Theory Of Foreign Policy Research Articles

Pasal 9 Konstitusi Jepang: Perubahan Sikap AS Terhadap Militer Jepang

This article explains the US foreign policy on the Obama administration towards the reinterpretation of article 9 of the Japanese constitution. Historically, article 9 was the result of US interference to keep Japan from proactive military activities and oblige Japan to sacrifice all its territory since 1895, and to incorporate Japan into the US security system. This evoke a question, why in the era of Obama administration US supported article 9 reinterpretation efforts that will make the Japanese military proactive? The purpose of this article is to analyze the direction of US President Barack Obama's foreign policy in the second period. Foreign policy theory with national interest concept approach is used to analyze three factors influencing US foreign policy to support the reinterpretation of article 9. This article uses literature study by collecting data that related to the factors of US in doing such foreign policy towards Japan. Ultimately, this article argued that external, internal, and perceptions of US decision-makers influence US foreign policy in favor of reinterpretation of article 9.

BRITAIN’S POLICIES TOWARDS THE EU: INTEGRATION OR FOREIGN POLICY THEORIES?

Together with Brexit has come not only the official spliting of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) but also the question whether scholars and diplomatic officials should approach the relationship between the two partners of the UK and the EU from Integration Theory or Theory of Foreign Policy? This article investigates the effects of both the viewpoints on the practice of certain diplomatic jobs by the UK’s goverments towards the EU from 1972 to 2016 and the research works by scholars in the world on this relationship.

John Campbell’s Present State of Europe (1750): Toryism and balance of power

ABSTRACTJohn Campbell’s Present State of Europe has been viewed, particularly by Guido Abbattista, as a change in Campbell’s view on British intervention on the continent. Campbell certainly alters his position from a conventional ‘Country’ and ‘Tory’ critique of British interventionism to acceptance, but this shift aligns him more closely with the Bolingbrokean political philosophy that undergirds much of his early thought as he accommodates this political philosophy to the dominant theory of foreign policy of his day, ‘balance of power’. Campbell articulates a moderate, Tory view of balance of power by drawing upon Samuel Pufendorf’s idea of states-system, which allows Campbell to extend his ‘Country’-Bolingbrokean philosophy from inside to outside the state. By extending his views outside the state, Campbell indicates how continental intervention not only may be required based upon a nation’s fluctuating, indeterminate circumstances but also may be needed to protect far-flung subjects within an expanding British Empire.

Foreign policy in a changing multi-faceted global milieu: Revisiting the political-economic interface

The emergence of new influential global actors and the seeming omnipotence of global markets have produced a highly diversified international environment challenging the concept of foreign policy and the theoretical contribution of FPA. In view of this challenge, it is argued that instead of considering the above changes through a fragmentary approach, it would be more efficient to conceive them as part of an ongoing transformation process governing practice and theory in foreign policy. On this background, the political-economic interface is revisited, in order to highlight the significance of the concepts of security and prosperity in the contemporary international framework and to reconsider the question of an interdisciplinary approach to foreign policy.

Current Trends in Foreign Trade Theory and Policy

In this research work, Author focus on the current analysis trends in foreign trade theory and policy. Accordance with the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openness to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there is the need for new approaches to trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region’s economy. On the other hand, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region’s economy but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of current trends in foreign trade theory and policy and in particular models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, foreign trade policy in different types of authoritarian regimes, protectionist pressures in different political system, the level of protectionist pressures, the tendencies to bilateralism in the foreign trade policy. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment.

Foreign policy in Spanish literature – an introduction to research

The aim of this article is to present a section of Spanish research on the theory of foreign policy of the state against the background of European, American and Latin American arrangements. The publications of Luis V. Pérez Gil and Rafael Calderch Cervery were the basis of the analysis. This article is an introduction to further research. Research problems have been tackled in order to answer the following questions: 1) How do Spanish teachers define foreign policy, and which theorists of international relations do they relate to? 2) What are the phases and goals of foreign policy? 3) How do Spanish scientists define the national interest and which theoretical researchers of international relations do they refer to? The article uses methods of analysing and criticising sources.

Militarizing politics, essentializing identities: Interpretivist process tracing and the power of geopolitics

This reply to the Symposium on Stefano Guzzini (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe?, answers the criticisms by John Agnew, Jeffrey Checkel, Dan Deudney and Jennifer Mitzen. It justifies (1) its specific definition and critique of geopolitics as a theory – and not just a foreign policy strategy; (2) its proposed interpretivist process tracing; (3) the role of mechanisms in constructivist theorizing and foreign policy theory; and (4) its usage of non-Humean causality in the analysis of multiple parallel processes and their interaction. At the same time, it develops the logic of the book’s main mechanism of foreign policy identity crisis reduction.

‘북방정책’ 재고(再考) : ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’의 재검토 및 새로운 대륙지향 정책을 위한 원형 모색

This paper aims at analyzing the factors affecting the emergence, process, and performance of the Nordpolitik, further making comparisons with those of the Eurasia Initiative during the Park Geun-hye Government. In the midst of the unravelling of the Cold War, the Roh Tae-woo Government launched the Nordpolitik, which turned out to be a turning point in Korean diplomatic history. It was successful in bringing about establishment of diplomatic relations with communist countries including the Soviet Union and China and a temporary rapprochement with North Korea. Derived from comparative foreign policy theories, this study adopts three categories of variables for explaining the rise and implementation of the Nordpolitik during the Roh Government: international political contour, domestic socio-political situation, and leadership.BR Above all, the Nordpolitik was made possible as a result of U.S. policy of ‘benign negligence’ in the wake of the disintegration of Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. On top of the tectonic changes in geopolitical landscape, the leadership of Roh Tae-woo, who had been engaged in cultivating a continent-oriented policy for years, played a key role in bringing the Nordpolitik into fruition. Meanwhile faced with relatively unfavorable domestic political circumstances, Roh attempted to utilize the Nordpolitik as a tool for political breakthrough, while managing to control the implementation process of the Nordpolitik with adroit strategies and tactics.BR In contrast, the Eurasia Initiative under the Park government is considered as an updated and expanded version of the Nordpolitik, because the former is designed to promote cooperation with countries in the Eurasian Continent in a wide variety of issue areas from political and diplomatic cooperation to economic ties, to cultural exchanges with Eurasian countries. Yet, given such ambitious objectives, the Eurasia Initiative did not meet expectations with meager performance. Compared with the Nordpolitik, the geopolitical environment under which the Eurasia Initiative was proposed and implemented proved to be unfavorable with mounting rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, while confrontation between the West and Russia was on the rise in Europe. Additionally, the leadership of President Park has been blamed for the lack of long‐term perspective on Eurasian cooperation and rapport with the mass public.BR As such, although the Eurasia Initiative left much to be desired, the Republic of Korea has no choice but to seek for a long-term, comprehensive, and multi-dimensional ‘Neo-Nordpolitik,’ or a new type of continent-oriented policy. Making the best of experiences of the previous Nordpolitik, the new leadership of the ROK should contrive and implement a ‘Neo-Nordpolitik,’ which may contribute to stability in the Korean Peninsula, ultimate unification of the two Koreas and further harmony and prosperity in the Eurasian Continent.

The Concept of Fear and the Matter of Emotions in Lithuania’s Foreign Policy

This article reflects on the concept of fear in theories of international relations and foreign policy. The text discusses the concepts of the phenomenon of fear and rational behavior emphasizing that the concept of fear, contrary to the concept of anarchy, has no emotional charge in the theory of international relations. Having surveyed the factor of emotions in the theory of international relations and foreign policy, the author suggests that the emotional meaningful charge be returned to the concept of fear. The study stresses that fear (if treated as an emotion) can also have a destructive function disrupting the international system and disturbing the international communication. The third part of the article is devoted to an analysis of the ideas of Lithuania‘s foreign policy. The study explores the idea of Lithuania as a regional leader. The writer claims that the idea was irrational because it was based on the factor of the emotion of fear.

Política exterior de Venezuela: el petróleo como variable estructuradora

The article aims to contribute to the developing of a theory of Foreign Policy for Venezuela that is recurring in nature, with higher levels of generalization, and capable of producing causal statements. In order to achieve such a purpose the following questions are considered: How important is oil and its market for domestic affairs and international relations that, in turn, affect Venezuelan Foreign Policy? How variation in international oil prices has affected the historical evolution of Venezuelan Foreign Policy? It is argued that continuities and discontinuities in the activity of Venezuelan Foreign Policy might be framed within a recurring pattern that depends on oil market and, particularly, on international oil prices.

Foreign Trade Policy in Realisation of Economic and Political Interests

In this research work, author focuses on the analysis of the theory of foreign trade policy and important political and economic interests. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime. The decisions taken by the representatives of the governments participating in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) are, to a significant degree, influenced by various lobbies, such as organisations and unions of food producers or other non-governmental organisations, including trade unions. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the international trade policy. The particularly main concern the political economy models of foreign trade policy, protectionistic pressures in different political system, the level of protectionistic pressures, food producer pressures, international trade liberalization and environmental protection, bilateral tendencies in the foreign trade policy. It must be emphasis that on a theoretical level, understanding the choice of trade policies between liberalizm and protectionisme is very important. Despite the undeniable benefits of the multilateral WTO forum for trade liberalisation, the rapid increase of North-South bilateral and multilateral Free Trade Areas (FTAs) begs a systematic explanation for why some forums are prioritized relative to others.

The New Aspects of the Economic Relations Between European Union and China

In this research work, Author focus on the analysis of the new aspects of the economic relations between European Union and People Republic China. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress especially in China, the growth of economic ties with the European Union and the benefits resulting from liberalised of the China foreign trade policy under WTO. Accordance to the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. In the new circumstances for the development of the global economy and the global trade, People Republic of China seems to be a production superpower, able to change the world trade and also the European Union’s extra trade. In many areas it possesses comparative advantages. China may continue their development to specialise in electronics and increasingly in services. With or without further trade agreements between two partners, services will be more traded and trade policies will have to adjust to changes in the organisation of global value change. With new investments, a country can transform its position through industrial expansion at home and sustain it through international trade. China is especially sensitive to the advantages of intensive growth and will not wish to disrupt essential economic arrangements that have been crucial to her success. The main aim of the article is the presentation of the new aspects of the economic relations between European Union and China

NOWOŻYTNA FILOZOFIA LIBERALIZMU, KONSERWATYZMU I MARKSIZMU W ASPEKCIE POLITYKI MIĘDZYNARODOWEJ I ZJAWISKA WOJNY

Artykuł jest próbą wyodrębnienia poszczególnych elementów filozofii nowożytnej, które, po pierwsze, odegrały istotny wpływ w uformowaniu fundamentów stosunkowo nowej nauki, jaką są stosunki międzynarodowe, a po drugie, w istotny sposób wpłynęły na politykę zagraniczną państw w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Tekst składa się z czterech części, pierwsze trzy stanowią całościową syntezę istotnych elementów twórczości wybranych, najważniejszych myślicieli politycznych okresu od XVI do XIX wieku, których przemyślenia w istotny sposób uformowały teorię i praktykę dwudziestowiecznej polityki zagranicznej. Część czwarta stanowi syntetyczne podsumowanie najważniejszych tez poszczególnych myślicieli, które ma ukazać ewolucję wiedzy na ten temat. Ciekawym i wyróżniającym elementem pracy jest rozbudowany wstęp i zakończenie, których celem jest ukazanie twórczości filozoficzno-naukowej pierwszych myślicieli liberalizmu, konserwatyzmu i marksizmu w kontekście historii i filozofii politycznej, jak również w mniejszym stopniu filozofii nauki. Nieco odmienny charakter ma część trzecia, która odnosi się do rdzenia filozofii marksizmu. Pomijając filozofie boczne (choć być może właściwszym słowem jest słowo „uboczne” w negatywnym znaczeniu tego słowa) tego nurtu (np. leninizm, stalinizm), opisano w niej współczesną, wybraną neomarksistowską teorię struktury polityczno-ekonomicznej świata, celem zaprezentowania ciekawej, a zarazem naukowej modyfikacji teorii marksistowskiej, która, co ciekawsze, nie miała głębszego wyrazu międzynarodowego, ale istotnie wpłynęła na przebieg procesów międzynarodowych.

The impact of populist radical right parties on foreign policy: the Northern League as a junior coalition partner in the Berlusconi Governments

Despite the populist radical right’s (PRR) popularity among political scientists, little scholarship has focused on its influence on foreign policy. This lack of study is due, in part, to a general lack of attention to the role of political parties in foreign policy, both in comparative politics and international relations (IR). This is unfortunate because, due to Europeanization and globalization, the domain of foreign policy has expanded, making foreign policy increasingly a domestic concern and, most importantly, touching on major themes of PRR parties. Combining insights from comparative politics and IR, we theorize the mechanisms, which may facilitate the impact of such parties on foreign policy. Subsequently, we examine whether the Italian Northern League (LN), as a prime example of a PRR party participating in a coalition government, has had an impact on Italy’s foreign policy and, if so, what accounts for this (lack of) influence. This paper concludes that, unlike common understanding, the PRR is not persistently anti-internationalist/anti-EU; rather, its position depends on the extent to which international politics helps or hinders the promotion of ‘the people’. Second, despite the LN’s strong coalition position, it pursued an effective foreign policy mainly regarding immigration policy. Third, IR theories of junior coalition partners and foreign policy should address the nature of the party system and how inter-party electoral competition affects the strength of a junior coalition partner. Fourth, these theories need to acknowledge that party preferences are sometimes trumped by national concerns, as suggested by more systemic IR theories.

Contextualizing change in Turkish foreign policy: the promise of the ‘two-good’ theory

The level of activism in Turkey's foreign policy has reached unprecedented levels during the country's modern history. This increased activism contrasts starkly with Turkey's characteristically traditional status quo orientation evinced during the Cold War. This study aims to establish a theoretical foundation to explain this multifaceted change in Turkish foreign policy. In doing so, it contends that the ‘two-good’ theory of foreign policy renders considerable analytical leverage for contextualizing recent changes in Turkish foreign policy. The theory posits that change in a country's foreign policy is contingent upon its willingness and capability to actively promote its interests. Furthermore, the ‘two-good’ theory postulates the method a country might employ to implement its foreign policy is a function of these two factors as well. The theory leads to two testable hypotheses regarding Turkish foreign policy. This study supports these hypotheses with qualitative and quantitative evidence.

Global Health Diplomacy, ‘Smart Power’, and the New World Order

Both the theory and practice of foreign policy and diplomacy, including systems of hard and soft power, are undergoing paradigm shifts, with an increasing number of innovative actors and strategies contributing to international relations outcomes in the ‘New World Order’. Concurrently, global health programmes continue to ascend the political spectrum in scale, scope and influence. This concatenation of circumstances has demanded a re-examination of the existing and potential effectiveness of global health programmes in the ‘smart power’ context, based on adherence to a range of design, implementation and assessment criteria, which may simultaneously optimise their humanitarian, foreign policy and diplomatic effectiveness. A synthesis of contemporary characteristics of ‘global health diplomacy’ and ‘global health as foreign policy’, grouped by common themes and generated in the context of related field experiences, are presented in the form of ‘Top Ten’ criteria lists for optimising both diplomatic and foreign policy effectiveness of global health programmes, and criteria are presented in concert with an examination of implications for programme design and delivery. Key criteria for global health programmes that are sensitised to both diplomatic and foreign policy goals include visibility, sustainability, geostrategic considerations, accountability, effectiveness and alignment with broader policy objectives. Though diplomacy is a component of foreign policy, criteria for ‘diplomatically-sensitised’ versus ‘foreign policy-sensitised’ global health programmes were not always consistent, and were occasionally in conflict, with each other. The desirability of making diplomatic and foreign policy criteria explicit, rather than implicit, in the context of global health programme design, delivery and evaluation are reflected in the identified implications for (1) international security, (2) programme evaluation, (3) funding and resource allocation decisions, (4) approval systems and (5) training. On this basis, global health programmes are shown to provide a valuable, yet underutilised, tool for diplomacy and foreign policy purposes, including their role in the pursuit of benign international influence. A corresponding alignment of resources between ‘hard’ and ‘smart’ power options is encouraged.

Towards an Integrated Theory of Chinese Foreign Policy: bringing leadership personality back in

This article tries to integrate the theories of personality type and Chinese foreign policy studies. It finds that theories of personality offer a new perspective on the study of Chinese foreign policy and help to better explain the differences in China's foreign policy under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, including their international orientation, the main themes of China's foreign policy during their respective times in office, their policies towards the major powers, as well as those towards small countries. Theoretically, such integration contributes to the development of a more general theory of foreign policy analysis that would travel better beyond the borders of the American case. Empirically it highlights the necessity and benefit of an integrated approach bringing leadership personality back into the center of the analysis while taking into account other levels of analysis in the study of Chinese foreign policy.

Revisiting the Theory and Practice Debate in International Relations and Foreign Policy and an Idea for a Joint Venture

The relationship between theory and practice in international relations and foreign policy has been addressed by many on both sides. Despite helpful observations, the exploration has not produced much in the way of conclusive outcomes. This result is not surprising given the fact the theory-practice debate in foreign affairs is inevitably associated with the broader debate about how to properly study organized political/social life when focusing on the role of culture, structure, and choice in international relations. Although juxtaposing the theoretical study of international relations and foreign policy against the practice of foreign/international policy has its discipline-specific traits, it cannot be divorced from the larger ontological and epistemological debates. This essay reminds the reader of several facets of the narrower debate as it relates to the broader one and offers a perspective and ensuing observations from a ‘part taker’ in foreign policy. The essay also includes an idea for a research project that could be used to help overcome some of the putative shortcomings of the field.

Do rights at home boost rights abroad? Sexual equality and humanitarian foreign policy

Does women’s empowerment strengthen global good citizenship? We test theories of democratic foreign policy and feminist international relations that suggest that more deeply democratic countries with greater gender equity will be stronger international human rights promoters. First, the direct empowerment of women as policymakers and civil society constituencies may shift states’ incentives and ability to pursue international human rights initiatives. Second, greater sexual equality may lead to feminist socialization of the wider society to promote human rights values. We test these predictions by measuring the relationship between five different measures of sexual equality and a country’s propensity to support 30 international human rights outcomes, including legal commitments, humanitarian assistance, and sanctions, controlling for previously established contributing factors such as level of development and democratic regime type. We find that more sexually equal countries are more likely to support international commitments to constrain state violence against individuals, international measures to combat gender and sexual orientation discrimination, and more and higher quality development assistance. However, sexual equality appears to yield less benefit for more costly human rights initiatives: yielding sovereignty to international legal institutions, promoting economic rights through concessionary trade policies, or adopting diplomatic sanctions against pariah states. These effects are stronger in democratic states, where citizen empowerment translates more readily into foreign policy, and are also found in a sample that excludes the Western powers.

Coordination in a Crisis: Domestic Constraints and EU Efforts to Address the 2008 Financial Crisis

This article explores possible theories of international economic policy coordination, and then proceeds to test these theories through a qualitative analysis of four EU member states – Germany, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands – and their preferences and experiences during the financial market crisis period of Fall/Winter 2008–2009. Both institutional and basic realist theories for coordination preferences are evaluated for explanatory power against the case of the 2008 financial crisis and are found lacking. Instead, this analysis finds that a comparative foreign policy theory of political constraints – institutional design, political polarization, and leader time horizons – emerges as the best fit for explaining the divergence in foreign policies among these EU member states.