Terms Of Collective Action Research Articles

Opening the black box of social innovation in migration governance

The aim of this paper is to investigate the role played by social innovation in challenging exclusion and marginality in relation to migration governance. Drawing on some reflections that have emerged from fieldwork, this contribution proposes an analytical framework that considers four interwoven dimensions: intercultural relations, social infrastructures, discourses and imaginaries and forms of participation. On the basis of these dimensions, social innovation can support and implement creative solutions that bring together civil society actors and local administrators. Although social innovations originate mainly at the level of civil society, we sustain that the study of socially innovative practices can be useful to explore the growing involvement of non-state actors in the governance of migration and their potentialities in terms of collective action.

Factors Influencing High-Rise Gated Community Collective Action Effectiveness: Conceptualization of the Social-Ecological System (SES) Framework

Managing common property in gated communities is challenging. Although numerous studies have demonstrated that there are several determinants of collective action effectiveness and performances in gated communities, empirical research drawing on a multidimensional social-ecological system (SES) framework in quantitatively exploring relationships between institutional–physical–social factors and gated community collective action remains lacking. Therefore, based on Ostrom’s social-ecological system (SES) framework, this study attempts to identify factors influencing the self-organizing system (collective action) of gated communities in China. Using stratified purposive sampling, ten gated communities with various characteristics in the Taigu district were selected, in which questionnaires were then distributed to 414 households to collect valid data within the communities. Taking the ridge regression as a more robust predictive SES model with a penalty value of k = 0.1 and regularization, R Square of 0.882, this study, among 14 factors, ultimately identified six key institutional–social–ecological factors based on the descending standardized effect size, and they are: (i) types of community; (ii) presence of leaders; (iii) exclusiveness systems of a gated community; (iv) age of gated community; (v) strict enforcement of rules; and (vi) number of households that affect residents’ collective action in terms of community security, hygiene and cleanliness, and facility quality. The research findings provide urban managers and communities novel insights to formulate strategic policies towards sustainable housing and building management.

Living with Corruption in Central and Eastern Europe: Social Identity and the Role of Moral Disengagement.

We examine corruption across three Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries (Hungary, North Macedonia and Slovenia) through a social psychology framework which integrates social identity theory, social cognitive theory and moral disengagement mechanisms. We illustrate how various social identities influence individual and collective action in terms of ethical behavior and corruption, thereby creating, maintaining and perpetuating petty, grand and systemic public/private corruption through triadic co-determination via cognition, behavior and the environment. Despite growing research on corruption normalization, less is known about the cognitive and behavioral mechanisms in ethical decision making, the cognitive workings of how individuals reconcile unethical behavior and the social psychological processes behind corruption in society and organizations. Expert interviews reveal internally conflicted multi-layered social identities perpetuating corruption, some embedded in nationalistic history and others tied to the European Union, which supports the divergent paths of CEE countries since the fall of communism. Some moral disengagement mechanisms are common across all three countries, while others are linked to specific circumstances. Social identity mechanisms feed into moral disengagement, which individuals draw upon to reconcile the conflict between unethical behavior and moral codes. Patterns of moral disengagement aggregate to the country level and explain normalization of corruption in CEE society and organizations.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10551-021-04927-9.

The clues in the news media coverage: detecting Chinese collective action trend from a text analytics research framework

With the adjustment of social relations and interest patterns brought about by the comprehensive deepening reform in China, new and old contradictions are intertwined, various risks are increased, collective actions occasionally occur, and some new trends are observed. However, due to there is no authoritative database of collective action in China, it is difficult to observe the trend of collective actions. There has been significant research show that news coverage is an effective way to obtain collective action information. Thus, we examine the recent news coverage shift in terms of collective action. We collected 5354 news coverages from 2014 to 2018. Then, we constructed a collective action domain-specific word dictionary and presented a method to automatically detect temporal, spatial, and topical trends of collective action. The proposed framework is based on text mining analysis that collects data from news outlets and extracts valuable data for perceiving the collective action trends. The results show that the proposed method is an effective tool to identify the trends in collective action via machine learning.

Olumsallık, Feminizm ve Siyaset

Olumsallık, bir şeyin böyle olmak zorunda olmadığını ya da başka türlü olabileceğini ifade eder. Bir şeyin olumsal olması sadece zorunlu olmaması demek değil, aynı zamanda öngörülmüş amaçlarının gerçekleşmeme ya da öngörülmemiş sonuçlarının doğma olasılığı taşıdığı anlamına gelir. Bu özellikleriyle olumsallık, Hannah Arendt’in de vurguladığı, eylemin doğasına bağlı iki kısıtla maluldür: İlki eylemin geri döndürülemezliği, ikincisi ise belirsizlikler içinde meydana gelen eylemin öngörülemezliği. Feminizm, eylemin olumsallığını ehlileştirmeye yönelik erkek egemen siyaset biçimine karşı olumsallığa dayalı bir siyasal kuram ve pratik sunmaktadır. Öncelikle feminizm, temel savı itibariyle olumsaldır; kültürel olarak farklı biçimler alsa ve yüzyıllar içinde değişen farklı üretim ilişkileriyle eklemlense de ataerki, doğal ve zorunlu değildir. İkinci olarak feminizm, eylem biçimi açısından olumsaldır; gündelik hayatta ataerkiye karşı verilen her mücadele, büyük yapıların dönüştürülmesinde bir etki yaratır. Olumsallığa dayalı bir kuram ve hareket olarak feminizm, siyasete, feminist mücadelenin ötesinde daha doğrudan bir ilişkiyle bağlıdır. Feminist mücadele sadece ataerkiye karşı verilen bir mücadele değil, siyasal eylemin anlamına dair çağdaş bir deneyim kaynağıdır. Feminist kuram, sadece toplumlara kök salmış erkek egemenliğini değil, ortak yaşamın ortaklaşa düzenlenmesi anlamında genel olarak siyaseti de kuramlaştıracak araçlar sunar. Dolayısıyla feminizm bir yandan siyaset kuramından beslenirken, diğer yandan oluşturduğu deneyim mirasıyla siyaset kuramının ufkunun belirlenmesinde rol oynayan bir kaynaktır. Bu çalışmada, Arendt’in işaret ettiği tarzda olumsallığa dayalı bir siyasal eylemin pusulası olabilecek ilkeleri feminizmden doğru düşünmenin olanakları ve bunun geniş anlamda siyasal eyleme katkıları ele alınacaktır.

Students as political actors? Similarities and differences across six European nations

Drawing on data from students, higher education staff and policymakers from six European countries, this article argues that it remains a relatively common assumption that students should be politically engaged. However, while students articulated a strong interest in a wide range of political issues, those working in higher education and influencing higher education policy tended to believe that students were considerably less politically active than their predecessors. Moreover, while staff and policy influencers typically conceived of political engagement in terms of collective action, articulated through common reference to the absence of a ‘student movement’ or unified student voice, students’ narratives tended not to valorise ‘student movements’ in the same way and many categorised as ‘political’ action they had taken alone and/or with a small number of other students. Alongside these broad commonalities across Europe, the article also evidences some key differences between nation‐states, institutions and disciplines. In this way, it contributes to the comparative literature on young people’s political engagement specifically, as well as wider debates about the ways in which higher education students are understood.

Collective Action in Terms of International Labor Organization (ILO) Norms and International Conventions

Grev hakki Anayasanin 54/1 hukmunde ve hukme uygun olarak cikarilan 6356 Sayili Sendikalar ve Toplu Is Sozlesmesi Kanunu md. 58/1’de tanimlanmaktadir. 6359 Sayili kanun tanimindan yola ciktigimizda greve ancak toplu is sozlesmesi gorusmeleri sirasinda ortaya cikan uyusmazliklar soz konusu oldugunda basvurulabilecek bir yoldur. Grev disinda, grev benzeri olarak kabul edilen protesto, yavaslatma gibi toplu eylemler grev olarak kabul edilmemektedir. Grevi de iceren toplu eylemler hakkinda ILO 87 ve 98 sayili uluslararasi sozlesmeleri ile AIHS 11. ve 10 maddeleri bulunaktadir. Anayasamizin 90. Maddesi geregince AIHM tarafindan temel haklardan kabul edilen sendikal haklar konusunda ic hukukumuzla uluslararasi sozlesmelerin catistigi noktalarda ulkemizin taraf oldugu uluslararasi sozlesmelerin ustun tutulacagi aciktir. Ancak zaman zaman bu uluslararasi hukuk kuralinin uygulanmadigi gorulmektedir. Calismamizda sirasiyla toplu eylem hakki, grev hakki, grev yasaklari ve bu hususlara iliskin uluslararasi hukuk duzenlemeleri ve ulusal hukukun ile uluslararasi hukuk duzenlemelerine aykiriliklari incelenmeye calisilacaktir. DIKKAT! Metin Econder sitesinde belirtilmis Econder Sablon 'u icerisine Mizanpaj 'da belirtilen usullere gore duzenlenmistir.

Mexico: A leader in search of like-minded peers

Over the last decade Mexico has chosen and has been forced to practice a sort of “stand alone” foreign policy, in part due to its marginalization in Latin America, in part due to the growing bilateralization of relations in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) context. The national narrative of acting as a bridge in economic terms for accessing the NAFTA market proved not very attractive to international partners. As a result, Mexico has become the classical “leader without followers.” Joining the MIKTA initiative, a grouping formed by Mexico, Indonesia, South Corea, Turkey and Australia, is a highly welcomed option for regaining international presence without the Brazilian shadow, so strong in the region, and for defining a specific intermediary role. Mexico clearly embraced a “Southern” identity only in very limited moments of its foreign policy history and always tried to maintain a middle way, as an agreeable voice and a helpful fixer for international conferences and meetings. The old/new formula that seems to feed Mexico’s new international MIKTA presence is that of “multiple memberships” following a rationale of “like-mindedness,” a rationale that allows for promoting its presence in a great variety of institutions and regional integration schemes, but without compromising too much of its national economic development priorities. This article analyzes these half-way/soft doctrinal foundations of Mexican foreign policy with respect to Mexico’s identification with and outreach to the MIKTA group, both in terms of collective action and of bilateral efforts to establish viable relations with its members.

The mediating role of sense of virtual community

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive model to illustrate the mediating role of sense of virtual community (SOVC) in virtual communities of practices (VCoPs). The interrelations between social capital and collective action in terms of knowledge contribution in the VCoP context are also examined. Design/methodology/approach A total of 253 members from the Zclub and Jorsindo, responded to the survey. PLS-SEM path modeling was used to analyze survey data. Findings Members’ structural capital and cognitive capital both positively and significantly influence members’ SOVC, and, in turn, their SOVC influences relational capital. Research limitations/implications The study linked two theories, namely, social capital and theory of collective action, to discuss knowledge contribution in VCoPs. Social capital and SOVC have significant and positive effects on knowledge contribution in VCoPs. Practical implications Knowledge contributions in VCoPs are created through interactions among members, as well as the facilitation resulting from shared visions. Administrators can promote the formation of social-interaction ties in VCoPs to reinforce the formation of social capital and a SOVC. Social implications Administrators of knowledge-oriented groups must strive to sustain proper levels of SOVC among members to ensure their continued participation in VCoPs. Originality/value The main objectives of this study were to examine the effects of social capital (structural, cognitive, and relational capitals) on the quality and quantity of knowledge contribution. SOVC was proposed as a mediator in the relationship between structural and/or cognitive capital toward relational capital.

“A Little Bit Christian”: Memories of Conversion and Community in Post-Christian Amazonia

Conversion to Christianity in Amazonia is often described in terms of collective action rather than radically new beliefs interior to the individual. I describe how Waorani people in Ecuador remember the conversion of specific elders as a time of civilization that brought Waorani into a wider social order after a period of violence and isolation. Despite having largely abandoned Christianity since their mass conversion in the 1960s, Waorani today embrace past conversion as a catalyst of social transformation that they say made the present ideal of living in a “community” possible. The individual experiences evoked in memories of collective “civilization” and an insistence on personal autonomy in Waorani visions of community illustrate why the moral commentaries of Waorani Christians remain highly valued in communities where Christianity has ceased to be a dominant social identity. [conversion to Christianity, memory, temporality, Amazonian personhood, community, Waorani]

The ‘Missing Masses’ of Resistance: An Ethnographic Understanding of a Workplace Dispute

The literature on resistance has largely attended to human agents whether in terms of collective action or individual subjectivity. Through focusing on the ‘missing masses’ or mundane material artefacts, this paper seeks to show how actor network theory (ANT) can advance our understanding of resistance. Drawing upon ethnographic research during a workplace dispute, this study explores how material artefacts as well as human actors reflect heterogeneous relations that together successfully mobilized opposition to the imposition of compulsory redundancies in a UK university. In so far as the mingling and entanglement of humans and non‐humans have been largely neglected in accounts of resistance, we believe that an ANT informed account contributes in distinctive ways to this literature.

El ciclo de protesta 2010-2016 en Colombia. Una explicación

This  paper  studies  the  determinants  of  the  protest  cycle  between  2010  and  2016  in  Colombia.  First,  it  examines  the  dynamics  of  institutional  politics  in  the  last  three  decades. The  second  part  analyzes  the  consequences  of  the  armed  conflict and the repression of social movements and organizations. Finally, it describes the organizational  and  discursive  recomposition  in  social  movements.  The  political  context is characterized by the closure of institutional politics and the persistence of repression of social movements. However, the great mobilizations have been possible, first, because they have organizational infrastructures and speeches capable of articulating diverse actors and, second, because peace negotiations motivate an expansion  of  the  public  agenda  towards  systematically  blocked  social  problems,  so  that  Potential  benefits  of  the  positioning  of  the  demands  of  the  movements  is greater than the costs of collective action in terms of repression.

Evolutionary dynamics of collective index insurance.

Index-based insurances offer promising opportunities for climate-risk investments in developing countries. Indeed, contracts conditional on, e.g., weather or livestock indexes can be cheaper to set up than conventional indemnity-based insurances, while offering a safety net to vulnerable households, allowing them to eventually escape poverty traps. Moreover, transaction costs by insurance companies may be additionally reduced if contracts, instead of arranged with single households, are endorsed by collectives of households that bear the responsibility of managing the division of the insurance coverage by its members whenever the index is surpassed, allowing for additional flexibility in what concerns risk-sharing and also allowing insurance companies to avoid the costs associated with moral hazard. Here we resort to a population dynamics framework to investigate under which conditions household collectives may find collective index insurances attractive, when compared with individual index insurances. We assume risk sharing among the participants of each collective, and model collective action in terms of an N-person threshold game. Compared to less affordable individual index insurances, we show how collective index insurances lead to a coordination problem in which the adoption of index insurances may become the optimal decision, spreading index insurance coverage to the entire population. We further investigate the role of risk-averse and risk-prone behaviors, as well as the role of partial correlation between insurance coverage and actual loss of crops, and in which way these affect the original coordination thresholds.

Homeowner associations and neighborhood governance in Guangzhou, China

Drawing on a large-scale household survey and in-depth interviews in Guangzhou, China, this research closely examines the formation and operation of homeowner associations (HOAs) and their governance efficacy in urban neighborhoods. This study examines the application of theories on private governance and collective action in the Chinese context and integrates the empirical analyses into a general discussion of state–market–society interactions. The HOA concept in China is far from a form of private governance by Western definition. On the contrary, it generates a societal force to counterbalance the market force brought by property management companies and the state power enforced by the residents’ committee to address homeowners’ political and material needs. Collective action theory is a useful explanatory tool for the HOA’s governance efficacy in China. Yet, the state power and market force also bring a strong imprint on the decision-making of collective action in terms of determining organizational arrangements, the availability and quality of information, and the benefits of collective action.

Ending Global Poverty: Gain Without Much Pain

Those who are economically well off may admit that global poverty is a great evil that demands significant action on their part but also believe that morality -- duty or obligation -- cannot reasonably require them to make great sacrifices. We may resolve this tension if we think less in terms of the duties of individuals to the word's poor and more in terms of collective action; that is, in terms of the institutions, policies, and practices that make it easier for the wealthy to help the poor and more likely that the poor will receive the help they need.

Whose Paradise? Itinerant Street Vendors' Individual and Collective Practices of Political Agency in the Tourist Streets of Cusco, Peru

AbstractThe focus of recent studies on street vending in Latin American cities has made a noteworthy shift from street vendors' conflicts with local governments to their resistance strategies. These studies explore how street vendors organize themselves against political repression and consider resistance in terms of collective action or organized protest. However, this article challenges this narrow focus on collective resistance strategies by analysing street vendors' collective and individual strategies for dealing with intensified control and for challenging the measures used by local governments. Drawing on the empirical case of itinerant street vendors in the tourist streets of Cusco, Peru, the article shows that these vendors adopt multiple and fragmented practices of political agency that enable them to make a livelihood in tourism. These less explicit and often more individualized ways of expressing agency are crucial to better understand how itinerant vendors manage to remain in the tourist streets of Cusco. They also explain why some vendors are more powerful than others in challenging repressive policies and benefiting from the global industry that is tourism.RésuméLes études récentes consacrées à la vente ambulante dans les villes sud‐américaines ont opéré une importante réorientation, abandonnant les conflits entre les vendeurs de rue et les autorités locales pour s’intéresser à leurs stratégies de résistance. Elles examinent comment ces vendeurs s’organisent contre la répression politique et envisagent la résistance en termes d’action collective ou de protestation structurée. Cependant, cet article conteste cet intérêt limité pour les méthodes de résistance collective en analysant les stratégies individuelles et collectives des colporteurs pour faire face à l’intensification des contrôles et contester les mesures appliquées par les autorités locales. À partir du cas empirique des vendeurs dans les rues touristiques de Cusco au Pérou, l’article montre que ceux‐ci adoptent des pratiques multiples et fragmentées d’agence politique qui leur permettent de vivre du tourisme. Ces façons moins explicites et souvent plus individualisées d’exprimer leur agence sont essentielles pour mieux comprendre comment ils parviennent à rester dans les rues touristiques de Cusco. Elles expliquent aussi pourquoi certains d’entre eux sont mieux armés que d’autres pour affronter les politiques répressives et tirer profit de l’industrie mondialisée qu’est le tourisme.

Mapping Online Creation Communities for the Building of Digital Commons: Models of Infrastructure Governance of Collective Action and Its Effects on Participation Size and Complexity of Collaboration Achieved

Previous literature on democratic quality of political actors website and on the governance of online communities did not take attention to the role of infrastructure for collective action online.This paper presents an empirical analysis (based on 50 cases of online creation communities) on how infrastructure governance shape the community generated. First, the paper presents a mapping of online creation communities according to their infrastructure governance. The main axes of order in the infrastructure governance are open versus closes to community involvement in the provision organizing. Then, the other significant axes is knowledge policy which in term of infrastructure governance influences the level of freedom and autonomy of the collective action in regards to the infrastructure. According to these two axes five models of infrastructure governance resulted: corporate service, university network, representative foundations, mission oriented enterprises, and assamblearian selfprovision.Second, the research provides an empirical explanation of the governance models which are most likely to succeed in creating large-size collective action in terms of the dimensions of participation and complexity of collaboration.Infrastructure governance based on closeness to community involvement in the platform provision and for profit strategies generates bigger communities. Instead, open to community involvement and nonprofit generates smaller communities, even smaller if they are informal. Conditions which favor community freedom and autonomy generate smaller communities also, but interestingly, they resulted to be the conditions that increase collaboration among the participants.

Les raisons de l’action collective : retour sur la mobilisation improbable des salariés d’hypermarchés

For the first time on 1 February 2008, three French labor unions (Force Ouvrière, Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail and Confédération Générale du Travail) called for a nationwide strike in hypermarket chains. Although the unions did not prolong the action on February 2, the wage earners of Hypermag Grand Large in Marseille went on strike for 16 days, demanding a special bonus of € 250, the recruitment of employees forced to work part-time into full-time positions and an increase in the employer's share in meal tickets (from € 3,05 to € 5,00). To explain why this movement occurred at that time and place, these employees’ objective interests and available resources are examined. This pair of concepts (as used in Marxism and then in the thought of Pierre Bourdieu, on the one hand, and, on the other, in utilitarian versions) suggests that labor actions by wage earners holding insecure jobs and having limited resources are improbable. Redefining the concept of the “interest” for a collective action in terms of subjective criteria helps us understand how what used to be tolerable ceases to be so, thus shedding light on the material processes that lead to forming the opinion “It's not fair”.

Agency in a Changing Educational Context: Negotiations, Collective Actions and Resistance

The celebration of individual agency, which is closely connected to the promotion of the knowledge economy, competition and performance, is obvious in contemporary European education and youth policy, at national and supranational levels. Schools and teachers are thus expected to be crucial agents in fostering the development of flexible, responsible, self-governing and entrepreneurial citizens by adopting personalised pedagogies and continuous and close evaluation (Hartley, 2009). For example, the project Education Governance, Social Integration and Exclusion in Europe (EGSIE), which included studies from several European countries, revealed considerable consensus among teachers, principals and decision-makers on what constitutes a good student, a good teacher or a good head teacher, clearly reflecting such ideas about agency (Lindblad et al, 2002; Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). Consequently, structural and institutional power relations (Arnesen & Lundahl, forthcoming 2010) are downplayed and expressions of individual agency in terms of collective action and resistance are rendered more or less invisible. Furthermore, the emphasis on learning combined with high achievement and control may lead to more children and young people being marginalised and left with less room for agency, resulting in teachers’ attempts to promote socio-emotional development and fostering democratic citizenship being toned down. Such findings, however, make it no less essential to map and analyse new forms of influence and action, new freedoms and controls, individual as well as collective, resulting from or being in conflict with emerging power configurations This special issue highlights the subject of agency in Nordic educational institutions during the early 2000s, with respect to acting on, negotiating, opposing, transgressing and resisting, as well as examining the options for participation by various actors. It is suggested that altered relationships and increased tensions between individual ‘freedom’ (cf. Rose, 1999) and institutional control, as well as conflicting policies and values, bring about particular power dynamics, through which different actors within institutions may gain more or less influence. We also inquire into disruptions or actions that go against the grain. Whilst studies focusing on resistance often regard teachers and students as conflicting groups (see McFadden, 1995), our aim is also to search for alliances that might involve various constellations of students, teachers, and other actors. We look for contradictions in critical manifestations, since the position of being critical and in opposition is more open for some actors, e.g. middle-class boys and male teachers with permanent posts, than

Introduction to the Social and Psychological Dynamics of Collective Action

Collective action is one of the core mechanisms of social change, and thus of major importance to social scientists, practitioners, and policy‐makers. Our goal in editing this issue is to bring together recent advances on the social and psychological dynamics of collective action among members of disadvantaged as well as advantaged groups. This article introduces the contributions to this issue after a brief review of the major psychological perspectives on collective action (social identity, relative deprivation, and resource mobilization theories), and a discussion of the considerable diversity in collective action research in terms of contexts, populations, and measures. We hope that this issue contributes to a more multi‐faceted and integrative understanding of the social and psychological dynamics of collective action in terms of theory, research, policy, and practice.