Territorial Claims Research Articles

Diplomatic Tensions in the South China Sea: Implications for Regional Stability

Diplomatic tensions in the South China Sea have become a major concern in global geopolitical dynamics. Conflicts of interest and policy dynamics involving the coastal countries of the South China Sea have made this region always volatile at any time. This research aims to analyze the root causes of these tensions and identify possible implications for regional stability. The research method used in this research is a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The results of this research reveal that diplomatic tensions in the South China Sea have a serious impact on regional stability. Disputes related to territorial claims, Exclusive Economic Zones, and economic disputes create economic and security vulnerabilities that can harm all parties involved. Impeded multilateral cooperation also hinders efforts to resolve joint issues. In addition, social and political impacts create internal instability that can trigger riots and divisions within the government. Thoughtful handling of these tensions is necessary, involving open dialogue, intelligent diplomacy, and a strong commitment to maintaining regional stability, creating a strong foundation for sustainable peace and security in the South China Sea

1 - Towards Unpacking the Origin and Development of Eswatini (Swazi) Irredentism

This article sets out to examine the origin and development of Eswatini irredentism in southern Africa as a neglected theme in African scholarship. Eswatini irredentist disputes, albeit unresolved, have been a subject of mere peripheral allusion in southern African scholarship. The global importance of irredentism as a phenomenon in international relations since the end of the Cold War makes this study imperative. How the smallest and landlocked state on the Southern African mainland can audaciously and persistently make territorial claims against its giant South African neighbour is intriguing, paradoxical and worth investigating. The study methodology involved the use of archival documentation, newspaper articles, government gazettes, in- depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGD). This study revealed that Eswatini irredentism is ethnic nationalism par excellence and its roots were nurtured by the imperial order and South Africa before Eswatini’s independence. After independence in 1968, Eswatini irredentism blossomed on historical and ethnic foundations, and was tolerated and fanned by South Africa as a strategy of surreptitiously establishing an Eswatini Bantustan for the resettlement of ethnic Eswatini people and other blacks. The post-apartheid South African governments did a volte-face and rejected persistent Eswatini irredentist claims in toto nourished by the Sobhuza Testament.

Did China Conjure up its Narrative on the Territorial Claim on the Indian Border?

The purpose of the article is to (not test, but) explore the hypothesis that the People’s Republic of China (1949 to date), hereinafter China, conjured up its narrative on the territorial claim on the Indian border. The body of evidence put together for the purpose has been obtained mainly from the exchanges between India and China on the boundary question between the late 1950s and mid-1960s and the material in respect of the Tibet (Simla) Conference (1913–14). The exploration reaffirms preponderance of evidence that exists to conclude that China conjured up its narrative on the territorial claim on the Indian border.

What is Antarctica?

ABSTRACT Antarctica is an integral element to the study of global systems and global governance – for good reason. It offers an interesting case study of how nation-states have assembled a shared understanding of how to govern a continent and surrounding ocean that has never had an indigenous human population. The Antarctic Treaty (1959) lies at the heart of this consensus-based model of regional governance. There are rules, norms and values that underpin the resultant governance. Remarkably, nation-states accepted that territorial claims would be deferred for the duration of the Treaty and worked purposefully to find areas of agreement. Yet, Antarctica remains a contested space. It is geopolitically contested with fears that great power competition might disrupt further that consensual-based model. Beyond that, Antarctica has been capable of entertaining both complementary and rival geographical imaginaries, from being thought of as a scientific laboratory to a planetary common. Most recently, there has been a concerted attempt to think of Antarctica as an object invested with legal personality. Looking ahead, the world’s oceans, polar regions and even outer space are going to face growing scrutiny and challenge as resource worries, climate change and strategic competition makes themselves felt.

Negotiating Danish identity with(in) Copenhagen's postcolonial landscape of commemoration

The paper investigates changes to Copenhagen's landscape of commemoration concerning its former colony, the Danish West Indies (DWI), prompted by the 2017 centennial anniversary of the Islands' sale to the US. It argues that Denmark, like other European nations, navigates a postcolonial identity crisis and that the landscape of commemoration plays a significant role within it. The paper advances our understanding of postcolonial Europe's identity crisis not only by shedding light on the under-explored case of Denmark, but also by emphasizing the role of the landscape of commemoration in this crisis. In addition to demonstrating how landscapes function as ‘arenas’ for negotiating expressions of hegemonic identity and territorial claims, it argues that the commemorative landscape is pivotal in tackling the construction of ‘Europe’ as a detached, self-made entity rather than a space (re)produced through connections with other (ed) places and people. It underscores that Europe's allegedly monochromatic historical fabric is woven from diverse global threads. Re-membering Europe with the people and regions vital to its (re)production re-writes them into European history and re-locates detached Europe (with)in the world.

Indigenous Women on the Frontlines of Climate Activism

Abstract In this public address, transcribed and translated from the Portuguese, two leaders of Brazil’s pan-ethnic Indigenous rights movement, Sônia Bone Guajajara and Célia Xakriabá, describe their respective formation, their involvement in environmental and human rights struggles, and the global stakes involved in the recognition and protection of the traditional territorial claims and land-use practices of Indigenous peoples in the Brazilian Amazon and beyond.

Eastern Middle Sweden, Finland and beyond in the Late Vendel and Early Viking periods

The Scandinavian interest in the Eurasian fur trade started in the early 8th century. Contacts between the Baltic Finns and the Permian groups in the Volga-Kama-Vjatka river region was the impetus for these contacts. The trail is seen in distinct Nevolino belt fittings, chain holders with twin horse heads and glass beads emanating from the East. Scandinavian fur traders established close interaction with the Baltic Finns in what is today Finland and probably Northern Estonia increased from AD 700. Scandinavian glass beads and swords were in use in South-Western Finland in the early 8th c. Finnish A III pottery emerged in Eastern Middle Sweden already in the late 7th c., both as imports proper but also as local products made by Finnish women. In this early phase of interaction personal contacts obviously played a major role. After c. AD 860 these connections changed. The Baltic Finns expressed their cultural identity in a more exposed way. Scandinavian traders turned their attention to the expanding market based on Birka and the Rus’. From c. AD 860 territorial claims in the East were accentuated, leading to the later, bigger Rus’.

Ermənistanın Azərbaycana qarşı ərazi iddiaları və Qarabağ məsələsi regional siyasi proseslərdə (1918-ci il iyun-oktyabr)

This article deals with the territorial claims of Armenia against Azerbaijan and the diplomatic struggle among related parties after the establishment of independent states in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijani and Armenian delegations at the Istanbul conference on Armenia's territorial claims, and at the same time, details of the negotiations between the diplomatic representatives of the two countries in Tbilisi have been illustrated according to the documents of the archives of Azerbaijan and Turkey and materials from the Istanbul press in 1918. The scale of the territorial claims of Armenia and the arguments referenced by Armenians have been identified. Also, contrary arguments made by the Azerbaijani side against these allegations have been interpreted. Archival documents, notes, and statements of the parties presented on the problem were brought into scientific circulation for the first time. It was concluded that the total territory of Armenia, whose independence was declared on May 30, 1918, was only 9000 km2. This territory was also given to Armenia under a number of conditions. After the declaration of independence, Armenia made territorial claims against all states with which it has a territorial border. The total volume of Armenia's territorial claims is 43500 km2, of which 17600 km2 is directed against Turkey, 16500 km2 against Azerbaijan, and 9400 km2 against Georgia. Armenia referred to racial-national principles, Azerbaijan to ethnic-religious and geographical principles, and Georgia to historical principles to resolve disputed territorial-border issues between South Caucasus republics. The position and behavior of Armenia did not allow to resolve the disputed territorial and border issues between the South Caucasus republics.

«IT WILL BE USEFUL FOR YOU TO TAKE US TO YOUR ALLIANCE»: ABOUT AVAR-BYZANTINE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS IN 557–565 A.D.

Nomad Avar horde, which migrated to the Balkan region from Asia, soonly was included in the diplomatic system under the supremacy of Constantinople. After using territorial claims nomads on Romei lands, a short form of the institution of the supreme ruler and a small number of Avars, Roman Emperor Justinian I (527-565) signed the federative agreement with nomads. During the alliance, Avars tried to develop their independent political course. Such circumstance contradicted Eastern Rome’s interests and, in perspective, created a direct threat to the Empire. Using centuries of weakening the Byzantium on the Danube border, nomads started a series of raids against Empire allies and broke the deal with Constantinople. The diplomatic corps of nomads focused on disinforming the autocrat. As a result, it caused deterioration in relations between sides in the last years of rule of Justinian I and finally to a protracted military confrontation after the death of the Emperor, which lasted with breaks to the first third of VII cent. The main thesis of the article is the Avar-Romei political relations, which topic is considered primarily in the context of the wars. At the same time, the only basileus who succeeded in managing the long-term alliance with the future enemy of the Empire was Justinian the Great. In our opinion, the consideration of Avar-Romei political relations in this period illustrates, on the one hand, the specifics of the attitude of ‘Latin’ Byzantium to folks whose military potential it wanted to use. On the other hand, the peculiarities of the formation of another ‘steppe empire’, which by the way, turned out to be more stable in ethnic and political aspects than the Huns. Based on the messages of Romei historians in the second half of VI cent., the article recreates the terms and the precedents of concluding and further observance by the parties of the Avar-Byzantium alliance during the final period of Justinian the Great rule. The author tried to chronologically recreate the picture of the initial step of Avar-Romei relations that primarily evolved in mutually beneficial coexistence. This was primarily caused both by low numbers of Avars and insufficient formation nomads’ elites, as well as the political experience of Justinian the First. The focus is on the relations between nomad folks and Empire federates, such as Alans, Antes, and Gepids. Against the background of military-political connections of Avars with their neighbors, their first initial steps are noticeable. Analyzed factors that promoted Avars’ initial transition under Rome’s supremacy and the slow creation of their own policy course by Avar Khagan Bayan.

From Surveying to Surveillance: Maritime Cartography and Naval (Self-)Tracking in the Long Nineteenth Century

Abstract In the eighteenth century, ‘ship tracks’, lines recording vessels’ movements on charts, facilitated wayfinding, hydrographical surveys and territorial claims. During the long nineteenth century, however, their main function shifted from surveying of the marine environment to surveillance of officers’ movements and actions. Using textual and cartographical sources produced by British naval officers, this article argues that geosurveillance and the continuous visual tracking of individuals with reference to mapping systems were developed at sea, long before the aerial and digital revolutions, and independently of panoptical models. In the nineteenth century, most cartographical tracking was disciplined self-tracking, actively performed by the surveilled themselves. This required their employers (notably the state) to emphasize honour, training, conscientiousness and procedure. The Admiralty used tracks for testing performance, verifying accounts, establishing responsibilities and co-ordinating movement. Monitoring individuals through their record was the natural inverse of a pattern discussed by historians of science: data verification through authorial ‘credibility’. The two-way bond between the surveilled and their track was eventually broken in the twentieth century by technological innovations that allowed external and non-consensual geo-tracking. This changed the import of surveillance, discipline and the sea itself, no longer a space where human movement would be inevitably lost from sight.

‘서희의 외교 전략’을 통한 동북아시아 외교 문제의 해법

This study examines and applies the diplomatic strategy of Seo Hee, a renowned Goryea diplomat, in resolving Northeast Asian diplomatic challenges that remain unresolved in the 21st century. The examination focuses on Seo Hee’s diplomatic negotiations in the wake of Goryeo’s territorial dispute with the Khitans.
 Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Khitan general Xiao Sunning, leading to the acquisition of six provinces east of the Aprok River(Yalu River), may offer clues to resolving presentday diplomatic issues in Northeast Asia involving Korea. Based on the framework of Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Xiao Sunning, this study proposes solutions to conflicts over the Northern Limit Line (NLL) interpretation between South Korea and North Korea, territorial claims to Dokdo between South Korea and Japan, and the exclusive economic zone between South Korea and China.
 Furthermore, the study advocates benchmarking South Korea’s foreign policy and strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution in the current international politics in the contradiction and persuasion, terming this diplomatic strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy for the contradiction and persuasion. Two key proposals emerge from Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy: first, the importance of training and contradiction and persuasion style diplomatic experts; and second, the adoption of a pragmatic foreign policy with a win-win strategy in which the country and its diplomatic counterpart create mutually favorable outcomes together, rather than a one-sided win or loss. The study posits that South Korea’s diplomacy will make further progress with proper application of these proposals.

REZULTATELE ARHEOLOGIEI BULGARE ÎN ANII '80 AI SECOLULUI TRECUT PRIN PRISMA DEPARAMENTULUI SECURITĂŢII STATULUI DIN ROMÂNIA

The 80' are marked by a broad nationalist in historical research in Romania, a situation similar to that in Bulgaria. A large number of Romanian archaeologists have chosen to collaborate with the Department of State Security (DSS). There is a great diversity of notes made available to the DSS by them, but the ones discussed in this study draw attention to the concern of the DSS towards the results of archaeological research in Bulgaria and their use as arguments in possible future territorial claims. The case of Bulgaria is not unique in ACNSAS documents; the Hungarian archaeological research was equally focused, with the same arguments.

International Law Issues Concerning Marine Environment Protection in the Arctic

International Law Issues Concerning Marine Environment Protection in the Arctic

Sengketa Laut Cina Selatan: Analisis Realis terhadap Perebutan Kekuasaan, Respon Regional, dan Implikasi Geopolitik

The South China Sea dispute has emerged as a complex and highly contentious issue with significant implications for regional stability. From a realist perspective, these disputes reflect power struggles and influence among claimant states, driven by their desire to secure strategic interests in the region. Neighboring countries, recognizing the impact of China's rise as a great power, have responded by boosting their military capabilities and forming alliances to counterbalance China's growing influence. However, analyzing South China Sea disputes through a realist lens provides valuable insights into power struggles, vested interests, and security issues underlying the conflict. Through a critical review of territorial claims, legal frameworks, and the historical context of disputes, this paper provides a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted nature of such disputes. In addition, the report explores the geopolitical implications and involvement of major powers in the region.

Beyond Nation and Empire? Questioning the Role of Religious Missions under Portuguese Colonial Rule at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

From the beginning of European overseas expansion in the fifteenth century, religious missions occupied an important place in the internal organisation of colonial empires. Their contribution to the ideological structuring of imperialism and the interaction with local populations is undeniable. With the emergence of the new imperialism and the scramble for Africa (after the 1870s), the missions, often anticipating the colonial political and administrative presence, enhanced their role as advocates of Europe’s “civilising mission”, above all through the education of the colonised peoples. For Portuguese decision-makers, the religious missions, with a multi-century tradition, had an important role in defending territorial claims overseas and promoting the empire’s nationalisation. However, the lack of national missionaries, Christianity’s inter-confessional competition in the nineteenth century and the emergence of international legal rules protecting missionary activities hindered Portugal’s strategies. Using sources from several archives (in Lisbon, the Vatican, and elsewhere) to emphasise the role of a transnational missionary staff and the international law of missions, this text intersects these aspects, examining their convergence in the controversial case of the exit and replacement of Jesuit missionaries in Mozambique in 1910–1911, to demonstrate the need to look at the missionary issues in the Portuguese overseas domains from perspectives that go beyond nation and empire.

The ambivalence of the implementation of the US arctic policy: integrating and disintegration factors of the allies

The Arctic region is gaining increasing strategic importance due to its economic potential, resource richness, and shifting geopolitical landscape. The United States has recognized this significance and has established alliances and partnerships with various countries in the region to enhance its positions and interests. However, concerns exist regarding the limited understanding of the complex dynamics and evolving relationships among the US Arctic allies. The lack of comprehensive analysis and up-to-date information hinders the understanding of their strategic documents, military exercises, and interactions with global players like China and Russia. To address these concerns, our objective was to identify, analyze, and assess the factors that strengthen or weaken the interaction between US allies and partners in the Arctic region. We conducted an analysis of national Arctic strategies, reports, publications, and expert opinions from Western Arctic Council countries such as the USA, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. We also examined the reports and structures of the US defense services, interstate organizations like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), as well as insights from leading experts on Arctic affairs in allied countries. The study revealed several factors that contribute to the strengthening of the US allies in the Arctic. These include active military cooperation within the North Atlantic Alliance, joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and the development of Arctic infrastructure to enhance regional security and defense capabilities. However, we also identified factors that weaken engagement among the US allies. These include differences in strategic goals, competing territorial claims, domestic political considerations, and varying relationships with other Arctic stakeholders like Russia and China. These factors can lead to tensions and challenges, which undermine collective action and impede the achievement of common goals.

The Eastern Sector Border in Relations Between India and China in the 21st century: An Analysis

This Paper basically aims to discuss about the contemporary discourse of the India-China border dispute in the eastern sector in the beginning of the 21st century. It includes the study of changing patterns of India- China border dispute in the eastern sector and about the official attempts to settle border dispute, particularly in the eastern sector. Because, in the last century, both India and China had taken considerable measures for settlement of boundary question in several times. Also, both the country had agreed and forwarded their will to boundary settlement, ensuring peace and tranquilities across the border areas. It was extended in the beginning of the 21st century for resolving boundary dispute with a permanent solution between India and China. But, after all these significant events, the world’s longest and most complex boundary dispute had not been resolved till today. Rather, China has increased their aggressive territorial claim over Indian jurisdictions. As such, this environment directly affects in the both countries’ relationship that has been challenged the stabilities and peace across the Asian theatre. Thus, it provides tremendous scope to study the political geography of the India- China border dispute in the eastern sector as the Chinese has started claiming their territorial rights aggressively in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, in the eastern sector borderland.

Map evidence for the Philippines’ territorial claim in the South China Sea: a historical, cartographical and legal analysis

Based on international law and practices, a map by itself does not constitute an independent territorial title and has no independent probative value in territorial disputes. Regarding maps with inaccurate or unreliable sources of information, unofficial maps and official maps produced by one party aiming to enhance its position, international judicial and arbitration institutions tend to hold a very little credibility. The Institute of Maritime and Ocean Affairs (IMOA), an agency of the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs, and some Philippine political elites selected many of the maps for the 2014 exhibition. Although some maps or charts of Scarborough Shoal drawn by the Spanish colonists on display are official or semiofficial in nature, they do not mark the political boundaries of the relevant areas and are obviously inaccurate. The purpose of Spain’s charting in each expedition to Scarborough Shoal was to provide guidance on navigational safety, not to assert sovereignty. It is difficult to arrive at definite conclusions about sovereignty over Scarborough Shoal from these maps and charts. The maps or charts displayed and drawn by cartographers from other countries, have many problems, such as insufficient accuracy, covering vast area more than the Philippine Islands and the lack of marking political boundaries and thus cannot prove that the Philippines has territorial sovereignty over Scarborough Shoal. Similarly, none of the maps and charts on display are sufficient to prove that the “Kalayaan Islands” belong to the Philippines.

Indonesia vs. Malaysia: The Battle for Border Territory Resolved

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the resolution of the longstanding border dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia. The study delves into the complex dynamics of this conflict, offering insights into its historical context, the key issues at stake, and the eventual resolution reached between the two nations. The Indonesia-Malaysia border dispute has been a contentious issue for decades, marked by conflicting territorial claims and occasional tensions between the two neighboring countries. Rooted in historical and geopolitical factors, the dispute has encompassed various regions along the land border, including areas rich in natural resources and strategic importance. This paper examines the factors that fueled the dispute, ranging from historical grievances to economic interests and geopolitical considerations. It explores how these factors influenced the negotiation process and shaped the positions of both Indonesia and Malaysia. Central to the analysis is the discussion of the diplomatic efforts and mechanisms employed to address the dispute. From bilateral negotiations to third-party mediation, the paper evaluates the effectiveness of different approaches in facilitating dialogue and fostering cooperation between the two nations. Furthermore, the paper highlights the role of international law and norms in guiding the resolution process. It assesses how principles of territorial sovereignty, boundary delimitation, and peaceful dispute resolution were applied in reaching a mutually acceptable agreement. Finally, the study discusses the outcome of the resolution and its implications for Indonesia, Malaysia, and the broader region. It examines the terms of the agreement, including any concessions made by either party, and considers the potential impact on bilateral relations, economic development, and regional stability. By providing a nuanced analysis of the Indonesia-Malaysia border dispute and its resolution, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of interstate conflicts and the mechanisms available for their peaceful resolution in Southeast Asia.

The Italian-Yugoslav Rivalry for Political-Economic Influence in Albania 1929-1934

The purpose of the study is to analyze in a substantive manner the circumstances in which Albanian-Italian and Albanian-Yugoslav relations have developed and in particular to reflect the causes and consequences of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry for economic and political dominance in Albania. Although the objective and clear reflection of the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry affects the exact recognition of the specifics and challenges that these countries faced in extending their influence over Albania through the economy during the above-mentioned period. As a result of the essence of these challenges, we are able to create a clearer perspective in the development of more intensive economic and political relations between Albania and the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and Italy and the countries of the former Yugoslavia on the other. Though today Italy does not focus on the Albanian area due to the common European market, the countries of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia continue to have tendencies for dominance in the economy of the Albanian state. The real reflection of the specifics and challenges in the period 1929-1934 and the analogy with the specifics of today, are another essential goal.
 Scientific novelty: it was concluded that the characteristic of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry in the period 1929-1934 is the dominance of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the political and to some extent also the economic life of Albania, in particular in the years 1933-1934, although Italy was much more powerful and more present in political and economic life. But the reason for this favorable position of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia only in this period of time was the crisis in Albanian-Italian relations, as a consequence of the refusal of the Albanian side to renew the Pact of Friendship in 1931 and Italy’s request for customs union with Albania in 1932. The rivalry between these two countries was exacerbated by the geographical proximity of the two countries to Albania, and the small cost of benefits, so their interest was extremely high.
 Conclusions. In 1929-1934, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Italy had fierce competition for political and economic dominance in Albania. However, despite the temporary advantage of the first one and its constant efforts, Italy managed to be dominant and challenge its main competitor in Albania: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It even managed to remove Albania from Yugoslav influence, turning it in its entirety on its side. In addition to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s economic and military powerlessness in comparison to Italy, the Italians throughout the 1920s had invested a great deal of time and resources in establishing the state of Albania, which sought support from some power of the time, such as Italy, in its efforts to attain overall development. The political and economic life of Albania was also dominated by Italy due to its proximity to Albania and the fact that neither Greece nor the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had territorial claims towards Albania, at least not until the mid-1930s.