Threat Of War Research Articles

Cries of war: Securitization of fluid transnational identities during war (a comparative study of securitization of Chinese Indians and Japanese Americans)

Fluid transnational identities are an omnipresent reality in the contemporary world, but what happens when war becomes a reality or the threat of war is imminent in a State which contains fluid transnational identities? This article tries to explore these dynamics to determine if the threat from transnational identities is an actual threat during war or an act of an elite few, and what follows after the war, by comparing the experiences of Chinese Indians and Japanese Americans. The study heavily leans on securitization theory to explore the questions posed and elaborate on the situations when habeas corpus was denied thereby incarceration and internment as a practice were justified. The relationship between the transnational population and the State under the Copenhagen School is also further elaborated on.

Care for the Environment and Environmental Crime Based on Theravada Buddhist Philosophy

From past to present, global compressions on human and environmental systems are more likely to increase than ever before in human history. With the science and technology advancement, we are living in the age of the global village that enables more convenient and brings us closer together. However, this also means that human being is suffering from global environmental crisis including the threat of war, economic crises, racial conflicts, environmental degradation, and environmental crime. This paper represents library-based work to date in Buddhist contemporary and useful perspectives and strategies on environmental protection and prevention in the backdrop of growing consumerism and capitalism influenced by western cultural in post-globalization era. Comparing to other countries, Thailand faces various environmental problems and some of them could become to environmental crime such as illegal wildlife trade; smuggling ozone-depleting substances; illicit trade in hazardous waste and pollution; illegal mining; illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing; illegal logging and associated trade in stolen timber. Since Thailand is one of largely Buddhist practical countries, measures to conserve the environment can draw on the principles and precepts of Lord Buddha’s teachings, known as Tripitaka. In Lord Buddha’s lifetime, environmental problems were not salient, but surprisingly, Lord Buddha recognised such problems because they are related to natural law. Accordingly, he established disciplinary rules for monks to live as models of not destroying the environment. The five precepts of Buddhism are the examples of the main principals in Buddhism which is regulations regarding the relation with environmental crime protection and humanity.

Fine cartels

This paper studies a simple model of a repeated cartel that can punish using both voluntary fines and inefficient prices wars. The idea is to use the fines in response to noisy signals of bad behavior and back it up with threats of price wars in response to the easily observed failure to pay the voluntary fines. The model is shown to deliver the insights of modern repeated game theory in an empirically accurate and tractable form.

The Trauma of Ordinary People in Fortune Smiles

Fortune Smiles is a collection of six short stories written by American writer Adam Johnson in 2015. In these narrations, the author blends many cultural factors into the lives of ordinary people, such as high-tech, natural disasters, political conflicts, contradictions of human nature, and ethics. He tries to express the contradictions and complexities of humanity in the vast world, and reveals the global survival crisis. “Trauma” is a prominent theme of the collection, which has become the focus of literary creation and criticism since the 1990s when writers pay more attention to the traumatic experiences and survival situations of ordinary people after experiencing world wars, the threat of nuclear war, the growing violent crimes and natural disasters. From the perspective of trauma, the thesis analyzes the representations, the causes and the healing methods of the trauma in Fortune Smiles by means of intensive reading. In this way, we can highlight people's efforts to restore the confidence and dignity of life, to resolve the pain of reader, and to construct the meaning of life.

Forging Polity in Times of International Class War: The Parliamentary Rhetoric on Labour in the First Polish Diet, 1919–1922

AbstractThis article examines the impact of internal and external pressures on the parliamentary debate concerning the place of the working class within a newly emerging polity. Based on machine-assisted distant reading and close hermeneutics of parliamentary session transcripts, I ask how the first diet of the modern Polish state (1919–1922) responded to labour militancy and war. My analysis demonstrates that social unrest was successfully used by the left to foster inclusion of the popular classes in a political, social, and economic sense, contributing to the democratization of the state. In contrast, the external threat of war had an opposite effect. Although it justified the left advocating greater inclusion of workers and peasants because of their high death toll on the battlefields, it was actually the right that capitalized on national unity and readily used arguments about the Bolshevik threat or traitors among the landless masses to block or even reverse reforms aimed at democratization. The external threat of war, waged against a nominally leftist political force, helped the weak state to reduce the high impact of labour unrest on parliamentary proceedings.

Nastajanje slovenskih oboroženih sil

Based on an analysis of archival sources and literature, the author considers the formation of the Slovene independent and democratic country, especially from the point of view of the formation of the Slovene armed forces, which had to be reshaped by the emerging new country, while at the same time dealing with aggravated relations with the Yugoslav federal authorities, especially the Yugoslav Army, which was seizing power in the federal state. The opposition was also against the formation of the country’s own, Slovene army. Thus, the defence system and its leaders, especially Ministers Janša and Bavčar as well as Prime Minister Peterle, were faced with difficult decisions. In spite of the real war threat, scarce resources were available to the defence department, and these had to be devoted almost entirely to arms procurement. The awareness of the importance of armed forces for the defence of Slovenia’s sovereignty helped to form the armed forces, the Territorial Defence of the Republic of Slovenia, through a project named Manoeuvre Structure of National Protection. Together with militia, civil defence and support of the civilian population, the Slovenian War of Independency was won.

Armija i Slovenija 1984.–1991. godine

Based on an analysis of archival sources and literature, the author considers the formation of the Slovene independent and democratic country, especially from the point of view of the formation of the Slovene armed forces, which had to be reshaped by the emerging new country, while at the same time dealing with aggravated relations with the Yugoslav federal authorities, especially the Yugoslav Army, which was seizing power in the federal state. The opposition was also against the formation of the country’s own, Slovene army. Thus, the defence system and its leaders, especially Ministers Janša and Bavčar as well as Prime Minister Peterle, were faced with difficult decisions. In spite of the real war threat, scarce resources were available to the defence department, and these had to be devoted almost entirely to arms procurement. The awareness of the importance of armed forces for the defence of Slovenia’s sovereignty helped to form the armed forces, the Territorial Defence of the Republic of Slovenia, through a project named Manoeuvre Structure of National Protection. Together with militia, civil defence and support of the civilian population, the Slovenian War of Independency was won.

India’s Doctrinal Modifications: Counterforce Temptations in South Asia

This paper assists in understanding contesting technological capabilities and doctrinal modification between India and Pakistan that are drifting South Asia towards instability, leaving the nuclear deterrence in a dark abyss. Hawks on both sides of the nuclear armed rivals are unprecedentedly chanting threats of nuclear war. More bothersome is the indications of shifting the Indian policy of No First Use (NFU), calls for doctrinal modifications and counterforce temptations. An Indian quest for escalation dominance and Pakistani quest for stability against India is in fact a mutual struggle beyond ‘minimum credible’ to ‘assured second strike’ capabilities.

Aufstieg zur Energiemacht: Der sowjetische Weg ins Erdölzeitalter: 1930-er bis 1950-er Jahre

Aufstieg zur Energiemacht: Der sowjetische Weg ins Erdölzeitalter: 1930-er bis 1950-er Jahre

Conspiracy Theories as Superstition: Today’s Mirror Image in Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus

The contention in this paper is that the theological-political disputes Spinoza was concerned with 350 years ago are similar to the conspiratorial disputes we experience today. The world in Spinoza’s Tractatus theologico-politicus, a political intervention in his time, serves as a “mirror image”, that is to say, it deals with the same problem we face today albeit in a different mode. Understanding our contemporary condition under the auspices of a Spinozist perspective, problems in countermeasures to the conspiratorial disputes come to light. Scholarly work and practice focus on the epistemological dimension of conspiracy theories, tying in the extent to which they are problematic to the degree in which they deal in untruth. However, the lesson from Spinoza’s analysis of the theological-political disputes is that such theories do not deal in truth, but, in affect, they do not spring from a lack of education but a lack of certainty. The work of Spinoza opens up a different approach, and if our aim is like that of the TTP, to defend political life against the threat of civil war, such a different approach is in order.

La Confederación Argentina y sus subalternos: Integración estatal, política y derechos en el Buenos Aires posindependiente (1820–1860)

This book connects subaltern studies, Indigenous history, the history of the African diaspora, and gender studies by comprehensively examining the relationship of the government of the province of Buenos Aires led by Juan Manuel de Rosas (1829–52) with various subaltern groups. Ricardo Salvatore asserts that Rosas retained power and consistent popular support by controlling the territory through war, disseminating propaganda (via print culture and public celebrations) that increased loyalism to the Federalist cause and demonized the Unitarian resistance, and, finally, preserving order in the countryside. This peace was important because agricultural exports provided funds essential for Buenos Aires province, and the larger Argentine Confederation, to battle the Unitarians and foreign enemies.Salvatore shows the increasing influence and burdensomeness of this war-driven state in the lives of individuals who experienced intermittent civil and international war. Poor countrymen, Indigenous groups, and Afro-porteño men were essential to deploying the Buenos Aires militias across the Argentine Confederation. Rosas mobilized a system of values common to different social groups; countrymen paisanos, Indigenous groups, the urban Black population, and large sectors of women supported Rosas and Federalism.The book opens with a historiographical examination of subaltern studies and Latin American history and culture. Each chapter examines how sources were produced in order to determine how Rosas's government differently recorded these subaltern groups depending on political interests. A key agent producing these records was the new countryside bureaucracy, jueces de paz, who maintained social order even under the continuous threat of war. The book refreshingly examines women's role in popular politics given the increasingly political role of women in estancias and in securing food from authorities during wartime. Federalist Rosismo put women in a new position in public space, though in limited and episodic ways. Salvatore also challenges the definitions of subalternity by considering Unitarian rural proprietors as subalterns, even though they were generally wealthy and well educated, because the state persecuted them and put them in a position of subalternity. He shows this in his analysis of rural constitutionalism and Hilario Lagos's 1852–53 rebellion. Sources and their examination are richer for countrymen and Indigenous groups—for instance, the nuanced analysis of how the soldier-peasant was both oppositional to the state and loyal to the politics of Federalism—but less substantial for Afro-descendants (whose support the regime considered complete) or women (who were not seen as political agents).While this is the most comprehensive examination so far of the Black population's political engagement with the Rosas government, some aspects are controversial. Salvatore reads the pro-Rosas newspapers' depictions of Black loyalty to deconstruct the voice intended to represent the Black population. This reviewer finds problematic the assertion that the bozal poetry appearing in 1830s Buenos Aires popular newspapers represented the Afro-descendants' aspirations and ways of feelings (p. 284). Rosas did not pass new legislation against slavery but continued with the 1813 legislation ending the slave trade and instituting the new legal status of libertos. Indeed, Rosas extended libertos' service through militarization, and thus they were coerced to serve. Rosas's measures of 1833 and 1839 against the slave trade were meaningless, as there was no ongoing large-scale slave trade to Buenos Aires in the 1830s. Salvatore correctly identifies that continuous Black militarization loosened slavery's bonds in the 1830s, but this was gendered, with coercion and slavery under other names (e.g., patronato) applied to women and children. As Rosas did very little regarding freedom, perhaps we should look more carefully at the politics of equality—for instance, at the right to vote for free Black men and access to education.Some typical postabolition measures occurred in Buenos Aires while slavery still existed. For instance, in the early years of Rosas's rule, the province's proprietors requested a “census of servants,” a register of enslaved men and women who hired themselves out. This police intervention in domestic labor relationships is telling of a certain “rebellion of servants” taking place amid political turbulence (1828–30) and the lack of social deference that increased elites' anxieties (p. 87).The book successfully identifies the theme of the “threatened republic” as the unifying feature of Rosismo Federalism, which solidified relationships between Rosismo and different subaltern groups with their own interests and led to the system's survival (p. 290). Salvatore argues that Argentina under Rosas was a fragmented and unfinished republic, based on these somewhat corporate alliances between widely different groups.

Media, War and Propaganda: A Content Analysis of U.S. Propaganda in Time and Newsweek Coverage of the Iraq War

Purpose: The study analyses the propagandistic manipulations embedded in the U.S.-led war in Iraq in 2003. The aim is to ascertain how America used propaganda in her attempts to shore up support for the war and sway her targets. Methodology: Quantitative and qualitative content analysis was applied to analyse the propagandistic manipulations of the U.S. government during the build-up to the war (the threat of war) and the actual war. Two U.S.-based news magazines, Time and Newsweek, were studied. The period of the study spans from February to April 2003. Findings: the findings showed that Washington applied propaganda to an unusual degree in search of global support for the war. Research question two probed into the extent and degree of Washington’s propaganda printed by the Time and the Newsweek magazines. We uncovered that the Time transmitted a total of 35 propaganda (64.8%); while the Newsweek churned out only 19 representing 35.2% of total coded propaganda techniques. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study concluded that in spite of the heavy dose of propaganda America administered on the world, she failed to win the UN and world support for the war. The military operation it led in Iraq was an unpopular one.

Emotions in Indian music history: anxiety in late Mughal Hindustan

ABSTRACT Music’s ability to stimulate the emotions has long been fundamental to the aesthetics and reception of India’s elite rāga-based traditions. These emotions are generally studied aesthetically through the lens of ‘rasa’: the Sanskrit theory that proposes the musician’s role is to stimulate one of nine distilled emotional essences (rasas) that is ‘tasted’ by the audience. But here I ask the inverse question: what emotions arose when historical listeners were threatened with the loss of that crucial source of emotional stimulus; and how were those negative emotions expressed through historical texts? In this paper, I consider the Hayy al-Arwāh, a music treatise and tazkira (biographical collection) written by an ex-Mughal official from Delhi living in exile in Patna c. 1785–88, Miyan Zia-ud-din ‘Zia’. Zia-ud-din’s work reveals much about the emotions felt by musicians and music lovers affected by the violent political upheaval centred on late Mughal Delhi c1740–80 – but not in obvious ways. For such an emotional subject, his writing is curiously dispassionate. Nevertheless, I argue that his writing was impelled by one very powerful emotion in particular: anxiety. In order to approach the question I examine some alternative ways we might get at the emotional resonances of texts like the Hayy al-Arwāh: through genre, in this case the tazkira; the etic observations of modern neuroscience; and a turn outwards to writings of more emotionally loquacious contemporaries, here the Urdu poet Mir Taqi ‘Mir’. I argue it is precisely Zia-ud-din’s detatched attention to detail, as he traced hundreds of lost and scattered musicians and listeners, that reveals the emotional driving force behind the writing of the Hayy al-Arwāh to be a deep and abiding anxiety engendered by the very real existential threat of war and exile to the music of late Mughal Delhi. In writing the Hayy al-Arwāh, Zia-ud-din acted as witness and record keeper for his community to insure against the potential loss of the music of his beloved homeland. At the same time, the work of gathering and reporting information acted to alleviate his anxiety over the threatened disappearance of what was to him a most important source of personal solace.

Осознанность и экосознание как черты общественного лидера нового поколения

In this article, the author raises the question of what we will understand by the social leader of a new generation that has witnessed a global world transformation characterized by the acute threat of nuclear war, the problem of environmental pollution and the preservation and development of life on Earth, and the degradation of human abilities due to the constant use of technology. The solution of these problems largely depends on the public leaders, so the study of the personality of the leader and its qualities is a fundamentally important issue.

Are geopolitical threats powerful enough to predict global oil price volatility?

Geopolitical risks have been widely linked to oil price movements in the past. Our study as an addition to this debate shows that geopolitical threats particularly play a significant role in the volatility experienced in global oil markets with attendant policy suggestions. In this study, we employed the newly developed geopolitical threats index to examine whether threats of war, terrorism, and ethnic and political violence within and between countries are powerful enough to predict volatility in global oil prices. Monthly data on global geopolitical threats index and global prices of crude were drawn upon for causality between the periods 1990:01 and 2020:04. To this effect, two volatility indices were constructed using the deviations of Brent and WTI prices from their Hodrick-Prescott filters. The ability of the geopolitical threats index to predict volatilities was examined through a battery of causality methodologies-Granger causality test in frequency domain, nonparametric test for nonlinear causality, leveraged bootstrap causality test, and Fourier Toda-Yamamoto causality test. Through various causality methodologies, we were able to ensure robustness against various problems associated with the classical linear Granger causality testing approach and ascertain that geopolitical threats are powerful and useful predictors of volatility in global oil prices.

Liberalism and imperialism: Croce and D’Annunzio in Serbian culture 1903-1914

This paper takes a comparative look at the missions and ideologies of the most influential periodicals in Serbian and Italian cultures in the years preceding the First World War, the Srpski knjizevni glasnik (Serbian Literary Herald) and La Critica. It also describes the public roles and political ideas of the editor of La Critica, Benedetto Croce, and the editors of the Glasnik, Bogdan Popovic, Pavle Popovic and Jovan Skerlic. It looks at the interpretations of Croce?s political ideas put forward in the Glasnik, recognizing a closeness between the liberal literary and political renewal programmes of Benedetto Croce, on the one hand, and Bogdan Popovic, Pavle Popovic and Jovan Skerlic, on the other. Finally, it points to the Glasnik?s repulsion towards the imperialist ideas of Gabriele D?Annunzio, Croce?s main rival in the Italian culture of the period. But under the editorship of Jovan Skerlic, at the time when Serbia was subjected to Austria-Hungary?s pressure and war threat, the Glasnik published D?Annunzio?s short stories and advocated the ideals of activism, vitalism and heroism.

Сучасний стан і проблеми світового енергетичного ринку

The article is aimed at carrying out a comprehensive analysis of the current state of the world energy market, identifying the main problems of its functioning, and substantiating possible ways to solve them. The research considered the structure of the world energy market, provided a description of its main components. The essence of the energy problem is analyzed, the main causes of its occurrence are defined. It is found that the energy problem occupies a significant place among such global problems of humanity as the threat of nuclear war, epidemic, ecological crisis, demographic problems, international terrorism, etc. A dynamic analysis of the use of traditional energy in the world is carried out. It is determined that due to the limited global reserves of natural gas and oil, in the near future it will be impossible to meet the growing demand of humanity for energy resources. The rating of countries that are trying to actively develop green energy at the State level is presented. The main methods of energy saving of leading countries of the world are highlighted. An analysis of the scale of investment in energy efficiency and energy saving of the leading world countries is carried out. It is determined that China is the leader in investments in green energy. During the research, the essence of the concept of «energy security» is disclosed and its main priorities in the application by different countries are specified. The most important aspects of international energy security are defined. The tendencies of further development of the world energy market are highlighted and the main ways of solving energy problems are proposed.

The Future of the Planetary Trust in a Kaleidoscopic World

Today, it is evident that we are part of a planetary trust. Conserving our planet represents a public good, global as well as local. The threats to future generations resulting from human activities make applying the normative framework of a planetary trust even more urgent than in the past decades. Initially, the planetary trust focused primarily on threats to the natural system of our human environment such as pollution and natural resource degradation, and on threats to cultural heritage. Now, we face a higher threat of nuclear war, cyber wars, and threats from gene drivers that can cause inheritable changes to genes, potential threats from other new technologies such as artificial intelligence, and possible pandemics. In this context, it is proposed that in the kaleidoscopic world, we must engage all the actors to cooperate with the shared goal of caring for and maintaining planet Earth in trust for present and future generations.

Editors’ Note

Editors’ Note Aimee Pozorski and Maren Scheurer Teaching W.S. Merwin’s 1978 translation of Euripides’s Iphigeneia at Aulis earlier this spring revealed striking similarities between the concerns of the Ancient Greeks and our own. Threats of illness, autocratic leaders, and interminable wars are just three examples that come to mind, now over a year into the most recent global pandemic. The circumstances surrounding the production of this special issue on Roth and Scandal read like scandals themselves—at least if we go back to the Ancient Greek meaning, where σκάνδαλον could refer to a “trap” or a “stumbling block”: our long-anticipated seminar on the topic for the American Comparative Literature Association conference in Chicago was cancelled due to the pandemic; further, the authors in these pages balanced their commitment to Roth scholarship with home schooling, quarantining, videoconferencing, securing vaccination appointments for aging parents, and recovering from COVID-19—all in a political climate leading to despair and bureaucratic inefficiencies making our public health crises all the more scandalous. But if the Greeks teach us about scandal, they also teach us about the opposite: arete, or excellence. Despite the scandalous circumstances and pressures under which this volume came together, there was always a focus on excellence—from archival research to revision and editing to the organization required to keep all of the pieces moving forward, together. We thank especially Maggie McKinley, who collected these essays and conceived of this remarkable topic at the very beginning of this process, and we thank Jessica Rabin, who has been here with us at the very end of the process with her extraordinary copy-editing skills—and who has been here since the very first issue of Philip Roth Studies, 1.1. In the Merwin edition of Iphigeneia, William Arrowsmith suggests that arete, like its opposite, bad faith, “can be taught—taught by the liberating contagion of example” (xi). And while, in 2021, we may recoil when we see [End Page 1] the word “contagion,” it is clear from this excellent volume that arete can be taught from the examples of Maggie, Jessica, and all of the authors in these pages who kept at their craft despite the riotous atmosphere and virus spreading just outside our doors. WORK CITED Arrowsmith, William. “Editor’s Foreword.” Euripides: Iphigeneia at Aulis, translated by W.S. Merwin and George E. Dimock, Jr., Oxford UP, 1978, pp. v–xiii. Google Scholar Copyright © 2021 Purdue University

Race, nose, truth: dystopian odours of the Other in American antebellum consciousness

ABSTRACT It was in 1835, in the wake of the Nullification Crisis that shook the United States with the threat of civil war over federal law, state’s rights and the Slave Power, that Jerome Holgate, under the pseudonym ‘Oliver Bolokitten’, published his dystopian fiction A Sojourn in the City of Amalgamation. It posited the existence of an African body smell that would make anti-odour machines essential if American societies fell prey to the potential ravages of racial miscegenation. Two decades after Holgate offered his dystopian world-view of smell and race, ‘Cephas Broadluck’, a pseudonym for the American author Allen Gazlay, published Races of Mankind: With Travels in Grubland (1856), an allegorical attack on comparable forms of sensory and sexual ‘amalgamation’, also proposing olfactory detection as a racial protection for the white body politic. The antebellum era dystopias of Holgate and Gazlay combined ideas of truth and race through the sensory experiences of the nose, which had previously been socially conditioned to sense racial Others through a false consciousness about the smell of Africans throughout the Atlantic World. Despite the efforts of academics to deconstruct such absurd beliefs and experiences in the modern world, olfactory racism continues in the languages of both current political leaders and within the bowels of the Internet. Because these prejudicial perceptions continue through what seems for many racists to be biological experiences of truth, scholars must focus much more on analysing embodied perceptions of Othering if academic arguments about the social construction of race are to make any inroads against the return of racist, technologized and fascist modernity in the contemporary West.