Territorial Interests Research Articles

You do what you have to do? Salience and territorial interest representation in EU environmental affairs

Although the determinants of territorial mobilization at the level of the European Union (EU) have been examined since the 1990s, the analysis of the interaction between regional and state interest representation has been rather neglected. This article focuses on a single policy area – environmental affairs – in order to evaluate the impact of policy-specific preference intensity (salience) on state–region relationships in Brussels. Using original survey data, I demonstrate that greater salience tends to increase cooperative interest representation and to decrease state-bypassing interest representation. This finding shows how important salience configurations are in the strategic interactions between state and non-state players in the EU arena.

Governing the Metropolis: Towards Kinder, Gentler Democracies

Based on a review of experiences in Lyons, Stuttgart and London, this article reflects upon the implications of metropolitanisation for democracy. It examines the institutional set-up of metropolitan authorities, the election procedures of representatives as well as dynamics of decision-making within them. In spite of contrasted institutional settings, political logics and territorial interest representation are present in policy-making at the metropolitan level to a strikingly similar extent. This results in power-sharing strategies among the major political forces and a move away from majoritarian towards more consensual patterns of decision-making.

Revendicările României privind Transilvania, Banatul şi Bucovina în perioada neutralităţii (1915). Mărturii documentare franceze şi româneşti / The revendications of Romania regarding Transylvania, Banat and Bucovina during the period of neutrality (1915). French and Romanian documentary evidences.

! is study deals with the negotiations between Romanian governement and Romanian diplomats on one hand and the diplomacy of the Entente on the other hand in the year 1915, during Romanian neutrality in the First World Confl agration. In fact, we attempted to underscore the the discussions between Romanian government and the French and Russian authorities on the topic of the Romanian rights regarding Romanian territories under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. As a result of these negotiations the Entente had to acknowledge the Romanian rights on Transylvania, Banat, Bucovina and Maramureş. ! e hard diplomatic eff orts of the Romanian men of state were designed to obtain the borders considered as essential in order to secure the protection of the country.At the very beginning the negotiations were very diffi cult because the Entente refused to agree all claims of the cabinet from Bucharest. ! e discussions became even more diffi cult because Romania had to deal directly with the Russians. ! e authorities from Petrograd hardly accepted teh Romanian wishes. ! e Governement leaded by Ion I. C. Brătianu insisted that Russia should admit the settlement of the Romanian border on Prut river. ! e President of the Romanian Council of ministers believed that the natural borders were better and, of course, more suitable than the conventional borders. First, Petrograd agreed the settlement of the frontier on Siret river. But in the end, due to the eff orts of the Romanian diplomacy and to friendly attitude of the Quai d’Orsay and of the Government from Paris, the Russians had to approve the Romanian claim during the summer of 1915.In Transylvania and Banat, Brătianu’s government intended to settle as frontiers the rivers Tisa and respectively Danube. Romania’s wish was to receive all the region of the Banat of Timișoara. Initially, agreed that Romania should obtain only a part of Torontal district. The rest of this zone was to be given to Serbia. Later, the French and Russian governments approved the cession of the whole district to Romania.Finaly, France and Russia consented to give to Romania all the region of Banat. So they answered gradually to the Romanian claims. Thus, the two parts, the Entente and Romania reached a modus vivendi after a long diplomatic activity.Analysing the evolution of the events, we must also underscore the important role of the French diplomacy. Many times, the French helped Romania to receive from Russia all that Brătianu and his ministers asked for. So, sometimes the French diplomats acted as genuine defenders of the national and territorial Romanian interests.

Балканы, Германия и Австро-Венгрия накануне и в годы мировой войны в эстонской национальной историографии межвоенного периода

The article gives an overview of approaches that has been developed in interwar Estonian historiography of world affairs in the Balkans on the eve and during WWI. In that time the progress in the researchers of world history has been noticed in Estonian national historical science. Despite scarcity in their number and predominance among them of those who has been making only first steps in science, or so-called „beginners”, Estonian scholars have displayed certain achievements in this field. Young Estonian authors have focused their efforts on studies of German foreign policy combinations, internal weakness of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, strengthening of the national movements in Dual Monarchy and particular territorial interests of Great Powers. So-called young generation of the scholars has been influenced on the side of their elder „mentors”, specialists in world history, have defined Balkans as the fulcrum of WWI. The preponderance of German factor in their writings should be explained with the fact that Germany has been playing strong and active role in many spheres of Estonian life for a long time span. In some ways, it affected also sociological approach to analysis of world affairs. Both young and elder Estonian historians shared of socially oriented ideas of independent nationhood, which served as basic principal of their explanations of the international events and which has been seriously influenced by Estonia’s domestic situation.

Greenland at the Crossroads

At the end of March 2010, a domestic political event suddenly made Greenland a hot topic in Danish current affairs: Lene Espersen, the leader of the Conservative People's party and the new minister of foreign affairs, decided not to attend the meeting of the foreign ministers of five circumpolar countries (Canada, Denmark/ Greenland, United States, Norway, and Russia) to be held on March 29 in Chelsea, Quebec. The reason given by the minister - a long-planned family holiday on Majorca - provoked a flood of vehement criticism that seriously undermined her credibility. Although she had just been appointed the previous month and was a neophyte in foreign affairs, Espersen did not judge it necessary to meet the likes of Hillary Clinton. Another meeting was to be held a bit later in any event, she explained, and only an overview was on the agenda for this one. In the end, Lars Barfoed, the Danish minister of justice, stood in for her at the meeting (and very competently, it should be noted).The most insightful commentators on this affair (in Greenland and elsewhere) pointed out that Danish public opinion was far more interested in the minister's cavalier approach than the substantive political issues. Indeed, this headline-grabbing episode speaks volumes about the average Dane's lack of interest in the far-flung autonomous territory. This was not, however, the case for the preceding minister of foreign affairs, Per Stig M0Uer, also a Conservative People's party member, who had been a pular of the successive centre-right governments since the 2001 changeover of power. M0Uer was the moving force behind the 2008 Ilulissat declaration, to which I wul return later in this article. M0Uer's announcement, made prior to the February 2010 ministerial shuffle, that he planned to attend the Chelsea meeting did not stop Espersen from sloughing off that professional obligation. This les s -than- glorious episode was an unfortunate one for the government of Lars Ijztkke Rasmussen, which, already damaged by the fauure of the 2009 UN climate-change conference in Copenhagen, was in any event markedly less popular than that of his predecessor, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who was prime minister from 2001 until his April 2009 designation as secretary-general of NATO.The crisis of confidence sparked by Espersen in the spring of 2010 has continued to deepen. Alarming poUs published at the end of the year showed that support for her Conservative party had been effectively cut in half and was sitting around the four- or five-percent level. Because her own popularity had dropped to its lowest level, Espersen stepped down as president of the party in January 2011. She did however retain the portfolio of minister of foreign affairs and in this capacity she received her Arctic Council colleagues and the representatives of the indigenous populations at Nuuk on 12 May 2011. During this official meeting Sweden succeeded Denmark as the chair of this international body for a two-year term. In an apparent effort to counter the strong criticism endured by Espersen the previous year, Clinton heaped praise on her Danish coUeague during the summit's closing press conference.1 Although this eloquent defence was duly noted by the press, the overall critical attitude towards the Danish foreign minister remained unchanged.It is interesting to compare the relative importance accorded to polar questions by the two Scandinavian countries bordering on the Arctic Ocean, Norway and Denmark.2 In his 2008 book  Gjere en Forskjell (Making a Difference), Norway's current foreign minister, Jonas Gahr StOTe, set out the key points of his intended foreign policy. It is striking to note that one of the first two chapters of this book is entirely devoted to the Arctic and the final chapter stresses the critical importance of Norway's most northerly regions. StOTe clearly believes that his country should give this issue the highest priority. Although Store's then-counterpart in Denmark, Per Stig M0ller, did not write a similar book, he did analyze Denmark's foreign policy that same year in the context of a research seminar. …

China's Naval Rise and the South China Sea: An Operational Assessment

Over the last fifteen years, the steady rise of China's naval capabilities has received a level of attention unmatched since the Soviet navy's expansion following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet much of that attention has focused on what that rise has meant for Taiwan's security or a possible contest with the United States. 1 1 Douglas C. Peifer, “China, the German Analogy, and the New AirSea Operational Concept,” Orbis, Winter 2011, pp. 114–131; Richard D. Fisher, Jr., China's Military Modernization: Building for Regional and Global Reach (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008), pp. 213–251; John Wilson Lewis and Zue Litai, Imagined Enemies: China Prepares for Uncertain War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 247–280; George W. Baer, One Hundred Years of Sea Power: The U.S. Navy, 1890-1990 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994), pp. 367–417. But Beijing's seaward territorial concerns also reach far into the South China Sea. And it is there that the military balance has most swiftly swung in China's favor as a result of its modernization program. This article will examine not only how the military balance has shifted, but also what Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam and the Philippines, could do to best preserve their territorial interests in response to that shift.

Selection of Arterial Input Function for Postprocessing of Cerebral CT Perfusion in Chronic Unilateral High-grade Stenosis or Occlusion of the Carotid or Middle Cerebral Artery

We evaluated the effect of the arterial input function (AIF) on computed tomography perfusion (CTP) in patients with unilateral high-grade stenosis or occlusion in the carotid artery or middle cerebral artery without acute stroke. CTP datasets were retrospectively postprocessed using the same venous output function and different AIF selections: the second segment of the anterior cerebral artery (A2 AIF), the second segment of the middle cerebral artery (MCA) on the lesion side (affected M2 AIF), and M2 on the contralateral side (nonaffected M2 AIF). We measured CTP values in the region of interest (ROI) in the bilateral MCA territory and evaluated the lesion-to-contralateral ratios. The mean and standard deviations of cerebral blood flow (CBF) on the normal side were similar to previously reported data only when using "non-affected M2 AIF." Selecting an "affected M2 AIF" overestimated the CBF and shortened the mean transit time (MTT) in normal and lesion areas. Selecting an "A2 AIF" may cause overestimation of CBF in the normal side in patients with nonaffected-side A1 hypoplasia or occlusion. The sensitivity of the CBF ratio or MTT ratio to detect these unilateral cerebrovascular diseases was 100% using "nonaffected M2 AIF for bilateral MCA ROIs" and 70% (CBF ratio) and 90% (MTT ratio) using "respective AIF." The use of "nonaffected AIF for the bilateral MCA ROIs" was found to be the best of these AIF-ROI combinations in patients with chronic unilateral carotid or M1 severe stenosis or occlusion.

Film Geopolitics in Practice: Marketing The Miracle of Bern

This essay demonstrates how critical geopolitics of film can benefit from attention to behind-the-scenes practices in films' lives by examining “territorial appeals”: invocations of territorial interest or identity to justify a project or win support for a position. By tracing marketing strategies in the emergence of The Miracle of Bern, a 2003 film that celebrates West Germany's World Cup football victory over Hungary in 1954, the essay shows opportunities and limitations of territorial appeals to win production funds, find distributors, and shape discourse at home and abroad. This study of negotiations among a variety of actors and institutions reveals how marketing – in all its forms – is on the “front lines” of national identity construction and perception.

Whither a Europe of the (English) regions? Reflections on the prospects for the representation of English territorial interests in Europe

This article considers the prospects for the maintenance of a European ‘capacity to act’ by UK sub-state authorities in light of the rescaling of the institutions tasked with fostering local and regional development in England. It considers the formalization and greater resourcing of European regional policy following the Single European Act of 1986 and the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the discourse of a ‘Europe of the Regions’. It then moves on to examine sub-national capacities through developments such as the creation of ‘Brussels Offices’ to represent the interests of sub-national agencies in the European Union policy-making process. It concludes with an examination of the scaling back of European representation for English regions and a suggestion that any accompanying reduction in influence may in time be regretted.

Strategie di sviluppo del settore ittico in un'importante marineria calabrese

The fishing sector in Calabria presents specific problematics according to the environmental and socio-economic differences of the various maritime compartments. Bagnara Calabra, in the Costa Viola area, plays an important role in terms of consistency of fisheries structures and professionals involved, with particular reference to catch swordfish. The aim of this study is the definition of an integrated development plan (idp) for the fishing sector of the area conducted through an interdisciplinary research. The idp, through specific analysis and with the involvement of local stakeholders, identifies possible lines of action in view of public funding sources provided at the regional level, particularly those related to eu Structural Funds. The idp includes different measures and interventions for structures and services, promoting a first integration process of the territorial interests and creating a synergy between public and private actors. The study promotes the development and diversification of the fishery activities in the area, and considers the possibility of establishing a fish production district in the Costa Viola area. Furthermore, the methodology outlines a process of territorial animation and sensibilization that could integrate the analysis already done and facilitate the definition of a broader Local Development Plan for the area carried out by a specific Coastal Action Group (cag), the public/private socio-economic partnerships introduced in the Fourth Axis of the European Fund for Fisheries in order to extend the Leader Initiative in fisheries and coastal management.

Territorial and Functional Interest Representation in EU Governance

This special issue starts from the assumption that, in contrast to the mainstream view, a convergence can be detected in strategies of interest representation across different actor types of functional and territorial interests, despite differences which remain. The question is posed here as to whether a European model of interest representation in European governance is detectable across categories of actors? It is assumed that the convergence over actor characteristics is due to the main characteristics of the European Union as an interactive and communicative system of multi-level governance which provides a special political opportunity structure to the different actors. The contributions of the issue compare territorial and functional interest representation regarding actor types, national embeddedness, policy field, and resources (financial and human resources, competences, capacity to act, learn and interact) with respect to the emergence of a highly complex European model of interest representation with cross-sectoral, intersectoral, and some intrasectoral, characteristics.

Lobbying via Consultation — Territorial and Functional Interests in the Commission’s Consultation Regime

Starting off with a short introduction to the current Commission’s consultation regime the paper analyses participation of various actors in different consultation instruments of Directorate General Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities and Directorate General Health and Consumers based on quantitative data. Analyzing participation patterns of different groups of actors, we explain differences in participation patterns recurring to actor’s resources and the properties of the instrument as a means to effectively advocate positions. In particular, we test whether the new consultation instruments, designed to counter-balance the dominance of specific groups and professional lobbyists, meet their intended purpose in that they effectively reach out and include new, additional sets of actors. Our results indicate a spill-over between consultation and lobbying and underline the different roles attributed to different actors such as functional and territorial interest representatives in the Commission’s consultation regime.

Strategies of Territorial and Functional Interests: Towards a Model of European Interest Intermediation?

Research on interest representation in EU governance has addressed different kinds of actors in somewhat different and independent discourses. This contribution will start from the specific requirements is demanding as well as opportunities the European multi-level system is offering to territorial and functional interest representation. The main question will be whether differentiations or similarities can be found in the comparison of functional and territorial interest representation. The contribution will elaborate on this question in the following section and assume that there are more similarities than differences within the use of strategies by territorial and functional interests. The contribution elaborates two explanations for the similarities and differences found. Empirical evidence is given in the second part of the contribution. It will be shown that we even find convergence within territorial and functional interest intermediation and how actors have learned from each other. In addition it will be revealed that other factors than the type of interest are responsible for persistent differences. A third short chapter points out that both types of interests work with complementary strategies to succeed within the European multi-level system. All in all, the contribution will speculate about whether it is possible to identify certain elements of a European model of interest intermediation across the different actor categories.

Growing Together? Land Rights and the Northern Territory Intervention

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term coalition comes from the Latin coalescere or ‘coalesce’, meaning “come or bring together to form one mass or whole”. Coalesce refers to the unity affirmed as something grows: co – “together”, alesce – “to grow up”. While coalition is commonly associated with formalised alliances and political strategy in the name of self-interest and common goals, this paper will draw as well on the broader etymological understanding of coalition as “growing together” in order to discuss the Australian government’s recent changes to land rights legislation, the 2007 Emergency Intervention into the Northern Territory, and its decision to use Indigenous land in the Northern Territory as a dumping ground for nuclear waste.

The Scramble for the Arctic: The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and Extending National Seabed Claims

This paper reviews the codification of the international standard for the exploitation of the continental shelf, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The “Law of the Sea” convention or treaty, this agreement entered into force in 1994 yet still has not been ratified by the United States, despite mounting pressure to do so. Because of shifting climate conditions in the Arctic, new technologies for oil extraction, and increasing international demand that makes expensive extraction more viable, there has recently emerged a new “Scramble for the Arctic” as a USGS survey suggests that up to 13% of the world’s undiscovered oil and 30% of its gas remain beneath the seabed. We examine the current state of the Treaty in the United States, as well as the international challenges to US territorial interests in the context of seabed claims made by Russia, Canada, Denmark, and Norway. As early adopters of UNCLOS have until May 2009 to submit claims and the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf rules on claims for extended territorial waters, the dispute is only likely to heat up. The resolution of the Arctic Scramble also holds a precedent setting promise, as there is a similar pending crisis in Antarctica. Will the involved nations observe the rule of international law, or will this be a 21st century neo-imperial echo to the Scramble for Africa?

Scales and networks of neoliberal climate governance: the regulatory and territorial logics of European Union emissions trading

The growing influence of neoliberal approaches to environmental governance has significantly increased the involvement of industry non‐state actors in international and national climate governance. However, the implications of this neoliberalisation and hybridisation of climate governance, and particularly state–industry relations during these processes, remain under‐integrated with wider geographical debates on the scalar and network politics of environmental governance. In this paper, we probe these issues by examining the regulatory and territorial logics underpinning the negotiation and implementation of the European Union emissions trading scheme (EU ETS). We argue that overlapping interpretations of the regulatory logic of emissions trading (as a cost‐effective means of meeting climate objectives) by EU, state and industry actors provided the driving force for the creation of a Europeanised climate governance space and the consolidation of the EU’s governing authority in respect of the formal rule‐making elements of the EU ETS. However, alliances between state and industry actors, based around intersecting interpretations of their territorial interests in relation to emissions trading, strongly influenced the scheme’s design. Moreover, speculative behaviour within the EU ETS market indicates the continued ability of market networks to disrupt territorially‐based climate governance regimes. We argue that critical exploration of the territorial logics and practices of EU emissions trading from regime creation to operation provides new insights into the emerging spatial politics of neoliberal environmental governance and its implications for climate protection.

Molière: Reasoning with Fools by Michael Hawcroft

568 Reviews Lestrange argues thatAnne de Bretagne's patronage was directed at both territorial interest and supporting her daughters. Antoinette de Bourbon's tomb forher hus band as a statement of theGuise family's religious priorities is the subject of the essay by Jessica Munns and Penny Richards. For Dora Polachek, the role of theGuise women in supporting religious polemics depended on proper gender behaviour, but gender conformitymade these effortsalmost invisible to latergenerations. In contrast to the propensity to disappear, Catherine de' Medici was remark ably visible. No woman in Renaissance France can match her legacy as a patron. Laurent Odde argues that Catherine's architectural interestswere a precursor to monarchical staging by Louis XIV. Chantal Turbide reconstructs the now destroyed Hotel de laReine as a window into theworkings of theValois monarchy. Caroline zum Kolk demonstrates how Catherine's correspondence shaped her patronage of painting, sculpture, and architecture towards celebrating royalty. Alexandra Zvereva concentrates on Catherine's portrait patronage, supervision of royal representation, and effectson the elevation of the status of artists. Kerrie-Rue Michahelles traces Catherine's influence on future generations through her testamentary dispositions. Contemporary responses toCatherine and female patronage are explored in Sheila ffolliott's essay on Nicolas Houel. Despite promises to explore how elite patronage linked to popular ideas and arts, one must often squint to see it,but that is aminor complaint. This is a rich, varied, thought-provoking collection based on an array of archives andmethods. The essays teach us much about not only patronage but also gender dynamics, Renaissance art in its many forms,politics, and family as inflectedby the concerns of female patrons. Vanderbilt University Katherine Crawford Moliere: Reasoning with Fools. ByMichael Hawcroft. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2007. ix+235 pp. ?55. ISBN 978-0-19-922-883-6. Of the threebooks that Moliere scholars have promised themselves towrite one day, the first?the relationships ofMoliere's plays to themoraliste tradition?appeared when Pierre Force published Moliere ou leprix des choses (Paris: Nathan, 1994). The second is the object of this review: an analysis ofMoliere's raisonneurs, who are at the heart of the long-standing quarrel over Moliere homme de theatrevs. Moliere penseur. The third?a properly dramaturgical study of the complete plays?remains to be done, although Michael Hawcroft has cleared the path. Itwould be difficult to find a more pedagogically inspired book thanMoliere: Reasoning with Fools. Hawcroft tells us what the project is, how he intends to at tack it,and what the resultswill be. Subscribing to the old principle that repetitio est mater studiorum, he repeats his intentions several times, and takes the extraordinary measure of repeating the fullbibliographical information every time awork appears initially in a chapter. This might be understandable iftherewere no bibliography or index; but both are provided. Yet, these are cavils compared to the distinctive results thatflow fromHawcrofVs rhetorical approach to the five comedies where the raisonneur plays a major role: MLRy 104.2, 2009 569 Vicole des marts, VEcole desfemmes, Tartuffe,LeMisanthrope, and LeMalade ima ginaire. (Hawcroft treatsAriste of Les Femmes savantes as a would-be raisonneur.) From Bruntiere and Bray, through Peacock and Defaux, to Calder and Dandrey, among others, Hawcroft makes the point that Tt is, in part, the consistently high degree of selectivity thathas entrenched thewidely divergent views' (p. 20). For that reason, to devote an entire book to a detailed analysis of all the utterances of the raisonneurs within the structures of the comedies constitutes the only method for coming to a reasoned conclusion about their function. Hawcroft introduces us initially toAriste inVEcole des maris, who 'is the first of a series ofmale characters inMoliere's plays who try to save the comic fools from the consequences of their folly' (p. 52).Why do theymake the effort?Because all the raisonneurs aremoved by gentle motives, most often friendship. Given the didactic drive behind Hawcroft's approach, one might have expected him tohelp the readerwith references to seventeenth-century attitudes to friendship, such as those that JonathanDewald offers in his highly respected Aristocratic Experience and the Origins of Modern Culture (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1993). Carefully demonstrating thatMoliere's genius lies in presenting moral issues within farcical structures,Hawcroft show...

Designing and justifying regional reforms: lessons from Romania

This article focuses on the process of regional reform in Romania by investigating developments arising from the country's accession to the European Union (EU) and the influence of domestic central and subnational actors. It examines the way regionalisation and regional reforms are domestically perceived and justified by decision makers and the tensions that have arisen between different political and territorial interests. Finally, it considers the outcomes of the reform process and concludes that although Romania has adapted to the requirements of EU membership by adopting administrative regions, it has eschewed reforms that might threaten the authority of the central state.

The Structure of Conflict over EU Chemicals Policy

There is a lively academic debate over whether political cleavages in the European Union (EU) follow mainly territorial (national) or non-territorial (ideological) patterns. This article analyses the cleavages that structure the conflict over European chemicals policy, the so-called REACH system. Taking positions on this major policy as an empirical example, we test these competing theories on the nature of cleavages on environmental policy issues in the EU. We use data from an expert survey of more than 600 individuals to fulfil this aim. The results show that neither of the hypotheses is unequivocally supported. But the data indicate that cleavages based on non-territorial interests are much more important than territorial interests in explaining positions on REACH.

The Great Game in Antarctica: Britain and the 1959 Antarctic Treaty

This article is concerned with Britain's political and territorial interests in the Antarctic in the first half of the twentieth century, culminating in the signing of the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. Using in part the diaries of a Foreign Office advisor, Dr Brian Roberts, attention is given as to how successive British governments and their officials sustained a presence in the remote polar continent. Rival claimants in the form of Argentina and Chile made the task all the more difficult. Mapping and surveying were essential in maintaining British sovereignty even if the end results were at times disappointing. The article concludes by suggesting that the Antarctic Treaty, while important in promoting international scientific collaboration, did not manage to resolve the political and territorial disputes surrounding the Antarctic. Arguably, the 1982 Falklands War and its aftermath provided a vivid reminder that Britain's most southerly possessions still remain deeply contested.