Democratic Theory Research Articles

Are politicians democratic realists?

AbstractPolitical scientists have long debated whether citizens meet the expectations of a ‘folk theory’ of democratic representation, in which voters correctly reward and punish politicians for their actions, make choices primarily on the basis of policy preferences and orient their decisions to the future rather than the past. But how do elected politicians themselves theorize voting behaviour? In this paper, we report results from an original survey of more than 2000 elected local politicians in Canada and the United States which allows us to characterize politicians' own democratic theories. We uncover substantial variation in politicians' theories of democracy, and we find examples of a number of well‐known theoretical traditions (democratic realism, partisan retrospection, folk theory) among politicians themselves. We also show that politicians' theoretical perspectives are related to how they undertake representation when in office. We conclude with an outline of a comparative research agenda on the causes and consequences of politicians' democratic theories.

Contribution of Mahatma Gandhi to Democratic Theory: An Analytical Study

Highly critical of Western democracies, Gandhi propounded his own democratic theory that tries to bring the old system of village life in accordance with the democratic value of Self-government. He propounded not just a form of government, but something that relates to all walks of human life. Accepting the fact that individual lies at the heart of democracy, he argues that through continuous endeavour, democracy can be evolved. Among Gandhi’s contributions to the democratic theory, non-violence and equality are the most important. Non-violence is actually the most original legacy of Gandhi to democratic theory.. This paper will try to analyse Gandhi’s views about democracy and how it differs from some other western models of democracy. In pursuit of what Gandhi called an enlightened democracy, it cross examines Gandhi’s reflections on the key principles of the Western liberal civilization.

Democratic Despotism, Democratic Culture, and the Democratic Ideal

Abstract In this paper, I outline Du Bois’s WWI-era theory of democracy, which comprises three parts: first, an historically specific explanation of the racially exclusionist character of the modern struggle for democracy; second, a justification of universal suffrage; and third, an account of democratic culture, the promotion of which he believed was necessary to supplement the enfranchisement of black people where white supremacy still threated the achievement of justice.

DEMOCRACY: BETWEEN SUBJECTIVE IDEAL AND OBJECTIVE FACT

Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. Hundreds of thorough works have been devoted to various aspects of democratic theory and the practical difficulties of its implementation. The most coherent with the subject matter of this study is the fundamental monograph by Oleksandr Skrypniuk, as well as numerous publications by Alain de Benoist, Jason Brennan, Ralph Darendorf, John Ecton, Kevin Eliot, Jacques Ellul, Kevin Calhoun, Helen Landmore, Giovanni Sartori, Tomislav Sutic, Richard Tuck, and Tsvetan Todorov. The research objective. The solution of problematic challenges in the sphere of functioning and prospects of development of democracy requires systematisation of the shortcomings of democracy of the modern model and identification of mechanisms for overcoming them at the level of social practices. The statement of basic material. In our time, what is called “democratic choice” is mostly an illusion, a fiction of full-fledged choice: it is “choice in the actual absence of choice” when one has to choose among pseudo-alternatives imposed by the information agenda. These quasi-alternatives may have nothing to do with the interests and needs of the people. Democracy of modern quality is more and more an instrument of information suggestion and propaganda manipulation.

Making sense of Ethiopian journalists’ prison experiences during Meles Zenawi’s administration: a phenomenological inquiry

This study investigated the agony, tribulations, and trials that private press journalists in Ethiopia experienced firsthand in several detention facilities in Ethiopia for engaging in journalistic activity. The study used the period of the late Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s administration, and it employed a qualitative phenomenological research approach to examine the lived experiences of 12 private press journalists. Alfred Schutz’s “Life World” theory and the Italian fascist political theorist Giovanni Gentile’s Authoritarian Democracy theory were used as lenses to provide a “pure” description of the subject under study. Qualitative data were obtained through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The data were examined using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis as the participants shared their narratives. The main finding indicates that journalists lacked professional and civic freedoms to carry out their duties since the government interjected into their daily lives, imprisoning them and limiting their capacity to have the ultimate say over their work and lives. We suggest that the government should revise impending laws and regulations that hamper freedom of expression in Ethiopia and create a policy requiring its officials to provide information to journalists without regard to their political, social, or other relationships with the media.

Does the Naturalization Program undermine Democracy? The Danish Naturalization Requirements in light of Habermas’ Theory of Democracy

Does the Naturalization Program undermine Democracy? The Danish Naturalization Requirements in light of Habermas’ Theory of Democracy

Making and re-making the theory of constitutional democracy: further observations

In this reply, I address many of the observations and criticisms raised by Donald Bello Hutt, Mathieu Carpentier, Maris Köpcke, and Graziella Romeo vis-à-vis in my book The Making of Constitutional Democracy: From Creation to Application of Law (Hart Publishing 2022). The discussion touches upon a host of different but interconnected issues: from the necessary connection (or lack thereof) between the state and the rule of law; to the feasibility and relevance of the distinction between law as lex and law as ius for modern constitutionalism; to the role and scope of a theory of normative powers for the concept of law-application; to the centrality of the idea of contingency in constitutional theory and its consequences for constitutional design. As a result, I clarify and further develop several aspects of the theory (and meta-theory) of constitutional democracy I originally presented in the book.

ПОГЛЯДИ СУЧАСНИХ ЕКОНОМІСТІВ НА ПРАВОВІ ЗАСАДИ ФУНКЦІОНУВАННЯ ДЕРЖАВИ

The article clarifies the essence of the views of famous economists of the 20th-21st centuries on the legal basis of the functioning of the state, their views on the law itself, as well as the role of state intervention in the economy. The relevance of such research is that outstanding economists, in addition to contributing to economic theory per se, played an extremely important role in understanding the essence of other socio-humanitarian phenomena, in particular the state and law. This is quite natural, given the close relationship and intertwining of social processes, the obvious influence of the development of some social phenomena on others. Accordingly, certain regularities that can be identified during the study of economic processes are also relevant for the legal basis of the functioning of the state. The interdisciplinary effect makes the research and study of this topic relevant, since the interrelationship of social phenomena and the look at legal constructions from an economic point of view opens up new opportunities for both economists and legal experts, both theorists and practitioners. It is important that economists use the example of real social relations to explain social patterns that provide opportunities for lawyers to improve legal regulation. Economists made a significant contribution to the development of the idea of pluralism, self-regulation, a free and democratic society, the constitution, the theory of democracy and the guarantee of personal freedom. In many ways, thanks to economic teachings, we were able to understand the collapse of the planned economy and totalitarian regimes. In the current conditions, authoritarian and totalitarian leaders, on the other hand, transform their economic models in such a way as to stay in power. The market principles of the functioning of the economy, although they have certain shortcomings, are dominant and basic (fundamental) human rights, both personal and political, are closely related to the idea of economic freedom. As for state intervention, it is considered quite possible, but it must be limited at the same time and not violate the relevant boundaries of individual freedom. For the legal regulation of the foundations of state functioning at the level of constitutions, the main achievements of economic theory are important, in particular, the protection of property rights, the principles of the market economy, freedom, the possibility of judicial protection, antimonopoly mechanisms, as well as the very idea of the separation and limitation of state power.

Broadening the “Problem-Space” of Political Theory

Pineda's book is an original and imaginative reconstruction of activist strategy and political theory, upending the orthodox account of civil disobedience during the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Against liberal and democratic theorists who domesticate civil disobedience in the United States, with the aim of legitimizing the nation's constitutional democracy as “nearly just,” or in need of reform rather than revolution, Pineda argues that civil rights activists “theorized and deployed” civil disobedience as “decolonizing praxis” (16). She traces the decades-long history in which Black activists in the United States crafted their strategy of civil disobedience through embodied spaces, relationships, and practices of “imaginative transit” with revolutionaries in India, South Africa, and Ghana. These networks of transit enabled activists to diagnose segregation and colonialism as sites of a “shared, global condition” (59) of white supremacy, “operating with a common, reinforcing logic” of economic, political, and psychological domination (89). As a decolonizing praxis, civil disobedience combined an “inward-facing politics” of self-emancipation with an “outward-facing politics” (16) of disruption and disclosure—aimed not at reforming aberrations in constitutional democracy, but at “transforming the psychological, structural, and relational bases of white supremacy” (59).

M. N. Roy and the Problem of Parliamentary Democracy.

This article offers a new interpretation of anti-colonial constitutional thought of the mid-twentieth century. Historians and political theorists have long viewed the circulation of democratic constitutions at the moment of decolonization in terms of the diffusion of electoral, parliamentary government. This article argues against such a "parliamentary" reading of anti-colonial democracy by examining the political thought of Indian Marxist thinker M. N. Roy (1887-1954). I reconstruct Roy's writings on anti-parliamentary forms of popular sovereignty through the 1940s. Further, I situate Roy's democratic theory as a response to understandings of political representation within the Indian national movement.

A critical examination of the entanglement: How political dynamics shape legal Decision-making and reform processes in Pakistan

In this scholarly exploration, we delve into the intricate interplay between political dynamics and legal decision-making within the context of Pakistan. Our analysis draws inspiration from Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory of democracy, which posits that inherent conflicts (antagonisms) are an essential dimension of the political landscape. These conflicts, while requiring tempering for the functioning of a pluralist democracy, remain unalienable and ever-present. Within the juridical domain, judges occupy a unique position. Cloaked in legal form, their pronouncements extend beyond mere legal interpretations. Instead, they adjudicate individual instances of ongoing collective conflicts—pitting workers against employers, consumers against traders, tenants against landlords, and moral progressives against traditionalists. These decisions, seemingly juridical, are inherently political. Judges wield a “relative sovereignty,” navigating institutional imperatives while being influenced by ideological currents. However, legal determinacy remains relative. Judges, through rigorous interpretive work, can diverge from prima facie interpretations. The collective conflicts, once juridified, crystallize into temporary hegemonic fixations. Our critical legal scholarship endeavors to destabilize these hegemonies in pursuit of justice. This task necessitates not only external critique but also internal scrutiny. We propose evaluating judicial decisions by considering all plausible alternatives, weighing conflicting interests and ideologies. In summary, our examination underscores the dual nature of judicial decisions—simultaneously juridical and political. By embracing this complexity, we contribute to a nuanced understanding of legal reform processes in Pakistan, advocating for justice beyond mere legal formalism.

Wählen mit Kübeln und Kaskaden: Wie sich das Personenstimmen- paradox bei Wahlen in Bremen, Hamburg und Niedersachsen auf einfache Weise vermeiden lässt

In state elections in Bremen and Hamburg and local elections in Lower Saxony, voters have the opportunity to vote directly for one or more candidates or to confirm the order of the lists proposed by the parties . The ratio of votes cast for the candidates and the list deter- mines how many seats are filled according to the order of the list and how many seats are filled according to the order of the votes cast for the candidates . It may be the case that an additional vote for a candidate leads to him not receiving a seat at all . This phenomenon, which is reminiscent of the negative weight of votes in Bundestag elections, is a nuisance from the point of view of democratic theory because it violates the fundamental require- ment that a vote for a candidate always leads to an increase in his chances of getting elected . Probst and Schröder speak of the personal vote paradox or external-utilization paradox . The aim of this article is to present three simple procedures that avoid the personal vote paradox without fundamentally changing the logic of the current electoral system . The effects of the proposed procedures are illustrated using the election results of the Bremen state election in 2023 . [

ОБОСНОВАНИЕ ЦЕННОСТИ ПУБЛИЧНОГО ДИСКУРСА В ТЕОРИЯХ СОВЕЩАТЕЛЬНОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ: ОСНОВНЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ И ИХ КРИТИКА

The article considers the most common ways in which supporters of the deliberative model of democracy justify the key element of this model – deliberation (public discourse) – as well as the most common ways in which these justifications are criticized. The author proposes a new classification of the existing arguments "for" and "against" deliberative democracy, clarifying the nature of the theoretical debates in Western political science in recent decades and presenting the normative attractiveness of the model under consideration. The article presents two types of mainly instrumental justification (epistemic and non-epistemic). Furthermore, the author distinguishes three main lines of criticism, within the framework of which the justification of deliberation is disputed in the modern Western scientific literature. All of these criticisms are more practical than theoretical. The author concludes that the "deliberative turn" in Western democratic theory has not discredited elitist and participatory approaches to understanding democracy, but has merely supplemented them with normative considerations, according to which not only the quantity but also the quality of individual preferences and political participation ("input data") are important, as well as not only an individual but also a social perspective.

A performance management framework for self-managing schools in an emerging economy

The integrated quality management system (IQMS) as a performance management framework is mostly inadequate for school-based performance management. Literature branded it as a compliance system (Mamabolo et al., 2022) that does not allow school stakeholders the independence to take part in developing their own strategies. The study debates the amalgamation of the IQMS and the balanced scorecard (BSC) to develop a framework for self-managing schools in an emerging economy. Semi-structured interviews with members of schools’ management teams, were conducted and a qualitative research approach guided this study based on a design-based research (DBR) method. Our results show that a school-based performance management framework must be distinct, have a mission-focused strategy, involve all stakeholders, and be time efficient. Further, our results suggested that the performance management framework be updated on a regular basis to drive the school’s base strategy, learner academic and extracurricular achievement, and stakeholder satisfaction. While the IQMS links to managerialism (Mpungose & Ngwenya, 2017), the researchers argue that self-managing schools are linked to the participatory democracy theory (PDT) and accommodate stakeholder involvement. The framework combines the valuable criteria of the IQMS with the benefits of the BSC to contribute towards performance management in public schools.

Contemporary Autocratisation of Democracies in the Context of “a Paradox of Democracy”

After the fall of the “Iron Curtain,” Francis Fukuyama formulated a thesis on structural victory of liberal democracy and its fundamental values, such as freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of worldview, freedom of the press etc. This thesis was demonstrably erroneous, as at the beginning of the 21st century, the crisis of liberal democracy in relation to the growth of populist movements is mentioned more and more frequently. While seizing power through democratic means, populist parties abandon the ideals of liberal democracy and values and pivot towards an autocratic governance model while ostensibly adhering to the rules of formal democracy. It was Hannah Arendt, who warned against such a situation saying that tendencies to move towards autocracy within democracies are specific for multi-party systems, while two-party systems in democracies are relatively less prone to such transformation. With regard to the above, the problem which philosophy of politics calls a “paradox of democracy” reappears. Among other things, it is related to the question on the limit of tolerance the liberal democracy has for thoughts, attitudes, actions and words which are substantially opposed to democracy and may lead to autocracy. At the same time, we are observing the fact of reappearance of the militant democracy theory, formulated by Karl Loewenstein. The aim of this article is to look closely at the theory and its suggested modifications (described as neo-militant democracy), as well as to answer the questions on what tools are needed and if they are even possible to be used to defend not only procedures, but also values of democracy from its progressive destabilisation in the face of digital revolution.

Global Democracy Theories: Reshaping Political Authority

Global Democracy Theories: Reshaping Political Authority

EQUALITY THROUGH EXCLUSION? TOWARDS A NEW CONCEPTUALIZATION OF DEMOCRATIC EXCLUSION IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITAL PUBLIC VENUES

In order to hinder attacks on democratic norms and processes in digital public venues, designing strategies of exclusion is a pressing concern. Nevertheless, we lack systematic studies of how digital public venues should be governed to protect – rather than undermine – democratic values through exclusion. The purpose of this contribution is to offer a systematic theorization of the concept of democratic exclusion in the context of digital public venues. I will in particular draw on two strands of literature within democratic theory which have contributed greatly to the normative theorization of democratic exclusion, but have done so in relation to other types of political settings: the works within feminist political theory on exclusion of dominant groups within parliaments (e.g. Dovi 2009; Murray 2014) and the literature on hate speech regulation and democratic self-defence against (primarily) antidemocratic parties (e.g. Müller 2016; Invernizzi Accetti and Zuckerman 2017; Malkopoulou and Kirshner 2019). First, I will analyze if and how these previous contributions can be applied to the specific context of digital public venues, where special conditions of access and visibility apply. I will then assess to what extent the platforms’ existing governing strategies and policies concerning the exclusion of problematic content or accounts are compatible with the relevant exclusion principles formulated in these works. Building on this analysis, in its final parts the study will move on to carve out more specific suggestions for how exclusion on digital venues should be governed, and what principles should guide this governance.

A Comparative Analysis of the Implementation of 'Consensus Democracy' in China and Switzerland

The Consensus Democracy Theory, put forward by Lijphart, emphasizes the construction of a multi-consensus democracy. Switzerland is a typical country putting consensus democracy theory into practice. Its consensus democracy belief is rooted in its historical development and domestic political practice, and has become a typical case of practice and research. China also has the soil of consensus democratic theory, that is, the exploration and practice of the fundamental political system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. As one of the three basic political systems in China, the practice of Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) system has prominent significance for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Swiss democracy shares similarities with CPPCC because of the same theoretical model between China and Switzerland. On the other hand, differences exist resulting from different social systems and historical development. Exploring the similarities and differences is of positive significance for the further development of socialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics in the new era.

Pemuktahiran Data Pemilih Berkelanjutan Sebagai Perlindungan Hak Politik Warga Negara di Kabupaten Kotawaringin Timur

In the general election, East Kotawaringin itself, one of the problems that often occurs is the problem in the voter list. Based on the theory of democracy and the implementation of continuous updating of voter data in the fulfillment of political rights in East Kotawaringin, the focus of the research focuses on how the implementation of sustainable voter updating is one of the means to fulfill the political rights of voters in East Kotawaringin. Qualitative research, the selection of informants in this study will use purposive sampling. Purposive sampling itself is a sampling technique used by qualitative researchers to recruit participants who can provide in-depth and detailed information about the phenomenon under study as well as through observation and information media. The results of the research obtained were that in East Kotawaringin, Komisi Pemilihan Umum carried out data updating with Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum Nomor 6 Tahun 2021 Tentang Pemutakhiran Data Pemilih Berkelanjutan . This focuses more on the KPU as the executor of updates with the implementation of work every month, with advantages and disadvantages with no ad hoc duty in non-election stages. Coordination was also carried out well as one of the sticks for the successful implementation of data updating. The results also found that the Badan Pengawas Pemilu as a supervisory agency contributed to the supervision of updating data and several obstacles, such as Bawaslu having to carry out larval tests to the supervision carried out. Improved coordination, carried out massive socialization, as well as updating data on remote areas that were not reached by ad-hoc temporarily and the community contributed to self-data reporting. Keywords: General Election, Continuous Voter Data Updating, East Kotawaringin

On the Egalitarian Value of Electoral Democracy

Within democratic theory, electoral competition is typically associated with minimalist and realist views of democracy. In contrast, this article argues for a reinterpretation of electoral competition as an important element of an egalitarian theory of democracy. Current relational egalitarian theories, in focusing on the equalization of individual power-over, present electoral institutions as in tension with equality. Against this view, the article contends that electoral competition can foster equality by incentivizing the equalization of cooperative power. The article develops the normative category of equal opportunity to access cooperative power and shows how it can generate an egalitarian defense of electoral competition. Yet this ideal is not an affirmation of the status quo. Rather, it points to the need to reform electoral systems to make them more competitive and so more likely to foster cooperative power, as well as reforms to provide direct support to associations like unions that equalize cooperative power.