Territorial Arrangements Research Articles

Туристско-рекреационная система республики Кабардино-Балкария: проектные решения по привлечению «новых» туристов


 In Kabardino-Balkaria development of tourism and recreation system is a priority for social and economic development, along with agriculture. The aim - creation of infrastructure of tourism and recreation system covering related sectors, and strengthening the multiplier effect of tourism industry. Consequently, Russia´s ability to invest in the modernization of infrastructure will impact on the effectiveness of the tourism and recreation system and the whole region. Kabardino-Balkaria has the highest recreational potential, the implementation of which requires taking into account the specific conditions. These include the transport remoteness, the tense political and socio-economic situation, the lack of professional personnel and advanced infrastructure, as well as the specific mentality of local people.
 The author proposes a model of tourismand recreational zoning of Kabardino-Balkaria on the basis of the developed tourism and recreational zones, formed taking into account features of the territorial arrangement, level of tourism-recreational value and feasibility of further development of tourism destinations. All this is the basis of design solutions on attraction of "new" tourists and increasing the profitability of tourism and recreational business in the region.

The Power to Plunder: Rethinking Land Grabbing in Latin America

AbstractIn this paper I rethink land grabbing in Latin America by decentering the rhetoric of novelty and the tendency to focus on large‐scale land transactions. To do this, I attend to the longevity of racial thinking bound up in everyday forms of land control. I look at the ways race is salient in the making of land and territorial arrangements. Drawing on my own research in Honduras and Panama, I situate land grabbing in relation to a range of scholarly insights that disclose how the early postcolonial dichotomy of “civilization” and “savagery”, and its inherently whitening logics, re‐appear in contemporary development projects of biodiversity conservation, land administration, and residential tourism. I argue, therefore, that land grabbing is a longstanding process that is routinely operationalized through the state and naturalized through development practices that are underpinned by ongoing racial hierarchies.

Unanimity, Consensus and Peripheral Parties as Determinants of EU Policy Coordination in Federal Member States

EU scholars have long argued that regions can shape the integration process, but there is no agreement on why this is so. While some authors consider constitutional powers, intergovernmental relations, or differentiated regional elites as independent variables, those interested in Europeanization argue that the ‘transformative power of Europe’ enticed both central and regional governments to adopt consensual policy styles, akin to those prevailing in the EU. Accordingly, new territorial arrangements would have made effective participation in the integration process possible. However, scholars have failed to pay due consideration to a crucial factor: the decision-making rule employed in the coordination mechanisms. In this article, I argue that cooperation among regions actually depends mostly on whether decisions are taken by consensus or unanimity. Common regional positions and impacts on EU decisions become unlikely if peripheral parties increase the levels of conflict. The arguments build on theoretical warrants taken from actor-centered institutionalism.

Dual Substate Citizenship as Institutional Innovation: The Case of Bosnia's Brčko District

This article analyzes the politics and constitutional position of the Brčko District of BiH, drawing on this case to inform several important debates in the field with regards to questions of federalism, citizenship, and electoral politics. The article shows that the condominium logic of territorial arrangement has profound implications for substate citizenship in Brčko. It argues that apart from territorial options and consociational institutional mechanisms substate citizenship is an important element of conflict management. Though often neglected in the literature, dual substate citizenship could be considered an instrument of conflict management and, as this article argues, as a model of institutional innovation in divided societies.

The Annexation of Crimea and the Boundaries of the Will of the People

AbstractThe secession of Crimea and—more broadly—the conflict in Ukraine reopened questions concerning the limits of a democratic expression of the will of the people and the use of force in order to procure annexation of a territory belonging to another State. This article seeks to clarify the law governing the change of the legal status of a territory through secession and merger with another state. It argues not only that the right of self-determination does not grant an entitlement to alter the legal status of a territory, but also that general international law does not prohibit such an alteration. The rules of international law favor the stability of theexistinginternational borders and thus the territorial status quo, but this does not mean that a unilateral attempt at altering an existing territorial arrangement automatically constitutes an internationally wrongful act. Any change of the legal status of a territory becomes illegal, however, upon anoutsideuse of force. Such an illegality cannot be “cured” by a democratically expressed will of the people.

International Role in State-Making in Ukraine: The Promise of a Two-Stage Constituent Process

The conflict in the Ukraine—barely placated by a fragile truce that temporarily froze its territorial fault lines—remains one of the gravest threats to both regional and international peace since the end of the Cold War. The present de facto territorial arrangements in Ukraine remain highly unstable—as well as entirely unacceptable—to at least one of the parties to the conflict. With the fate of the second Minsk Agreement in question, neither the parties involved in the conflict nor the powers that support them have been able to propose mutually-acceptable, comprehensive solutions that would significantly diminish the danger of a renewed violent confrontation. In such a situation, the wider international community could play a helpful role in achieving a lasting political settlement.

Militarised violence in the service of state-imposed emergencies over Palestine and Kenya

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to ‘order’. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

O litoral nordestino e o imobiliário-turístico: Bahia, Pernambuco, Ceará e Rio Grande do Norte

O Nordeste brasileiro tem sua “vocação” turística planejada na última década do século XX. Até então, no Brasil, as políticas públicas regionais não vislumbravam na atividade turística caráter estratégico e desenvolvimentista, todavia não avaliaram, a priori, os impactos advindos das ofertas imobiliárias próprias à vilegiatura. Neste texto, propõe-se uma investigação acerca da difusão dos modelos e das ideias mundiais e locais acerca das atividades de turismo e vilegiatura em áreas litorâneas, enfocando fundamentalmente o litoral nordestino do Brasil. Para tanto, o escrito descreve o arranjo territorial promovido pela construção de empreendimentos turísticos-imobiliários no litoral dos estados da Bahia, Ceará, Pernambuco e Rio Grande do Norte, à medida que são os maiores receptores destas tipologias de imóveis destinados ao lazer. Metodologicamente, o trabalho foi construído em três etapas: levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema; análise de dados secundários junto aos órgãos responsáveis; e, ao final, a elaboração de cartogramas que possibilitaram o entendimento das lógicas de instalação destes empreendimentos nas metrópoles nordestinas. Para o Nordeste, o litoral concebido como espaço de lazer é uma espacialidade predominantemente metropolitana. Há locação de investimentos em polos não metropolitanos, todavia são nos perímetros metropolitanos que se consolidam os grandes projetos privados relativos ao novo imobiliário voltado para as demandas turísticas e de vilegiaturistas.
 
 Abstract 
 
 BRAZIL’S NORTHEASTERN COAST AND THE ESTATE-TOURISM: BAHIA, PERNAMBUCO, CEARÁ AND RIO GRANDE DO NORTE
 
 The Northeast region of Brazil had its tourist preponderance planned in the last decade of the twentieth century. Before that time, the regional public policies did not see tourism as a strategic and developmental activity in Brazil and also did not evaluate the impacts arising from the real estate deals proper for summer vacation. In this paper, we propose an investigation on the diffusion models and ideas about the global and local tourism and summer vocations activities in coastal areas, focusing on the coast of the Northeastern region of Brazil. The territorial arrangement promoted by the construction of tourist-estate on the coast of Bahia, Ceará, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Norte were the focus of the research, as they are the largest recipients of these types of properties for leisure. Regarding the Methodologly, the study was conducted in three stages: bibliographical survey, secondary data analysis, along with the right public bodies and the preparation of cartograms that enabled the understanding of logical installation of these projects in the main cities of the Northeast region. The coast designed as recreational space is a spatiality predominantly in the main cities of the Northeast region of Brazil. There are leasing investments in non-metropolitan centers, however, the metropolitan perimeters are the ones that consolidate large private estate projects regarding on the new demands facing the tourists demands.

Introduction to the special section: minority politics and the territoriality principle in Europe

Territorial arrangements for managing interethnic relations within states are far from consensual. Although self-governance for minorities is commonly advocated, international documents are ambiguously formulated. Conflicting pairs of principles, territoriality vs. personality, and self-determination vs. territorial integrity, along with diverging state interests account for this gap. Together, the articles in this special section address the territoriality principle and its hardly operative practice on the ground, with particular attention to European cases. An additional theme reveals itself in the articles: the ambiguity of minority recognition politics. This introductory article briefly presents these two common themes, followed by an outline of three recent proposals discussed especially in Eastern Europe that seek to bypass the controversial territorial autonomy model: cultural rights in municipalities with a “substantial” proportion of minority members; the cultural autonomy model; and European regionalism and multi-level governance.

Post-Conflict Territories and Citizenship: The Case of Bosnia's Brrko District

This paper analyses the politics and constitutional position of the Brcko District, a territory internally disputed between the two self-governing entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper shows that the ‘condominium’ logic of territorial arrangement has profound implications for sub-state citizenship. It argues that apart from territorial options and consociational institutional set-up, sub-state citizenship is an important element of conflict management in this case. Though often neglected in the literature, sub-state citizenship could be considered a tool for conflict management, and as this paper argues, as a model of institutional innovation in divided societies.

Historical Critique and Political Voice after the Ottoman Empire

In a famous 1882 lecture at the Sorbonne, Ernest Renan highlighted a certain obligation to forget, even a necessity for historical error, in the formation of a nation. Renan constructed his argument on the basis of what he perceived to be a straightforward empirical contrast apparent in his day. On the one hand, the countries of Western and Southern Europe, such as France, England, Germany, Spain, and Italy, had successfully—if through different processes—established nations on the basis of carefully constructed and selectively forgotten historical pasts. The Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, encompassed an unwieldy motley of ethnic and religious groups, each maintaining separate historical identities. In effect, the empire was a state without an internally cohesive national body. Renan surely would have felt vindicated by the fact that three-and-a-half decades after his lecture the Ottoman Empire collapsed, and the various successor states that emerged in its wake justified their sovereignty by overtly defining mutually exclusive historical pasts for the nations they respectively claimed to represent. The project of institutionalized forgetting was a key element in one of the most spectacular transitions of political sovereignty in the twentieth century. The demise of the empire would yield the outlines of a new political geography. The map of the modern Middle East, North Africa, and southeastern Europe is the product of a world brought into being with the collapse of the Ottoman state. Across the region, anxieties about the salience of the Ottoman past have persistently emerged in ways that reveal the essentially unsettled character of modern political belonging. Territorial borders from the Balkans through the Middle East that were drawn up in the aftermath of imperial collapse were never permanently inscribed, often requiring powerful investments of military power to defend. Settler colonial expansion into Palestine and continued militant struggles over Kurdish political sovereignty attest to the ongoing instability of territorial arrangements organized within the past century. Equally important, the ideological and affective conditions of national identity, loyalty, and commitment that various states in the region promoted remain contested and often require repressive state interventions to sustain.

Ongoing territorial transformations in Romania: urbanization through industrialisation and vice versa

The numerous industrial ruins that exist today represent a point of reference in the context of the planning transformation processes that have occurred in Romania during the post-socialist period. The widespread diffusion of industry was an economic priority during the communist period in Romania. It resulted in a process of ‘territorial arrangement’, which began in that period and was characterised by a direct connection between urbanisation and industrialisation, with the end purpose of ‘building social and economic uniformity’. The purpose of this paper is to use the study of industrial cities to analyse the territorial transformations that occurred in Romania beginning in 1945 during the planned socialism period and at a second stage during the changeover to capitalism (post 1989).

Territory's Continuing Allure

The role of the territorial state has changed in recent decades in the wake of the communications revolution; the explosion of transnational social, political, and economic formations; accelerated mobility across international boundaries; and the inability of states to address pressing socioeconomic and environmental issues. Yet in the rush to document and assess the networks, flows, and relational spaces that are part of this shift, it is important not to overlook the continuing hold of modernist territorial ideas on the geographical imagination. Geographical writings on territoriality, spatial socialization, state-driven knowledge production, and regimes of territorial legitimation provide tools for understanding the power and inertia of modernist territorial ideas, which continue to influence patterns of identity and state practice in wide-ranging and significant ways. Contemporary interpretations of the doctrine of self-determination and its application in the Western Sahara case demonstrate that modernist ideas about territory continue to have far-reaching political and social consequences. It follows that any balanced assessment of the contemporary political–geographic order should not ignore the ways in which the continuing allure of territory articulates with the material and functional shifts that are challenging traditional political–territorial arrangements.

Contents of Volume 20, 2013

Volume 20, no. 1Special Issue: Rethinking Territorial Arrangements in Conflict ResolutionGuest Editors: Sia Spiliopoulou Åkermark and Sarah StephanEditorialSIA SPILIOPOULOU ÅKERMARK AND SARAH STEPHAN / RethinkingTerritorial Arrangements in Conflict Resolution 1–3ArticlesSIA SPILIOPOULOU ÅKERMARK / Internal Self-Determination and the Role of Territorial Autonomy as a Tool for the Resolution of Ethno-Political Disputes 5–23STEFAN WOLFF / Conflict Management in Divided Societies: The Many Uses of Territorial Self-Governance 27–50MARKKU SUKSI / Explaining the Robustness and Longevity of the Åland Example in Comparison with Other Autonomy Solutions 51–66MIKAEL WIGELL / The Åland Example as Norm Entrepreneurship 67–84TOVE H. MALLOY /

Rethinking Territorial Arrangements in Conflict Resolution – Introduction to the Special Issue of the International Journal on Minority and Group Rights

Rethinking Territorial Arrangements in Conflict Resolution – Introduction to the Special Issue of the International Journal on Minority and Group Rights

The European City in the Age of Globalisation

This conceptual paper identifies a gap between two meaningful fields of research in urban geography : the first, old-established and reinforced by the European integration process, asks for recent and future trends, primarily on intra-urban development of cities on the European scale. The second focuses on inter-urban relations on a global scale, inspired by global city theories established since early 1990s. As a consequence of this research gap, a research agenda has been formulated with the aim to deliver the missing links between these two fields. Therein, three methodological improvements are put forward : first, more research has to be done to prove the widely accepted thesis of an existing link between global integration and internal urban structure. Second, the role of specific national politics for the production of a global city has to be examined – such as the type of welfare-regime or the impact of historical political structures. Finally, global city research should seriously consider the territorial arrangements that impinge upon the development of global cities on a national and a European scale.

Life at the Threshold

In 1949, the year that the architects Peter and Alison Smithson moved to London to begin their professional careers, an ideological controversy over the avant-garde role of architecture in the postwar period erupted within the Congres International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM). Le Corbusier, who had founded the organization twenty-one years before, sparked the dispute with his address to the seventh congress in Bergamo, Italy. After declaring the pursuit of the industrialized housing prototypes and functionally zoned urbanism that were characteristic of the early phase of modernism obsolete, he proposed that successive meetings be dedicated to the drafting of a new charter. That charter, he stated without much in the way of explanation, would be known as the Charte de l’Habitat. At the time, habitat was a clearly defined, if broad, concept in the biological fields that governed the interconnectedness of the organisms that inhabited a region. In the interwar period, a similar urban discourse had grown up dedicated to “the territorial arrangements that social activities assume.”1 Until this point, however, CIAM had been focused on the development of a standard that would accommodate the most rudimentary necessities of habitation—or “dwelling,” as this goal was translated into English.2 Le Corbusier remained vague about the architectural application that he hoped this ecological concept would assume at CIAM, though he requested that all the national delegations participate in the discussion over “the place of l’Habitat in the human complex.”3 Peter and Alison Smithson both joined CIAM during the period of this highstakes controversy and were instrumental in shaping the ecological debate in terms

La coordinación institucional del ordenamiento territorial en México

Through the analysis of the evolution of government entities associated with territorial organization in Mexico and some of their actions in the 20th century, this paper asks if these transformations have entailed a profound change in government practices regarding territorial arrangement or whether they have been modifi cations that have barely contributed to enhancing the effectiveness of public intervention in this area. It reviews the offi cial records of the federal government in order to trace the changes in these institutions and to identify the government practices that have most directly affected the arrangement of people and activities throughout the territory. The result of this exercise provides a preliminary description of the current state of the territorial arrangement in Mexico.

Globalisation, Networking, Urbanisation: Reflections on the Spatial Dynamics of the Information Age

The network society is a global society because networks have no boundaries. Spatial transformation is a fundamental dimension of this new social structure. The global process of urbanisation that we are experiencing in the early 21st century is characterised by the formation of a new spatial architecture in our planet, made up of global networks connecting major metropolitan regions and their areas of influence. Since the networking form of territorial arrangements also extends to the intrametropolitan structure, our understanding of contemporary urbanisation should start with the study of these networking dynamics in both the territories that are included in the networks and in the localities excluded from the dominant logic of global spatial integration.

Humanitarian Intervention: Moralism versus Realism?

Justice, Intervention, and Force in International Relations: Reassessing Just War Theory in the 21st Century. By Kimberly A. Hudson. New York: Routledge, 2009. 192 pp., $140.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-415-49025-2). Waging Humanitarian War: The Ethics, Law, and Politics of Humanitarian Intervention. By Eric A. Heinze. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2009. 207 pp., $65.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-791-47695-6). How Do I Save My Honor? War, Moral Integrity, and Principled Resignation. By William F. Felice. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009. 223 pp., $44.95 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-742-56666-8). First Do No Harm: Humanitarian Intervention and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. By David N. Gibbs. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009. 346 pp., $27.95 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0-826-51644-2). The unifying theme of these four books is humanitarian intervention—a paradigm that permits a state to intervene into the territory of another state, by employing military force, for humanitarian reasons: to stop large-scale atrocities committed against innocent human beings—the citizens of the target state.1 But this paradigm is not to be confused with the practice of intervention which violates the non-intervention principle foundational to the modern system of sovereign states. Non-intervention is of crucial concern because it constitutes the flipside of the principle of sovereign autonomy and territorial integrity embraced by realists and by legalists favoring international law—both asserting the stability of the international system and its standing territorial arrangements as a baseline. Non-intervention on these premises is the norm while intervention is the exception that calls for justification (Realists justify intervention as a foreign policy tool by claiming that it serves the national interest). Humanitarian intervention is an altogether different concept. Its ground is neither international law nor realpolitik but ethics. Its raison d’etre is protecting the innocent from unjustified violence and its logic is characteristically prescriptive: we ought to intervene in Sudan to alleviate on-going human suffering or we ought to have intervened in Rwanda to prevent the 1994 genocide. Mastering the humanitarian intervention debate is a demanding task because it presupposes familiarity with theories of ethics that transcend the immediate concerns of International Relations (IR). All four books under review contribute to this debate by elucidating how matters of right and wrong bear on the question of what states and governments do, or ought to do, in their mutual relations in the international realm. They are likely to attract the attention of advanced graduate students, IR theorists, and all those interested in the relationship between intervention, ethical constraints on foreign policy, and interstate war. My discussion …