Neoliberal Tenets Research Articles

Is resilience a unique extension rather than a rejection of neoliberalism? A critical reading of David Chandler’s writings on resilience

Purpose This paper aims to engage with the concept of resilience as theorized by David Chandler in his book Resilience: The Governance of Complexity by drawing from the theory of governmentality presented by Michel Foucault and Jonathan Joseph. Design/methodology/approach Evolving from classical liberalism to neoliberalism and from natural sciences to social sciences, the term “resilience” raises many questions about its sustainability in terms of its meaning and complexity. While most scholars tend to underscore the significance and practicality of the term, a few scholars argue that it is a failed dogma with neoliberal characteristics. As this is a theory-based study, its methodology involves close readings of academic texts produced mainly by David Chandler, Michel Foucault and Jonathan Joseph. Findings The central argument in this paper is though Chandler convincingly explains the paradigm shift of the term resilience from classical to neoliberal, his theorizing lacks the understanding that the type of power and governmentality involved in individual freedom, autonomy and complexity are actually parts of the neoliberal state. Hence, the buzzword resilience today is actually an extension of the same neoliberal thought. Originality/value First, the author attempts to critically engage with the term resilience from a sociological point of view using purposively selected academic literature. Second, the paper attempts to bring Chandler’s conceptualization on resilience into the disaster context and evaluates its practicality within the tenets of neoliberalism by drawing on Joseph’s and Foucault’s theorizations.

“God loves the rich.” The Economic Policy of Ennahda: Liberalism in the Service of Social Solidarity

AbstractThe article examines the economic vision of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda focusing on its supposed transformation from a party with socialist rhetoric to one embracing fully the tenets of neo-liberalism. The article argues that such a transformation has been quite easy to achieve because the party and its leaders were always more pragmatic than ideological when it comes to economic policy-making. In fact, the party is more at ease with neo-liberal economics because of the electoral constituency it serves and because of its internal structure and ways of operating, which reward those members who display the virtues that the neo-liberal economy also values.

Az európai uniós pénzügyi felügyeleti ügynökségek és az uniós közigazgatási eljárásjog kérdése

Az ügynökségi jellegű szervek több évtizedes múltra tekintenek vissza az Európai Unióban. Az elmúlt időszakban két tendencia is kimondottan hatott az erős hatáskörökkel rendelkező szabályozó (avagy decentralizált) ügynökségek megjelenése irányába, különös tekintettel a pénzügyi szektor felügyeletére. Az egyik ilyen tendencia a 2008-as pénzügyi-gazdasági válság, amely megingatta a piac önszabályozó képességébe vetett hitt neoliberális dogmáját, és a New Public Management irányzat helyett az erőteljesebb külső szabályozás felé terelte a döntéshozókat. A másik ilyen tendencia az egységes európai közigazgatási jog körüli viták felélénkülése. A válság után nem sokkal létrehozott, a pénzügyi szektort felügyelő Európai Felügyeleti Hatóságok erős jogkörökkel rendelkező szabályozó ügynökségek. Jogköreik azonban néhol túlságosan is erősek, amely jogvédelmi kérdéseket vet fel a piaci szereplők szempontjából. A tevékenységükhöz kapcsolódó ítélkezési gyakorlat továbbá felülírni látszik a hatáskörök delegációjának bevett normáit az Európai Unió szervezetrendszerében.

Islamic Neoliberalism for Jordan's Islamic Action Front in Islamic Banking and Finance

AbstractThere is a paradox: why are there so many political and economic Islamic actors in the Middle East but not a large willingness on their part to adopt and promote Islamic banking and finance methodologies? This paper argues that the more vague and ambivalent these actors are on economic policy, the wider their appeal; and, by extension, the more compatible Islamic ideas and ideologies are with neoliberalism. The case of the Islamic Action Front (IAF) in Jordan is given as it has adopted an emphasis on Islamic middle-class values and ethical concerns of neoliberalism in order to gain political support. The case of the IAF demonstrates that there are points of compatibility between the neoliberal economy and Islamist politics. In the calibrations of the relationship between the state and Islamist party politics in line with Islamic neoliberal tenets, this approach ensures enhanced appeal for neoliberal Islamism into the future.

“Whenever there’s trouble, just yelp for help”: Crime, conservation, and corporatization in Paw Patrol

With few exceptions, cultural criminologists have yet to investigate how crime, criminalized individuals, and punishment are depicted in children’s television programming. Undertaking the case study of the popular animated children’s series PAW Patrol, I find that crime is committed predominantly by literal outsiders and that wrongdoers are temporarily warehoused or forced to engage in hard labor. In this world, politicians are presented as incompetent or unethical and the state, either incapable of delivering or unwilling to provide basic social services to citizens, relies on the PAW Patrol corporation to investigate crime, rescue non-human animals in states of distress, and recycle. I argue that the series suggests to audiences that we can and should rely on corporations and technological advancements to combat crime and conserve, with responsibilized individuals assisting in this endeavor. Ultimately, PAW Patrol echoes core tenets of neoliberalism and encourages complicity in a global capitalist system that (re)produces inequalities and causes environmental harms.

Neoliberalism and four spheres of authority in American education: Business, class, stratification, and intimations of marketization

This is the second of three articles on “Sources of Authority in Education”. All use the work of Amy Gutmann as a heuristic device to describe and explain the prevalence of market-based models of Education Reform in the United States as part of what Pasi Sahlberg terms the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM). This movement is based on neoliberal tenets and encourages the enterance of private business and the adoption of business practices and challenges long standing notions of democratic education. The first article is “Negating Amy Gutmann: Deliberative Democracy, Education and Business Influence” (to be published in Democracy and Education) and the third is “The Odd Malaise of Democratic Education and the Inordinate Influence of Business” (to be published in Policy Futures in Education). My intent is to include them, along with a fourth article, “Profit, Innovation and the Cult of the Entrepreneur: Civics and Economic Citizenship,” as chapters of a proposed volume, Democratic Education and Markets: Segmentation, Privatization and Sources of Authority in Education Reform.The “Negating Amy” article looks primarily at Deliberative Democracy. The present article considers the promise of Egalitarian Democracy and how figures such as Horace Mann, John Dewey, and Gutmann have argued it is based largely on the promise of public education. “The Odd Malaise” article begins by offering some historical background, from the origins of the common school in the 1600s to market emulation models, No Child Left Behind and how this is reflected in a “21st century schools” discourse; it ends by considering and underlying theme: what happens to the Philosophy of Education when Democracy and Capitalism are at odds. The “Profit, Innovation” article then looks at how ideological forces are popularized, considering Ayn Rand’s influence, the concept of Merit, Schumpeter’s concept of ‘creative destruction,’ and the ideal of the entrepreneur as related sources in a changing common sense, pointing out that the commonplace of identifying the innovator and the entrepreneur is misplaced.The present article accordingly begins to question business influence and suggest show we may outline its major features using Amy Gutmann’s work as a heuristic device to interpret business-influenced movements to reform public education. Originally the title was Turning Amy Gutmann on her Head. Consequently it returns to Gutmann’s Democratic Education and its three sources of authority, suggesting that the business community is a fourth source. As such, it is in a contest to supplant the systems of deliberative democracy for which Gutmann advocates.It continues with a consideration of what might be called a partial historical materialist analysis – the growth of inequality in the United States (and other countries) since the 1970s; this correlates with much of the basis for changes in the justifications and substance of Education reform. After casting this question in principal-agent terms, it then looks at both those who sought to create a public will for public education and recent reform movements that have sought to redirect public support from a unified education system and instead advocate a patchwork of charters, vouchers for private schools, on-line education, home schooling, virtual schools and public schools based on market emulation models. Drawing from other theories of education, especially Plato (and the Spartan model), Locke, and John Stuart Mill, it also suggests that it might be instructive to compare Gutmann’s three sources of authority to Abraham Kuyper’s concept of Sphere sovereignty.It concludes that ultimate authority for education is —or should be—, somewhat paradoxically, vested in the adult the child will become, creating practical problems regarding the education of the sovereign that are never fully resolved and which may, in fact, be unresolvable based on rational deliberation. Finally, it looks at one instrument of business, market segmentation, and its importance as a motivating factor for education reform.

Uncertain Citizenship: Everyday Practices of Bolivian Migrants in Chile by Megan Ryburn

Reviewed by: Uncertain Citizenship: Everyday Practices of Bolivian Migrants in Chile by Megan Ryburn Chris Strunk Megan Ryburn Uncertain Citizenship: Everyday Practices of Bolivian Migrants in Chile. Oakland: University of California Press, 2018. xiii + 206 pp. Maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index. $35.95 paper (ISBN 978-0-520-29877-4); $85.00 cloth (ISBN 978-0-520-29876-7); $34.95 electronic (ISBN 978-0-520-97079-3) In october 2019, millions of chileans took to the streets to demand that Sebastián Piñera’s government end a proposed metro fare hike. Behind the concerns over increasing transit costs, the dramatic protests were fueled by widespread anger at the failures of neoliberalism in the country, including inadequate and expensive social services, high levels of debt, and the exclusionary nature of Chilean society. While formal politics and social movements are often seen as the primary avenues for individuals and groups to make claims on the nation-state, in recent years scholars have increasingly turned their attention to the everyday as a site of belonging and citizenship. In Uncertain Citizenship, Megan Ryburn makes an important contribution to the field of migration and citizenship studies in a richly detailed ethnography about the lives of Bolivian migrants in Chile. [End Page 291] Uncertain Citizenship is based on a multi-sited ethnography with Bolivian migrants in the Chilean cities of Santiago and Arica, and in migrant communities of origin in Bolivia. The strength of the book lies in its rich descriptions of the lived experiences of Bolivian migrants and their struggles to exercise substantive rights in a society that routinely discriminates against and marginalizes them. Accessing spaces inhabited by low-wage migrants, many of whom have irregular legal status, presents obvious logistical and ethical challenges for researchers, and Ryburn’s introduction offers a thoughtful discussion of the strengths and challenges of her research design. Long-term volunteer work with a migrant rights association in Chile gives Ryburn a sense of the shifting and interconnected exclusions (and inclusions) of migrants from substantive citizenship rights, as well as knowledge of specific policy changes proposed by advocates. Fieldwork in multiple places in Chile and Bolivia further contributes to the development of a theory of South-South migration shaped by conditions in transnational spaces. Ryburn’s research is an important corrective to the dominant focus in migration research on the global North as a destination for international migrants. Bolivians in particular have a long history of migration to northern Argentina and Buenos Aires, explored in great depth by Bolivian and Argentine scholars such as Alfonso Hinojosa Gordonava, Alejandro Grimson, and Susana Sassone. In recent years, Bolivian migration patterns have shifted away from the European Union and United States – largely a result of economic recessions and restrictive immigration policies – to neighboring Brazil and Chile. Ryburn describes recent migration to Chile as part of a livelihood and economic citizenship strategy in post-neo-liberal Bolivia, which has challenged some of the major tenets of neoliberalism while maintaining a system that has failed to meaningfully address marginalization and vulnerability. But while mobility is part of a search for a more certain citizenship that guarantees economic and social rights (el sueño chileno), Bolivian migrants often encounter more uncertainty in Chile, where citizenship has been shaped by the country’s long history of neoliberal social and economic policies. Ryburn illustrates the ambiguous position of migrants through six brief but poignant descriptions of different places of uncertain citizenship, taking the reader from overcrowded and dangerous migrant cités (dwellings) in Santiago to domestic workers isolated in the homes of wealthy Chileans on the edges of the capital city. Her analysis of Bolivian truck drivers at a remote border crossing in Lago Chungará exemplifies the importance of a spatial perspective on citizenship that she develops throughout the book. Here, she describes how a long history of geopolitical tensions between Chile and Bolivia, as well as an intentional policy of Chileanization that violently displaced and discriminated against Indigenous people in the region, shape the arbitrary applications of the law against poor and Indigenous Bolivians crossing international boundaries in the twenty-first century. While Uncertain Citizenship has a strong empirical focus, it also develops important...

Locating disconnected minoritized youth within urban community-based educational programs in an Era of Neoliberalism

We explore the experiences of youth who disconnected from their local high schools and resumed their educations in community-based education (CBE) programs offering high school equivalency instruction. Drawing on focus-group interview narratives (N = 59) where youth describe the ‘second chances’ offered to them, we document supportive, encouraging relationships with adults in the CBEs that stand in contrast to their experiences in school. Simultaneously, we suggest that in the face of program narratives that emphasized individual responsibility and success, any critical read of their world articulated earlier by the youth was no longer evident. In essence, they moved from one institution framed by neoliberal tenets to another but in the process, they traded the resistance they exhibited in their public high schools to accommodation in the CBEs. We problematize the discourse of ‘second chances’ if and when it remains uncoupled to analyses of societal and institutional inequity and injustices.

Neoliberal Metaphors in Presidential Discourse from Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump

Neoliberalism is a complex and ambiguous concept that has been consistently referred to by critics of an economic policy based, at least rhetorically, on free market and free trade in the last few decades. These two major tenets of neoliberalism have dominated the discourse of American presidents since the beginning of the 1980s. The same period has also been characterized by an increased tendency to tie these economic policies to freedom, a core value of American identity that came to be defined primarily in economic terms. Starting with Ronald Reagan, economic freedom rather than political liberty became the measure of virtue, as the “free world” admitted more authoritarian regimes in its ranks in the name of anti-communism (Numberg 2003). The collapse of the Soviet bloc only served to bolster the vision that free market and free trade alone could bring prosperity and political freedom. This would become the dominant worldview at international institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF and would be solidified in the rhetoric of Republican and Democratic presidents alike (McNaught 2009). Drawing on the rhetorical and cognitive approaches developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1981), Chilton (2004) and Charteris-Black (2011), this paper analyses how conceptual metaphors in presidential discourse have contributed to creating a mythical vision of free trade and free market since the 1980s. The metaphors of movement, journey, nature, machine and sport resonate with the way Americans understand and experience their national identity, at the center of which are the values of freedom, competition and progress. They have turned an abstract economic philosophy into a comprehensible and sacred story at the heart of the American model. This model has been one of expansion of free markets and free trade. It has also been pervasive even in the domestic sphere, in the way a divisive issue like health care was framed through a positive market narrative. Despite policies that may have occasionally seemed to contradict the faith in the market, especially in the wake of the 2008 financial and economic meltdown, presidential discourse remained focused on free trade and free markets. This economic crisis may have triggered the first cracks in the mostly consensual view of free trade and free market in political rhetoric across the board. This article argues that much as there was a neoliberal consensus for 35 years, President Trump has been the great disrupter of neoliberal rhetoric by rejecting free trade agreements and by ignoring altogether the virtue of free market, a notion almost entirely absent from his discourse. He has replaced the neoliberal doxa with a discourse centered on the trade deficit and on short-term accumulation of national wealth and power. He has embraced the virtue of national sovereignty while rejecting what he called “globalism”. He has offered an antagonistic vision of a world in which international trade is conceived as a zero-sum game. This new vision is reflected in the metaphors used by a president who has challenged the norms of presidential rhetoric at many levels.

Inclusivity in neo-liberal policy environment: preparedness of mass media to support disability awareness campaigns in Ghana

Purpose: The mass media have been described as an important institution in educating society about persons with disabilities and in facilitating their acceptance. However, calls to project a positive public image of persons with disabilities and to develop an inclusive society have coincided with the neo-liberal approach to policymaking, whereby government plays a minimised role in the provision of basic services to citizens. Although the extant literature from advanced countries has found stereotypical and disempowering portrayals of persons with disabilities in the mass media, this area remains unresearched in developing countries. The purpose of this study was to explore how the managers of media organisations conceptualise disability, their perception of the role and contribution of the media towards promoting effective public awareness campaigns about persons with disabilities.Methods: This descriptive, qualitative study draws on a purposive sample of 20 participants consisting of general managers, news editors and programme managers from ten media organisations in a region in Ghana. A semi-structured interview guide was developed from the literature, which included tenets of neo-liberalism, to collect the data.Results: The study found that the majority of respondents cited medical model explanations of disability. Also, they were unprepared to prioritise disability issues due to lack of public interest in disability programmes and lack of funds and sponsorship for disability programmes.Conclusion: Governments must offer tax rebates to media organisations to enable them to prioritise disability issues. Other recommendations for developing media interest in disability issues are also discussed.Implications for rehabilitationThis study shows limited understanding of disability among decision-makers or key players in media organisations in Ghana.In an environment of meritocracy, persons with disabilities who struggle to access education in Ghana, may be unable to secure jobs at media organisation.This study shows that media organisations seem unprepared to support or project image of persons with disabilities because such ventures come with no reward.We conclude that if the government is committed towards achieving an inclusive society in Ghana, it could offer tax rebate to media organisations to enable them cover disability programmes.

Trust, Innocence, and Individual Responsibility: Neoliberal Dreams of a Colorblind Peace

AbstractIn his 1944 article, Prospect of a World Without Racial Conflict, W.E.B. DuBois hypothesized that we would never live in a world without racial division. With this in mind, we highlight how neoliberal ideologies promote policy, actions, and an idea of peace that upholds racial inequality in the United States. We consider how neoliberal tenets, such as free market trust and individual responsibility, reflect and promote misperceptions of racial conflict and impact colorblind perceptions of peace and justice. These perceptions promote definitions of conflict as physical violence versus systemic violence, ignore racial equality as a path to peace in favor of harmonious interaction, and highlight individuals as responsible for racial conflict as opposed to the system. In response, we argue for counter‐definitions of peace that explicitly acknowledge systemic violence and prioritize justice within the racial conflict context.

‘HIV Both Starts and Stops with Me’: Configuring the Neoliberal Sexual Actor in HIV Prevention

This article argues that newer HIV prevention campaigns and health promotions that focus on reaching the public with information on how to prevent HIV infections or treat them once a person becomes HIV positive are mainly built upon the rationale of what has been called ‘a neoliberal sexual actor’. The sexual actor being represented is predicated upon the tenets of a neoliberal subject wherein market choice, rational risk analysis, personal responsibility, and personal entrepreneurship are in focus. Whereas many of the newer health promotions are built upon the tenets of neoliberalism, these health promotions while being both inclusive in terms of sexualities and racialized identities nevertheless play on neoliberal ideals that may or may not be available for the people who are most vulnerable in terms of HIV risk. The article ends up by arguing that while many of these health promotions are both ‘sex-positive’ and avoid the specter of ‘risk’ and ‘infection’ and rather play on neoliberal concepts, they nevertheless also leave behind those that for whatever reasons cannot comply with or access these tenets. In an era when the HIV effort strongly plays on a rhetoric of ‘leaving no one behind’ such an overt focus on the neoliberal concepts of free choice, market freedom, personal responsibility, and ‘rational’ risk calculation, might end up leaving behind the most vulnerable people within the HIV epidemic.

Neoliberalism, crisis and authoritarian–ethnicist reaction: The ascendancy of the Orbán regime

This paper analyses the seemingly contradictory fusion between authoritarianism and neoliberalism in Hungary under the Orbán regime. Since coming into power in 2010 on a popular backlash against austerity, the hard-right Fidesz–KDNP government, led by Viktor Orbán, has carried out a root-and-branch transformation of Hungarian society. While officially proposing a break with neoliberalism at home and abroad, the paper argues that the Orbán regime has rather deepened it, producing a specific variety of ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’, which skilfully combines some of the central tenets of neoliberalism (maintenance of a balanced budget, introduction of a flat tax system and the pursuit of regressive social policies) with ‘ethnicist–populist’ measures that seek to co-opt, coerce or manufacture consensus among subaltern groups in society against alleged ‘enemies’ of the Hungarian nation. While Orbán’s ‘illiberal’ politics have been strongly criticized by neoliberal institutions, such as the IMF and the EU, they have taken little concrete action against the Hungarian government. We argue that the reason for this is pragmatic: the Orbán regime has not only been a model for neoliberal austerity in Europe since the 2008 crisis, but also its authoritarian and xenophobic policies are not that different from other EU states.

Assessing risk by analogy: a case study of us medical device risk management policy

Medical devices occupy an increasingly important place in global medical care, and yet the risk management systems that govern them are largely overlooked in academic literatures. In the US, home to the largest medical devices market, Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulation allows most medical devices to enter the market based on analogy, or substantial equivalence, with previously marketed devices. Thus, risk assessment is administered without premarket clinical trials for safety and efficacy. This system represents a permissive regulatory regime based in neoliberal tenets, where risk, in the form of adverse events, is inherently tolerated within governance structures, evidencing risk colonisation. This paper employs a case study approach, examining market clearances of vaginal mesh surgical devices, which have been the subject of US multi-district litigation. We identified 266 devices cleared before 31 December 2017 and analysed the complicated web of device ‘ancestry’ whereby devices as disparate as cardiac patches and hernia mesh allowed clearance of surgical devices for urogynecology. Perhaps of greatest concern, 10 recalled or withdrawn devices influenced new device clearances for up to 17 years after their market-removal. While the FDA must balance its dual mandate to safeguard patients and promote innovation, we find that medical device regulation structurally favours innovation over safety. ‘Light touch’ risk assessment is not counterbalanced with postmarket mechanisms to safeguard against residual and developmental risks that are associated with medical devices, particularly permanent implants. The proportionality principle associated with a precautionary approach should inform medical device risk management.

International law and feeding the world in times of climate change

ABSTRACTGrowing consensus that climate change exacerbates hunger has led to enhanced efforts to find new ways to feed the world. The prevailing approach to feeding the world in times of climate change is informed by neoliberal tenets, in line with the dominant contemporary global food regime. At the same time, there is resistance against neoliberal solutions to hunger, led primarily by food sovereignty movements. This short paper explores the role that international law plays in constructing a neoliberal narrative of hunger and a food sovereignty narrative of hunger in the context of climate change. The main conclusion is that the dominant neoliberal narrative promotes certain fundamental assumptions about hunger and climate change, and the food sovereignty narrative fails to challenge these assumptions. The language of international law limits the options food sovereignty advocates have to challenge the dominant neoliberal narrative and its underlying assumptions.

Development in Theory and Practice: Culture, Ethnocentrism, and the Liberal Model

This article discusses how Howard J. Wiarda’s writings on ethnocentrism in scholarship and policy making have deepened our understanding of politics in less developed countries by imploring scholars to recognize the importance of cultural context as well as their own built-in, Western-centric biases. It applies Wiarda’s critiques of ethnocentrism in theory and practice by addressing the inherent problems with development paradigms that are derived from Western experiences and anchored in the tenets of neoliberalism. It then explores these issues by examining China’s market socialism paradigm and the dynamics of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa to illustrate the point that development trajectories in the Global South do not always conform to Western experiences or expectations.

Rethinking resilience: home gardening, food sharing and everyday resistance

ABSTRACTResilience and food self-provisioning (FSP), terms that until recently were deployed primarily in the study of livelihoods in the Global South, are now attracting attention from alternative food scholarship in the Global North. Drawing on a large-scale survey conducted in the Czech Republic, this article investigates FSP as a social resilience-enhancing set of practices. In addition to the traditional reading of FSP as a passive, defensive and crisis-deflecting form of resilience, this article puts forward an alternative conceptualisation of resilience as a proactive, preventative, future-oriented and transformation-enabling capacity that runs counter to the tenets of neoliberalism.

THE LIFE ESIDIMENI CRISIS: WHY A NEOLIBERAL AGENDA LEAVES NO ROOM FOR THE MENTALLY ILL

The Life Esidimeni crisis in South Africa is a shocking tragedy in which an estimated 141 mental health patients died after being transferred to some unlicensed non-government organisations (NGOs), as a result of the termination of a government-subsidised contract. The subsequent public arbitration hearings cast blame upon certain individuals, but left the deinstitutio­nalisation process untouched. Though these individuals must be held to account, we argue that the greater overarching process of deinstitutionalisation needs to be questioned. While the concept of deinstitutionalisation holds merit, it has been co-opted by a neoliberal agenda. Underlying the Life Esidimeni crisis are neoliberal tenets of economic prioritisation, self-responsibility and the removal of the state from service delivery

Can the market be tamed? A thought experiment on the value(s) of planning

In many contexts across the globe, the scope and remit of planning is being limited. Much of the academic literature identifies this tendency as arising from a tension between planning as a state-regulatory activity and the tenets of neoliberalism – particularly free market competition. In this essay, we seek to explore the degree to which this perceived incompatibility between planning and the neoliberal order is genuinely real by running a thought experiment. We hope to show that thinking about the development process in this way points to alternative ways of imagining the scope and remit of planning – and how the normative principles at the core of the activity might be reconciled, or even extended, within the context of a neoliberal polity.

La Universidad y la vida..., o cómo mantenernos vivos en medio de la neoliberalización de la Universidad

La presente reflexión intenta tensionar el concepto de precariedad, entendida únicamente en términos de fragilización de las condiciones laborales, para preguntarse acerca de los efectos que las recientes transformaciones experimentadas por la Universidad (y que afectan no solo al ejercicio cotidiano de nuestro trabajo, sino también a la manera en la que nos vinculamos con nuestros compañeros y estudiantes, así como a la forma en la que nos pensamos) tienen sobre el sostenimiento de nuestra propia vida, incompatible, en demasiadas ocasiones, con las nuevas exigencias del guion neoliberal.