institutionalization of aesthetics as autonomous discipline, and the fourth period leads beyond the limits of classical aesthetics.

Modeling changes in adolescent health risk behaviors approaching and just after the time of emancipation from foster care

BackgroundEmancipated foster youth frequently engage in behaviors that contribute to poor health. Whether health risk behaviors increase following emancipation or are established while in foster care remains unclear. ObjectiveThis secondary data analysis examined substance use and attitudes toward sexual risk behaviors to understand continuity in risk behaviors among foster youth before emancipation and following emancipation. Participants and settingYouth ages 16–20 (N = 151) who had been in foster care for at least 12 months and were expected to emancipate were recruited. The urban county where the study was conducted allowed youth to remain in foster care until 21 years of age. MethodsParticipants completed surveys assessing substance use and attitudes toward sexual risk behaviors at baseline, 6 and 12 months. Multilevel models estimated trajectories of health behaviors and attitudes, with emancipation timing as the primary predictor. Individual and child welfare characteristics were included as covariates. ResultsSubstance use did not change with emancipation (Bs = 0.01, p = 0.81) and positive attitudes about risky sexual behavior significantly decreased as youth approached emancipation (Bs = 1.67, p < 0.01). Placement instability and adversity were not associated with either outcome (ps > 0.08). Females reported more positive attitudes about higher-risk sexual behavior than males (B = 3.09, p < 0.01) and less substance use (B = −1.15, p = 0.03). ConclusionsSubstance use and attitudes about sexual risk behaviors are established before emancipation; interventions prior to emancipation are necessary to improve health outcomes.

Vivre dans deux temps

Cet article offre une première analyse des calendriers lunaires juifs publiés en Italie entre le xviiie siècle et le xxe siècle. Outils d’usage quotidien reliant le travail agricole à la vie communautaire, ainsi qu’instruments pour l’éducation religieuse et politique, ou encore pour la vulgarisation culturelle et scientifique, ces documents montrent toute la centralité de l’articulation des deux temps – temps juif et temps vulgaire – dans la vie sociale, économique, politique et culturelle des Juifs italiens. Les changements apportés dans l’organisation de ces calendriers au fil des siècles reflètent les différents temps et modalités du processus d’émancipation juive, un processus long et non linéaire, fait d’avancées et de retours en arrière. Cet article aborde ainsi les temps des Juifs lors des deux tournants de l’époque révolutionnaire et de l’Unité d’Italie.

The Slavery Business and the Making of “Race” in Britain and the Caribbean

This paper discusses the work of the Legacies of British Slave-Ownership project, which has focused on the significance of British slave owners between the mid-eighteenth century and the time of emancipation (1834) as a way of countering the erasure of the slavery business in popular memory. Slave owners were granted 20 million pounds in 1834 in compensation for the loss of “their property.” The documentation of this has made it possible to create a prosopography, and further research has been done on the economic, political, and cultural activities of those slave owners who were resident in Britain. Case studies of particular families can enrich this “big data.” The Long family is the focus of the second part of the paper. The activities of the three branches of the family, planters in Jamaica, merchants in London, and landowners in Suffolk, are sketched alongside a discussion of the different ways in which they contributed to “race making” in both metropole and colony. The hope is that such work can contribute to a changed understanding of Britain’s history and its relation to empire.

On the Origins and Legacies of Really Existing Capitalism: In Conversation with Kari Polanyi Levitt

On the Origins and Legacies of Really Existing Capitalism: In Conversation with Kari Polanyi Levitt

Evolution of female characters of the sanskrit epic mahabharata in cinematography

The article deals with the problem of the ancient Indian epic female characters and their evolution in cinematography. The issues, covered in the work, are more essential now than ever and demand thorough research. In the time of emancipation and the global gender equality, the women's question is a vexed point. The object of study is the ancient Indian epic Mahabharata in Indian literature and cinema, namely the 1965 film and TV series of 1988 and 2013. The subject of the study is the epic images of women in Indian cinema. Using the comparative approach, the analysis of women's images of cinema and epic is presented; their transformation in modern cinema is examined. Watching these movies one can clearly follow the trend of changing attitudes and drawing attention to the urgent problems of Indian women: position in society, upbringing, education, freedom, family relationships, confirming the relevance of the chosen topic. Screen versions of Sanskrit epics combine tradition and innovation; moreover every new screen version makes the women's issue more acute due to the transformation of female characters.

Evolution of female characters of the sanskrit epic Mahabharata in cinematography

The article deals with the problem of the ancient Indian epic "Mahabharata" female characters and their evolution in cinematography. The issues, covered in the work, are more essential now than ever and demand thorough research. In the time of emancipation and the global gender "equality", the women's question is a vexed point. The object of study is the ancient Indian epic Mahabharata in Indian literature and cinema, namely the 1965 film and TV series of 1988 and 2013. The subject of the study is the epic images of women in Indian cinema. Using the comparative approach, the analysis of women's images of cinema and epic is presented; their transformation in modern cinema is examined. Watching these movies one can clearly follow the trend of changing attitudes and drawing attention to the urgent problems of Indian women: position in society, upbringing, education, freedom, family relationships, confirming the relevance of the chosen topic. Screen versions of Sanskrit epics combine tradition and innovation; moreover every new screen version makes the women's issue more acute due to the transformation of female characters.

La frontera de la frontera: sociedad indígena costarricense, 1800-1830

Se parte de que en el momento de la Independencia (1821) Costa Rica era una sociedad de frontera, por haber sido región fronteriza de la jurisdicción colonial española en general y específicamente de la Capitanía General de Guatemala. Al emanciparse, en la construcción de la estatalidad desarrolla la centralidad, la que a su vez se estructura en centro y periferia. La periferia es frontera en el sentido sociocultural (indígenas separados socialmente como inferiores) y en el sentido geográfico (en las márgenes urbanas o en la vasta zona fronteriza muy alejada de los poblados hispano criollos). La administración colonial creó los pueblos reducidos; se diferencian los más cercanos a los centros urbanos de aquellos colindantes con la zona fronteriza; las etnias independientes en esta zona y los pueblos cambian, a diferentes ritmos, su condición de frontera, después de 1821. La frontera separa pero también permite la interacción, la permeabilidad.

‘Dependent on precarious subsistences’: Ireland's Slave-owners at the Time of Emancipation

When the United Kingdom Parliament abolished slavery in most of its colonies in 1833, it provided £20 million to compensate the slave-owners. At least half of the compensation payments for the Caribbean were made to absentee owners and creditors living in Britain and Ireland. While slave-ownership was only one way in which the Atlantic slave-economy came home to Ireland, the records of such payments, now digitised and available online at www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/ , allow analysis of the structure of slave-ownership in Ireland at the end of the colonial slave-system. In contrast to England and, especially, to Scotland, slave-owners of Irish origin showed a much lower propensity to return home as absentees. Nevertheless, both in Ireland and within the Irish diaspora in London, Liverpool and Glasgow are striking instances of slave-owners whose legacies helped shape Ireland's commercial, cultural and physical fabric in the early nineteenth century.

Using the WPA Ex-Slave Narratives to Study the Impact of the Great Depression

FOR AT LEAST TWO GENERATIONS ACADEMICS HAVE BEEN REAPING THE benefits of the Works Progress Administration's (WPA) Federal Writers' Project. White-collar workers employed by this program during the 1930s summarized and indexed government records and newspaper articles, compiled local histories, and interviewed men and women from all walks of life, preserving for posterity the life histories of thousands of ordinary people. (1) Folklorists, anthropologists, sociologists, theologians, human ecologists, and historians have all used these records to great advantage. (2) But for historians, one of these projects actually resulted in a paradigm shift in the scholarly discourse. The WPA workers' interviews with ex-slaves made it possible to rewrite part of the history of the antebellum South from the perspective of the slave. (3) Although the new histories of slavery represented a tremendous breakthrough in African American, southern, and American history, historians have not all been in agreement about how and whether to use the WPA narratives as source material. John W. Blassingame did not use them at all in his now classic study, The Slave Community (1972). In a later work, Blassingame detailed his concerns about the power dynamics of the interview process, the competence of the interviewers, and the advanced age of the informants that led to his discomfort with the narratives as sources. And although most scholars of slavery writing during and since the 1970s chose to use the narratives, they did point out that the documents were, in some ways, flawed. (4) It is partly in response to this seeming incongruity that historian Donna J. Spindel, in a recent study of history and memory, took her colleagues to task. Spindel concluded that they allowed the potential richness of the ex-slave interviews to overshadow their weaknesses. (5) Concerns about the narratives have always been wide-ranging. Because most respondents were children at the time of emancipation, some scholars have feared that the narratives were reliable only as sources about childhood. By the same logic, those few former slaves who were adults (or nearly adults) at the time of emancipation were so old at the time of the interviews that their memories were questionable. There were apparent statistical problems as well. The states of residence of the former slaves who were interviewed did not correspond proportionately to the geographical distribution of slaves during the antebellum period. And because only about 2 percent of the former slaves who were still alive in the 1930s were interviewed, the nearly 2,200 narratives did not seem a large enough sample. On top of all these warnings came another, focused squarely on the issue of race relations in the South. Most of the former slaves were interviewed by white WPA workers; as a result, historians contended, the information relayed was likely to be tainted. (6) (Indeed, some of the former slaves were interviewed by members of the families who had owned them, which could have resulted in even more constrained responses than otherwise might have been offered. (7) ) The foregoing concerns were undoubtedly valid, but the preoccupation with them has obscured other important ways we might utilize these documents as historical records and with substantially more confidence. The Great Depression looms large in these narratives. But none of the scholars commenting on the interviews' use for studying slavery has explored with any depth their relevance to studying the depression. C. Vann Woodward suggested that the former slaves' longing for the good ole days was related to the contemporary economic crisis. He noted, After all, these were old and helpless people, often living alone in the worst years of the Great Depression, sometimes admitting they were hungry and not knowing where the next meal was coming from. John Blassingame's well-known discussion of the narratives also related the responses of the former bondpeople to their desperate conditions at the time of the interviews. …

Contesting "The Way the Almighty Wants It": Crafting Memories of Ex-Slaves in the Slave Narrative Collection

BETWEEN 1937 AND 1939, SEVENTEEN STATE BRANCHES OF THE FEDERAL Writers' Project (FWP) interviewed more than two thousand ex-slaves, approximately 2 percent of the total ex-slave population. 1 Federal employees gathered a number of interviews collected by this Ex-Slave Studies program into a rare book housed in the Library of Congress. The Slave Narrative Collection, which emerged out of this effort, has played an important role in shaping the narratives written by folklorists, sociologists, and historians about slave culture and the master-slave relationship. 2 Most academics acknowledge the problematic nature of these sources, since they generally resulted from encounters in the Jim Crow South between white southerners and elderly blacks, many of whom were children at the time of Emancipation and octogenarians when they were interviewed. Few academics, however, have explored how the narratives came into being, a process which reveals not only the biases of the ex-slave interviews as sources but also the operations of racism in the early twentieth century. Two versions of an interview that Federal Writer Esther de Sola conducted with Charlie Moses, an ex-slave from Brookhaven, Mississippi, illustrate how the interviews gathered in the Slave Narrative Collection resulted from contestations over the memory of slavery. The original transcript of Moses' interview depicts him as one of the most articulate, angry, and, as de Sola put it, "exceptionally intelligent" ex-slaves. 3 In his concluding comments, Moses, true to his prophetic name, argued poignantly against the "harsh treatment" that slaves [End Page 1] received and called upon God to maintain free blacks in a state of redemption and freedom. "I want to tell you now," Moses avowed, I pray the Lord to let us be free always. God almighty nevah ment human beings to be lak animals. Us niggahs has a soul, an' a heart, an' a mine an we isn't lak a dawg or a horse. I didn't spec' nothin' outten freedom septin' peace an' happiness an' the right to go my way as I please. An' that is the way the Almighty wants it." 4 Before submitting this potent statement to the national office of the Writers' Project, Mississippi state editors Pauline Loveless and Clara E. Stokes removed de Sola's complimentary editorialization and tamed Moses' criticism of slavery by adding the following words to his assertion: "If all marsters had been good like some, the slaves would all a-been happy. But marsters like mine ought never been allowed to own Niggers." 5 By inserting into the text a dichotomy between good and bad masters, the state editors replaced Moses' criticism of slavery as an institution with a reproach of his own "bad" ex-master, who deviated from the "good" master norm; thus, they implied that Moses' experience departed from the more typical paternalistic and consensual relationships between slaves and masters. Loveless and Stokes's revision of Moses' testimony was atypical. In his investigation of interviews with ex-slaves that state editors failed to submit to Washington, George Rawick found that editors in only six states revised interviews before sending them to the national office, and the state editors in five of those states changed an average of only eight interviews before submission. 6 According to Rawick, most of the editorial revisions were benign, such as shortening interviews and minor alterations in the recorded dialect, which had no clear explanation other than, perhaps, employing additional federal writers. Texas and Mississippi, however, deviated from this norm. Before submitting their interviews to Washington, Texas state editors revised the majority of their collection (275 out of 591 interviews). 7 One editor selected the interviews to be altered, and then a small team of interviewers rewrote them. 8 According to Rawick, the Texas revisions "help[ed to] make the narratives conform more closely with the accepted version of proper race relations of...

Black Political Protest in São Paulo, 1888–1988

Beginning with Brazil's origins as a nation, and continuing to the present, the relationship between race and politics in that country has been a close and integral one. Portuguese state policy made black slavery the very foundation of Brazil's social and economic order during three centuries of colonial rule. That foundation remained in place even after independence, with the paradoxical result that Brazil became ‘the last Christian country to abolish slavery, and the first to declare itself a racial democracy’. Indeed, perhaps nowhere is the connection between race and politics in Brazil more evident than in the concept of ‘racial democracy’, which characterises race relations in that country in explicitly political terminology.This article explores some of the connections between race and politics in Brazil by examining four moments in the history of black political mobilisation in that country. Geographically, it focuses on the south-eastern state of São Paulo, which by the time of emancipation, in 1888, housed the third-largest slave population in Brazil (after neighbouring Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro), and which has formed a centre of black political action from the 1880s through to the present. Chronologically, it focuses on: the struggle for the final abolition of slavery in the 1880s; the rise and fall of the Frente Negra Brasileira in the 1930s; the black organisations of the Second Republic; and the most recent wave of black protest, from the mid-1970s to 1988.The purpose of such an exercise is twofold. First, placing these moments of black mobilisation in a century-long time-frame makes it possible for us to see them not as isolated episodes, but as chapters in a long-term, ongoing history of black protest and struggle in Brazil.

"Us Colored Women Had to Go Though A Plenty": Sexual Exploitation of African-American Slave Women

Southern slaves were happiest, and, in some sense the freest people in the world, wrote George Fitzhugh, Virginia proslavery defender. He claimed bondwomen did little hard work and were protected from the despotism of their husbands by their masters. In her famous diary, Mary Chesnut noted that the female slaves take life easily. Marrying is the amusement of their life. Many antebellum southerners thought the female slaves were sensuous and promiscuous and cited the easy chastity of the bondwomen. Since associations were made between promiscuity and reproduction, the desired increase of the slave population seemed be evidence of the bondwoman's passion. A slaveowner in northern Mississippi told Fredrick Law Olmsted that slaves breed faster than white folks, a 'mazin' sight, you know; begin younger, and, he added, they don't very often wait be married.1 Bondwomen's perception of the slave experience is in marked contrast the slaveowners'. In her remarkable autobiography, Linda Brent, a mulatto female slave, noted, Slavery is terrible for men; but it is far more terrible for women. Superadded the burden common all, have wrongs, and sufferings, and mortifications peculiarly their own.2 Female bondage was worse than male bondage because the female slave was both a woman and a slave in a patriarchial regime where males and females were unequal, whether white or black. Because were slaves, African-American women were affected by the rule of the patriarch in more ways and a greater degree than the white women in the Big House. The size of the food allotment, brutal whippings, slave sales, and numerous other variables influenced the bondwoman's view of the patriarchy. Yet because she was a woman, her view, like that of the white woman, was also gender related. According Anne Firor Scott, the most widespread source of discontent among white women centered around their inability to control their own fertility.3 On the other hand, the bondwoman's entire sex life was subject the desires of her owner. This essay will, therefore, deal only with the bondwomen's perspective from the viewpoint of gender, using twentieth-century interviews with female ex-slaves who were at least twelve or thirteen years of age at the time of emancipation. Of the 514 women in this category, 205, or almost forty percent, made comments of this nature. Undoubtedly, the reluctance of ex-bondwomen discuss such private matters, especially with white

Jewish Social Mobility in Germany during the Time of Emancipation (1790-1871)

Journal Article Jewish Social Mobility in Germany during the Time of Emancipation (1790–1871) Get access Monika Richarz Monika Richarz Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, Volume 20, Issue 1, January 1975, Pages 69–77, https://doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/20.1.69 Published: 01 January 1975

Free Colored West Indians: A Racial Dilemma

Free Colored West Indians: A Racial Dilemma David Lowenthal Slavery WAS SCARCELY a racial issue in the eighteenthcentury West Indies; it was a racial fact. Seventeenth-century Eu­ ropean entrepreneurs established tropical plantations in the Carib­ bean with African slave labor; their successors universally pre­ sumed all slaves to be black and all whites to be free. West Indian whites never seriously questioned the virtues of slavery as an insti­ tution until Europe forced emancipation on them in the nineteenth century. West Indian contrasts with the North American colonies are striking. During the eighteenth century, more and more Ameri­ cans considered slavery morally repugnant and socially dangerous. By the time of the American Revolution, most of the northern colonies had abolished slavery, and many southerners, themselves reluctant slaveholders, sought to limit its scope and to abolish the slave trade so as to promote eventual emancipation. Most Ameri­ cans viewed the "peculiar institution" as a source of unmitigated evil.1 But in the West Indies, slavery was not a peculiar institution, it was a universal one. There were ten slaves to every non-slave, and few free men of any complexion regarded Negro slavery as immoral or unjust. Notwithstanding the ubiquitous character of West Indian Ne­ gro slavery, two kinds of people constituted categories outside the system: whites who were not free, and non-whites who were free. Emigration soon eliminated the first: a hundred thousand white indentured servants, made redundant by African slavery on the sugar estates, streamed out of the Caribbean to the Atlantic sea­ 335 Racism in the Eighteenth Century board of North America and elsewhere. The few thousand poor whites who remained endured general contempt for ways of life little distinguishable from those of slaves; indeed, many called them 'white Negroes.” West Indians who were free but not white were a more serious and pervasive anomaly. These were of two kinds. Some were slaves who had fled plantation servitude to the mountainous and wooded hinterlands, whence they sporadically raided towns and estates while avoiding recapture. Two substantial groups of runaways and rebels, the Maroons of Jamaica and the Bush Negro tribes of Surinam and French Guiana, resisted all efforts to subdue them; colonial regimes and European empires had to treat with them as self-governing black enclaves, which have maintained their auton­ omy up to the present time. Rebel slaves in French St. Domingue went much further: they brought down the plantocracy and ex­ pelled the whites. Even in the smaller islands, some runaway slave hideouts survived for generations, a remote but ominous presence of which slaveowners always had to take notice. Rebel and runaway slaves remained essentially outside the West Indian social order, however, when they did not entirely over­ whelm it; they constituted a force to be reckoned with, not one that invited intimate commingling. The opposite was true of the free colored—those set free or born free, often the offspring of planters and slaves. Free colored West Indians were an integral part of the social order, and they accepted its regulations and internalized its values, even the perspectives that denigrated them. The free colored population grew slowly until the middle of the eighteenth century and thereafter became increasingly numerous. By the time of emancipation they outnumbered whites everywhere but Jamai­ ca, Barbados, and the Leeward Islands. This essay discusses the conflicts between racial theory and prac­ tice engendered by West Indian acceptance of this free colored element, ambiguously positioned between black and white. I shall refer primarily to British, French, and Dutch colonies in and around the Caribbean, 'where large-scale plantations and African slavery were generally more pervasive and came earlier than in Latin America and mainland North America. But this framework 336 Free Colored West Indians is at once too narrow and too sweeping. The non-Hispanic West Indies, which included most of the islands and Guiana in South America, developed patterns of culture and society that set them off from Latin America.2 But in contrast with the slave states of North America the condition of the free colored in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Brazil, and the Spanish American mainland in many ways re­ sembled that in the West Indies.3...

Catholics and Politics at the time of Emancipation

It has almost become platitudinous to state that the controversial literature at the time of Catholic Emancipation illustrates the fact that the expression of radical political opinion had been muted as a result of the events of the French Revolution. On the whole, it is argued, the controversy tended to be theological or apologetic rather than political and the usual arguments in favour of Catholic emancipation were those of expediency rather than principle. The Roman Catholics themselves, it is argued, would not wish to associate their claims with more radical political demands, while their social and political isolation during the previous century would be reflected in their reluctance to seize the opportunities which became possible after emancipation. As the future Cardinal Nicholas Wiseman himself wrote, the ‘shackles were removed, but not the numbness and cramp which they had produced’.However, the point of this article is simply to show that the most cursory reading of Catholics periodicals at the time would demonstrate that none of these historical claims are necessarily supported by the evidence. In fact, it would be more surprising if the political awareness of the Cisalpines at the end of the eighteenth century had so quickly disappeared; after all, the political tradition of English radicalism did not completely disappear after 1789. Furthermore, Bernard Ward made the interesting point that there were eight English Catholic M.P.s in the Parliament of 1831—a number which was only exceeded in the twentieth century. Of course, not all English Catholics wished to be associated with political radicals and most of them were not prepared to ‘seize their political opportunities’ after the grant of emancipation, but there were significant exceptions.

The Background of the Slave Narrative Collection

the Slave Narrative Collection by the Federal Writers' Project.' This group of autobiographical accounts of former slaves today stands as one of the most enduring achievements of the Writers' Project. Compiled in seventeen states during the years 1936-38, the Collection consists of over two thousand interviews with ex-slaves. Most of these are verbatim testimonies concerning ante-bellum slave life and the respondents' personal reactions to bondage. The interviews afforded aged ex-slaves an unparalleled opportunity to give their personal accounts of life under the peculiar institution, to describe in their own words what it felt like to be a slave. The Collection constitutes a unique and illuminating source of information not only about the institution of slavery but about the psychology of the enslaved as well. Aside from the large number of interviews that comprise it, the most attractive feature of the Collection is the composition of the sample of the slave population represented. Unlike previous slave narratives, which represented a skewed sample of the total slave population, the Collection achieved a high degree of representativeness and inclusiveness. The ex-slaves ranged in age from one to over fifty at the time of emancipation in 1865. Their ages were distributed as follows:

Some Factors in the Development of Negro Social Institutions in The United States

The assimilation of Negroes into the white culture is attributable largely to the conditions of the first hundred years of slavery in the Upper South. White institutional complexes have tended to be adopted entire from the formal social institutions to the minor modes of everyday behavior. The lag which exists between Negro and white institutions in any given area is due to the fact that acculturation was incomplete at the time of emancipation, that there has since been increasing separation of the races, and especially that economic drag has re-enforced cultural isolation and retarded the rate of cultural change among the Negro population. Cultural isolation, race prejudice, and economic drag have caused the intensification of those Negro institutions which offer opportunities for leadership and self-expression within the Negro group, particularly the church and the lodge. Race consciousness since emancipation has given rise to various agencies for racial solidarity, the Negro press being the most import...