Theda Skocpol Research Articles

Workers' Compensation, Federalism, and the Heavy Hand of History

Workers' compensation was the first social insurance program to gain widespread acceptance in the United States, and as such became one of the foundations of the modern American welfare state.The original and more gendered name for this program was workmen's compensation. The term “workers' compensation” did not become common until the 1970s. I will use both names in this article, depending on the context. Most states passed workmen's compensation laws between 1911 and 1920, and all but two states did so by 1935. The other major social policy innovation of this era were mothers' pensions laws, which were targeted at the poor children of single mothers. These laws also spread rapidly in the 1910s and were on the books in virtually every state by 1935.Although minimum wage and maximum hours laws for women also passed in many states prior to the New Deal, they have generally received less scholarly attention than workmen's compensation or mothers' pensions. The major histories of the American welfare stateEdward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991); Edward D. Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare State: The Political Economy of Twentieth-Century Reform revised ed. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900–1935, 2nd ed. (1968; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986; Charles Noble, Welfare As We Knew It: A Political History of the American Welfare State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); Theda Skocpol, Social Policy in the United States: Future Possibilities in Historical Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); Walter I. Trattner, From Poor Law to Welfare State: A History of Social Welfare in America, 6th ed. (New York: Free Press, 1999); Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol, eds., The Politics of Social Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988). always acknowledge the importance of workmen's compensation and mothers' pensions in the early twentieth century, and some authorsBarbara J. Nelson, “The Gender, Race, and Class Origins of Early Welfare Policy and the Welfare State: A Comparison of Workmen's Compensation and Mothers' Aid,” in Women, Politics, and Change, ed. Louise A. Tilly and Patricia Gurin (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1990), 413–35. argue that these two programs established the major fault lines of social provision – between social insurance and public assistance, between employed male workers and unpaid mothers – for the rest of the century.

Brady, Weir to Lead 2003 Meeting

With Council approval, APSA President-Elect Theda Skocpol of Harvard University has selected Henry E. Brady and Margaret Weir, both of the University of California, Berkeley, to serve as Program Co-Chairs for the 2003 Annual Meeting. The 2003 meeting will mark the Centennial of the Association and will be held in Philadelphia, August 28–31.

The Structural Contexts of Civic Engagement: Voluntary Association Membership in Comparative Perspective

Editorial changes have been underlined AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW or otherwise noted on this proof. The Structural Contexts of Civic Engagement: Voluntary Association Membership in Comparative Perspective Evan Schofer University of Minnesota Marion Fourcade-Gourinchas Princeton University and New York University Voluntary association membership varies dramatically among nations, by both the number and the type of associations that people join. Two distinctions account for much of this variation: (1) the distinction between statist versus nonstatist (some- times called “liberal”) societies, and (2) the distinction between corporate versus noncorporate societies. These two dimensions summarize historically evolved differ- ences in state structure, political institutions, and culture of nations that channel, legitimate (or deligitimate), and encourage (or discourage) various types of associa- tional activity. Membership in associations in 32 countries is examined using data from the 1991 World Values Survey; hierarchical models estimate the effects of indi- vidual-level and country-level factors on individual association membership. Results show that statism constrains individual associational activity of all types, particu- larly in “new” social movement associations. Corporateness, however, positively affects membership, particularly for “old” social movements. Finally, temporal trends indicate some convergence toward Anglo-American patterns of association. I Refs say n contemporary nation-states, vol- untary associations are important bodies that mediate between the individual and the broader societal environment. Following de Tocqueville’s ([1862] 1981) early state- ments on the different political organization of America and Europe, political scientists and sociologists have noted that people of different countries and regions vary in their involvement in associational activity (Al- mond and Verba 1963; Putnam 1993; Wuthnow 1991). The United States, for in- stance, is traditionally described as a “nation of joiners,” while some European countries (e.g., France, Italy) and Japan seem to have a much less developed civic orientation. In sum, “country of residence” appears to be “an important predictor of voluntary asso- ciation joining” (Curtis, Grab, and Baer Many scholars attribute this variation in civic involvement to the different value sys- tems internalized by members of each soci- ety (Almond and Verba 1963; Inglehart 1997). Final explanations often recognize that these value systems may be rooted in larger institutional and ideological struc- tures. These explanations usually emphasize how such structures are mediated at the in- dividual level to produce particular attitudes and behaviors (e.g. “post-materialist val- Direct all correspondence to Marion Fourcade- Gourinchas, Department of Sociology, Princeton University, Princeton NJ, 08540 (fourcade@ princeton.edu) or Evan Schofer (schofer@soc. umn.edu). The authors contributed equally to this research. A version of this paper was presented “wish to” at the 1999 annual meeting of the American So- not added. ciological Association. The authors thank Ron Wordy. Jepperson for extremely valuable insights and Just go advice, as well as Frank Dobbin, Marshall Ganz, ahead and Joe Galaskiewicz, Kieran Healy, Ann Hironaka, do the Michele Lamont, John W. Meyer, Kimberly Mor- thanking! gan, Virag Molnar, Francisco O. Ramirez, Abigail Saguy, Theda Skocpol, Dietlind Stolle, and the members of the Stanford Comparative Workshop. We also thank the ASR Editors and Avoid anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments using the and suggestions. word American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (December:806–xx) “very.”

MISAGH PARSA, States, Ideologies, and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua and the Philippines (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Pp. 336. $54.95 cloth, $19.95 paper.

Over the past several decades, many scholars have attempted to develop a general theory explaining the causes and consequences of revolution. Some of the most notable of these scholars are Crane Brinton, Barrington Moore, Theda Skocpol, and Jack Goldstone. Their theories—as well as those of others—continue to be actively debated even though they were published many years, or even decades, ago.

Taking Stock: American Government in the Twentieth Century

Foreword Michael J. Lacey 1. Introduction Morton Keller Part I. Trade and Tariff Policy: 2. Trade policy in historical perspective Morton Keller 3. The triumph of liberal trade David Vogel Part II. Immigrants and Aliens: 4. The progressive state and the legacy of collective immigrant identities Reed Ueda 5. The racialization of immigration policy Peter Skerry Part III. Conservation and Environmentalism: 6. The many faces of conservation: natural resources and the American state, 1900-1940 Donald J. Pisani 7. Risky business: government and the environment after earth day R. Shep Melnick Part IV. Civil Rights: 8. Since 1964: the paradox of American Civil Rights regulation Hugh Davis Graham 9. You win some, you lose some: explaining patterns of success and failure in the second reconstruction Jennifer L. Hochschild Part V. Social Welfare: 10. From beginning to end: has twentieth-century US social policy come full circle? Theda Skocpol 11. Conclusion: governing more but enjoying it less R. Shep Melnick.

Which historical sociology? A Response to Stephen Hobden's ’Theorising the International System‘

In a recent article in the Review of International Studies, Stephen Hobden does a great service by initiating a critical evaluation of the potential for historical sociology in international relations theory. Hobden considers seminal studies by Michael Mann, Theda Skocpol, Charles Tilly, and Immanuel Wallerstein, and concludes that each is inadequate for building an historical sociology of the international system. Articles such as Hobden's are particularly important in international relations, where many major theories are dependent upon the assumptions and methods of other disciplines. From time to time, we need to ask, in a comparative manner, just how useful such methods and assumptions really are.

Civic Engagement in American Democracy. Edited by Theda Skocpol and Morris P. Fiorina. Washington, DC: Brookings, 1999. 528p. $52.95 cloth, $19.95 paper.

Concern about the health of civic life in the United States has generated academic debate, journalist commentaries, several study commissions, and publications by the score. Is civil society in decline, or is it reinventing itself? That is the question addressed from a variety of perspectives by the sociologists and political scientists who contributed to this volume. The chapters, initially prepared for presentation at a conference in September 1997, examine issues at the center of the debate from several theoretical perspectives. The editors organize the contributions under three headings: the roots of civic engagement, civic life in a changing society, and the ironies of contemporary activism.

Civic Engagement in American Democracy. Edited by Theda Skocpol and Morris Fiorina. Washington and New York: Brookings Institution Press and Russell Sage Foundation, 1999. Pp. x+528. $49.95 (cloth); $19.95 (paper).

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewCivic Engagement in American Democracy. Edited by Theda Skocpol and Morris Fiorina. Washington and New York: Brookings Institution Press and Russell Sage Foundation, 1999. Pp. x+528. $49.95 (cloth); $19.95 (paper).David PlotkeDavid PlotkeNew School University Search for more articles by this author New School UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 106, Number 4January 2001 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/320305 Views: 61Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref Permission to reprint a book review printed in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Dirk Helbing Why We Need Democracy 2.0 and Capitalism 2.0 to Survive, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2016).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2769633Kelly B. Campbell Nobody Said it Was Easy, Administration & Society 37, no.55 (Nov 2005): 636–648.https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399705281286

Analytic Narratives Revisited

We welcome the animated debate raised by Analytic Narratives concerning social scientific methods and the scope of rational choice. Advocates of mathematical and rational models have long claimed they have much to tell us about situations where behavior can be quantified or where the situation under study recurs many times. However, it was thought impermissible for rational choice theories (and rational choice) to venture into the analysis of big events. Political scientists like Gary King, Robert Keohane, and Sidney Verba (1994) implicitly conceded the issue by concentrating on the problem of case selection when the number of cases is small but greater than one. We believe unique events are too important to leave aside, and we use rational choice, particularly game theory, as a means to study unique events. A symposium on AN is a difficult exercise. The writing of analytic narratives is still in its infancy, and the topics and aims of the volume range across disciplines and over more than a millennium. The commentaries by Daniel Carpenter, Sunita Parikh, and Theda Skocpol reflect a patience and openness that we can only applaud. Overall they agree on the merits of the enterprise but debate the nature, relevance, and extensiveness of our contribution. The question that we must therefore confront is not whether to craft analytic narratives but what constitute the standards for research in this vein. Our critics perceptively indict us for a number of misdemeanors and perhaps even a few felonies. To most of Carpenter’s, Parikh’s, and Skocpol’s charges we plead guilty with honor. Rather than responding to each of their criticisms individually we recognize that they fundamentally concern four issues: (1) Does AN actually deliver what the introduction promises? (2) Where is the narrative? (3) Where is the analytical method? (4) How do we transform an approach to problems into a research area in social science?

Governmental policy preferences and foreign capital allocation: The case of China

This paper compares the determination of foreign direct investment and World Bank loans in China, with a focus on the role of its government. The statistical analysis reveals that World Bank loans responded sensitively to the major regional policy changes since the mid-1990s, but foreign direct investment did not. These findings pose an analytic challenge to the “strong” version of the state-centered approaches to the politics of economic development represented by the developmental state literature. However, they lend support for a “weak” version of the state-centered approaches developed by American political scientists Stephen Krasner and Theda Skocpol.

Bearing The Risks Taken By Others: The Role Of America's Middle Class

Bearing The Risks Taken By Others: The Role Of America's Middle Class

The missing middle: working families and the future of American social policy

In her look at how America's social policy has been hijacked by a rhetoric of extremes, Theda Skocpol examines a problem also pertinent to European government. Politicians and advocates argue over programmes for the very poor or tax cuts for the very rich, worrying over the costs of providing for the elderly and pushing programmes that help children without helping their parents. With the spolight on the youngest, the oldest, the richest and the poorest, rarely do we find policies concerned with the people in what Skocpol calls the - the average working parents of modest means on whom society depends. Skocpol draws us into the history of the startling trend and reveals the polarised and fragmented debates that dominate public life today. Taking lessons from the most successful social efforts in the past, she identifies ways the missing middle can reclaim social policy and offers new goals for democracy in the 21st century.

Jane Addams and the Ward Boss Revisited: Class, Politics, and Public Health in Chicago, 1890–1930

Despite repeated obituaries that proclaim that the study of bosses and reformers has reached a dead end, troubling questions about power and class in the city persist. Scholars have long complained about the failure of the new social history incorporate politics as a causal factor in its mode of analysis. In a series of essays, Terrence J. McDonald offers not only the most comprehensive indictment of this problem but also the most compelling recent appeal to bring the state back in. Echoing previous critics, McDonald charges that politics has been marginalized in American scholarship, turning it into a static backdrop against which seemingly more important processes of ethnocultural strife and class formation were played out. Even the work of those such as Theda Skocpol and Ira Katznelson who have taken politics seriously is contaminated because it focuses too narrowly on pluralism, patronage, and machine rule. The burden of urban history, he proposes, rests upon the restoration of agency government and ideology in the making of modern society. Our conceptualization of politics must undergo a transformation analogous E. P. Thompson's reformulation of class from a static category into a dynamic process.' If postwar scholarship tended restrict the study of urban politics within tight channels, the adoption of environmental perspectives can go a long way toward opening broad areas of the public sector for historical investigation. A closer look at the political formation of urban space will more fully expose the interplay among class, power, and government. One of the most distinguishing features of the industrial city was its tendency sort itself out into specialized land uses and residential districts. Historians have asked few questions about the role of City Hall and partisan politics in drawing the boundaries of these landscapes of social segregation and exclusion. To what extent was the public sector responsible for horrible slums such as the one Jane Addams entered on the Near West Side of Chicago in the late i88os? As she came understand, the environmental concerns of the working classes were pragmatically concentrated on their immediate surroundings: the home,

Democracy Revolution, and History. Edited by Theda Skocpol with the assistance of George Ross, Tony Smith, and Judith Eisenberg Vichniac. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999. Pp. x, 273. $39.95.

Modern Europe - Democracy, Revolution, and History. Edited by Theda Skocpol with the assitance of George Ross, Tony Smith, and Judith Eisenberg Vichnia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 1999. Pp.273. $39.95. - Volume 60 Issue 1

Modern Europe - Democracy, Revolution, and History. Edited by Theda Skocpol with the assitance of George Ross, Tony Smith, and Judith Eisenberg Vichnia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 1999. Pp.273. $39.95.

Modern Europe - Democracy, Revolution, and History. Edited by Theda Skocpol with the assitance of George Ross, Tony Smith, and Judith Eisenberg Vichnia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 1999. Pp.273. $39.95.

Modernization, Democracy, and Morality: The Work of Barrington Moore, Jr.

This review considers three recent works from Barrington Moore, Jr.'s illustrious career. Moral Aspects of Economic Growth is a collection of essays that are generally concerned with, but not limited to, the problem of morality and markets. Moral Purity and Persecution in History is aptly titled, as it considers the problem of moral purity among the ancient He brews, in prerevolutionary France, during the French Revolution, and in Asian traditions. Democracy, Revolution and History is a Festschrift edited by Theda Skocpol in which a collection of outstanding scholars evaluate and extend Moore's most important work, The Social Origins of Dictator ship and Democracy.1 In this review, I will try to place Moore in the history of social thought, and interpret and assess his contribution to our understanding of the rise and meaning of modernity. Barrington Moore may not have the impact of Max Weber or Karl Marx, but he nonetheless made a rare contribution to the tradition they represent. The two books by Moore under review here often remind this reader of Max Weber. Moore is sometimes in dialogue with Weber, as when he rejects Weber's ascetic image of early capitalists and sometimes makes use of Weber's methods or ideas, as when he crafts an ideal type. Like Weber, Moore explores the nexus between economics, institutions, and ideas and has little use for mono-causality or teleology. The most striking resemblance, though, is the breadth of history and geography Bar rington Moore can cite. Moore may not call on ancient Egypt quite as often as Weber?he himself cites the omission of Islam as a weakness of Moral Purity and Persecution in History?nonetheless, his comparative history draws on China, India, ancient Hebrew traditions, and medieval and modern Europe. And like Weber again, Moore's comparative history leads to the present. Stalin, Mao, Gorbachev, Reagan, and Thatcher are also present.

Conjuncture, Comparison, and Conditional Theory in Macrosocial Inquiry

Recent debates on comparative historical method have focused on three issues: (1) narrative and conjuncture, (2) the logic of comparison, and (3) the limits of theoretical generalization. The present article attempts to resolve some of the issues raised in these debates by developing a distinction between universal and historically conditional theory through a contrast between work by such leaders of the revived comparative historical tradition as Charles Tilly, Theda Skocpol, and Immanuel Wallerstein and selected works by second‐generation comparative historical sociologists. The conditional theories of the second generation incorporate narrative and conjunctural temporality, theory‐driven comparison, and historically conditional generalization that were not emphasized in the universalizing theories and comparisons of the first generation.

Classifying Books and Knowledge-In the Stores and on the Web

judith_blau@Ounc. edu one hand, and between sociology and history, on the other. I thought it was not a disservice to suggest that confused buyers could run a check on the departmental affiliation of the author. If a background search produced nothing, then buyers should think of sociologists of culture, such as Joshua Gamson, in contrast to cultural studies types, as scholars who offered empirically rich arguments on the forces responsible for shaping the production or use of cultural goods and that, unlike many historians, we were concerned with contemporary problems of power (citing Charles Perrow's works) and inequality (such as Debra Minkoffbs book). Before the conversation closed, the Barnes and Noble staff promised to move, among othS ers, Steven Seidman and Richard Sennett out of cultural studies; to share William Julius Wilson and Theda Skocpol between sociology and othS er fields; and to expand our display cases. We were given four sections, each seven shelves tall and over three feet across, along the center wall where we were, if not imposing, then certainly highly visible. Cultural studies, our nemesis, was reduced to three sections next to us. From our discussion it seemed that the probS lem with cultural studies' driving out sociology e hand, and betw en sociology and history, on sections was not determined primarily by sales figures. Although the critical edge and brilliant Routledgesque covers of many works in cultural studies made them appealing to students and postmodern urban villagers who frequent book stores, sales were not the only factor at play. At Barnes and Noble our titles were selling as well as most academic books. Rather, the problem came from management's use of national corpoS rate models. The department's allies in the effort to rebuild sociology's sections were those referenceS desk staff and book buyers with advanced degrees who were eager to exercise more control over their local work practices. We were able to use our professional authority to stimulate the local staff to act on our behalf at a point when management was willing to please its new conS stituency. So, contrary to conventional wisdom, it was not the small book shop that was most responsive to our pleas, but the corporate orgaS nization with a sufficiently large personnel strucS ture to provide us with the intermediate actors who would embrace our efforts to revise manS agement's plans.

Comment: Volunteering and Community Service

STEVEN RATHGEB SMITH [*] I INTRODUCTION Today, the subject of volunteering and community service is at the heart of contemporary debate among scholars, policymakers, and practitioners on the future of American social policy. This debate is framed, in part, by the language of decline and presents voluntarism as a remedy. For example, many scholars suggest that the capacity of local communities to solve their own problems has been undermined by the growth of the federal government and the professionalization of public services. [1] To reverse this slide, many scholars and policymakers are calling for an increased reliance on community volunteers and largely volunteer, religious organizations to provide service. More voluntarism, in short, will help American society. Robert Putnam argues persuasively for more voluntarism for another reason. [2] He observes that participation in groups and associations such as the Kiwanis Club, the Girl Scouts, and bowling leagues has fallen significantly in the post-war era. In his view, organizations with a high degree of interpersonal contact are critical to building a vibrant civil society. Thus, more voluntarism, especially in organizations where a person can build a long-term relationship with others in the community, should be very beneficial for society as a whole. Voluntarism can create social capital--that is, social networks of trust and cooperation--that can then promote greater political involvement and citizen participation in public affairs. The civic infrastructure, broadly defined, will be stronger. Other scholars supportive of voluntarism worry about threats to individual liberties and freedoms associated with the growth of the state. This perspective has a long tradition in the United States. Alexis de Tocqueville, writing in the 1830s, was particularly impressed with the penchant of Americans to join associations, which he regarded as essential to political pluralism and, relatedly, critical bulwarks against state repression and tyranny. [3] More recently, Peter Berger and Richard Neuhaus echoed this theme in their 1977 book. [4] They argue that voluntary associations are important laboratories of innovation and help sustain the expression of the rich pluralism of American [5] They worry that America is headed in the direction of pluralism and reduced liberty due to the weakening of associations by the state. [6] Other scholars worry about a decline in participation in public affairs that threatens democracy and the accountability of government to its citizens. Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry Brady, in 1995, noted a marked drop in political participation, especially among lower-income individuals, producing a growing inequality in political participation. [7] Theda Skocpol worries that much of the growth in political organizations in recent years has been in advocacy organizations with few members who actually participate in the affairs of the organization. [8] For example, advocacy organizations such as the Sierra Club and National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) are primarily staff-driven organizations where the only involvement of the members is to send money. There is little of the face-to-face interaction characteristic of associations such as the Parent Teacher Association (PTA) or the Junior League. Skocpol argues that we need to recreate the broad cross-class alliances and as sociations typical of earlier eras in American politics, although she is doubtful of any immediate turnaround. [9] II BACKGROUND The solution to the problems of political participation, in the view of Benjamin Barber, is a variety of measures designed to involve citizens more directly in public life. [10] One key aspect of his reform agenda is national community service. Through participation in associations, individuals will develop a keener appreciation for civic affairs and understand more completely their obligations to participate in the political process. …

The Dual Agenda: Race and Social Welfare Policies of Civil Rights Organizations.

What is the role of race in social policy? Have race-based programmes failed? Should welfare and civil rights be blind to colour? In this landmark book, two leading scholars challenge critics like William Julius Wilson and Theda Skocpol who seek to replace a race-specific agenda for African-Americans with class-neutral programmes. Dona Cooper Hamilton and Charles V. Hamilton transform our understanding of the history of civil rights. From the New Deal to the 1990s, they demonstrate the many ways in which the civil rights movement fought not only to end racial segregation and discrimination but also to support social and economic justice for all Americans. Drawing on an unprecedented range of data, the Hamiltons describe the complex connections between race and class that have marked American social reform since the beginning of the welfare state. They reveal an aspect of the civil rights struggle which has been too long overlooked or obscured - one that has fought for policies to expand social and economic welfare for blacks and whites alike. From the NRA and WPA to the Great Society and the War on Poverty, from the NAACP, National Urban League and the Congressional Black Caucus to A. Philip Randolph, Marian Wright Edelman and the Children's Defense Fund and many others, the Hamiltons chart the changing strategies and describe the often fierce battles that civil rights groups fought over this dual agenda. Decade by decade, they demonstrate how the movement for African-American civil rights has always included economic and social welfare reform for everyone. The Dual Agenda is not only an indispensable new history of modern America, it is also a powerful critique of conventional wisdom of the left and right about the supposed failure of civil rights organizations to pay attention to universal social welfare policies. At a time of severe political retrenchment, either from the Republican right or the Democratic centre, the Hamiltons remind us, as the nation grapples with a major new welfare reform law, that the African-American struggle for civil rights has always been bound to the American ideal of equality and security for all.