Taliban Research Articles

Tourism: issues and prospects of development during the war

The relevance of the study. Today, tourism has become a strategic branch of economic development in different countries. It promotes social and cultural development, spreads welfare and the level of the population and promotes the country to the world market, as well as increases its economic potential.
 Russian aggression posed new challenges to the tourism industry of Ukraine, which had already experienced significant negative effects of large-scale restrictions caused by the two-year epidemic of COVID disease before the war. Currently, we need to plan how we will develop Ukrainian tourism during the war and after its end. The article is devoted to the study of the scientific output of both foreign and domestic scientists, which deals with a wide range of topics related to the development of tourism during military operations and terrorist threats. The experience of countries that quickly recovered after large-scale conflicts and where tourism began to occupy one of the leading positions was analyzed. Getting close with this experience will undoubtedly help in developing a strategy for the development of tourism in Ukraine in these new times.
 The purpose of the article is to study the impact of military actions on the development of tourism and to analyze the experience of tourism developing in the countries affected by military conflict.
 The methodology. Methods of abstraction, analysis and synthesis were used in the research process.
 The results. So, it can be noted that today, the topic of war and tourism is quite relevant, because in many countries the share of income from tourism is a significant percentage of GDP, and military conflicts have affected many countries. The range of researched issues of the connection between war and tourism covers a wide range of issues. It is location, political strategies, historical contingencies, transport links and economic feasibility that play a role in the development and continuation of tourism before, during and after the war. Examples of countries that have successfully restored the tourism industry after the war and their accumulated experience should become a basis for Ukraine in developing its own plans for the existence and further development of tourism in the country.
 It is emphasized that special attention should be paid to the preservation of cultural heritage during the war. The example of the war in Yugoslavia, the rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan, and more recently the military aggression of Russia against Ukraine, show that aggressors are not necessarily guided by the acquisition of land, resources and power. Instead, their goal is mostly to destroy cultural heritage, evidence of an uncomfortable past that they are trying to rewrite. According to preliminary estimates, since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, more than 150 different monuments and cultural objects have been completely damaged or destroyed. The Ukrainian Cultural Foundation has created an interactive “Map of Cultural Losses” that demonstrates the extent of the destruction of monuments as a result of Russia’s invasion in Ukraine. Therefore, all the experience accumulated by the countries in similar conditions will be useful to Ukraine and needs to be studied in detail.
 With a protracted military conflict with Russia, in our opinion, Ukraine should pay special attention to Israel’s experience in tourism development. As the experience of the countries that have experienced similar events shows, the current attention to Ukraine from almost the whole world can also be used to develop tourism, for example, to provide information about our history and culture, and not only about military operations.
 The scientific novelty. Consideration of the relationship between tourism and hostilities and prospects for its development in Ukraine.
 The practical significance. The materials of this article can be used to develop programs or strategies for the development of tourism in wartime and postwar period.

Legalitas Pergantian Kekuasaan Di Afganistan Melalui Coup D’etat Oleh Taliban Menurut Hukum Internasional

Since the US withdrew all its military forces, the Taliban as one of the ultra-conservative factions managed to hold control of all Afghanistan. The dominance of the Taliban's power has peaked since the coup d'etat (coup) of the legitimate government in power under President Ashraf Ghani. The international community condemns the coup act and fears the Taliban leadership will pursue policies that are incompatible with human rights values. For this reason, this study examines the legality of the coup act carried out by the Taliban according to international law. In addition, this study will also analyze how the government under the control of the Taliban can gain recognition from other countries so that it can be used as a modality for establishing international relations. By using normative legal research, this study concludes that to determine the legality of the coup carried out by the Taliban, it is very dependent on the constitutionality of the coup according to Afghan law, their effective control, and their compliance with international law. Although the recognition is still ambiguous in practice, the Afghan government under the Taliban needs it to be actively involved in international relations

THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY: A COVERT MILITARY METHOD

This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.

Dealing with Afghanistan after the US Withdrawal: Challenges and Options for Pakistan

The withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan in July 2021 resulted in the fall of Kabul within a month and the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan. Since the Afghan Taliban are a reality to reckon with, hence, Pakistan needs to deal with the challenges amid this situation and calculate policy options for a sound relationship based upon mutual trust and security of the whole region. The situation after the fall of Kabul in August 2021 is still developing but one thing is clear this would enhance Pakistan’s difficulties. The need of the hour is to carefully examine the ground conditions and then take calibrated measures to secure Pakistan’s interests in the region. This essay studies and analyzes issues and current challenges for Pakistan and how to deal with the situation after the US withdrawal.

The Evolving Russo-Pak Entente-Cordiale: Challenges for the Future

Historically, the Russo-Pak relationship had aforeign policy context and a legacy that went through the historic eras of pre-partition Great Game between the British Indian and Czarist Empires,and the post-partition Cold War between the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the United States of America (USA).Pakistan on its creation sided with the American led West through Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) or Baghdad Pact, plus, the partnerships against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and in the War on Terror. The US military and financial aid and the support by the International and Asian financial institutions for Pakistan is decades old—albeit now with a friction over Afghanistan, Russia and China. Still, the transactional-cooperation remains over Afghanistan through the air-corridorthatis useful for Americans in many ways. American influence, assets and the air-corridor is a deadly mix in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban know thatthe drones, jets and aircrafts using the corridor take-off from and land at Qatar without ever landing in Afghanistan. Moreover, intelligence sharing is part of Pak-US operational cooperation with a possibility of a military base too. The context of Pak-US cooperation is the centuries old British era Frontier Policy. It remained until the American strategic withdrawal from Afghanistan. Therelationship since then has deteriorated and the perception of each other is not harmonious despite the tactical cooperation in Afghanistan. The reason is the strategic choices made by Pakistan and America lackingcongruence over China, Russia, Afghanistan and India.Theinteractive-arm-twisting of Pakistan is an indicator. The restis the detail of Pakistan’s New Frontier Policy.

Understanding Shifts in US Policies towards the Taliban: A Critical Analysis

The ‘war on terror’ produced discourses, which elevated terrorism as a primary threat to international peace and security and justified the overthrow of regimes that were suspected of supporting terrorism. After two decades, the United States (US) seeks to wind down the war, including through negotiations with groups that it once regarded as terrorist or complicit in terrorism. This article takes a critical approach to examine these shifts in US policy in relation to the Taliban in Afghanistan. It conceives the Taliban as a networked movement that consisted of local roots, transnational jihadist ties and connections to Pakistan’s proxy war in Afghanistan. The article then identifies and problematises key assumptions of American discourses by assessing them against local patterns of terrorism and (in)security and the Taliban’s violent tactics. Drawing on US sources, it finds that the US discourses shifted over time between various aspects of the Taliban movement as signifiers of its identity to justify shifting Washington’s priorities in Afghanistan. These discursive shifts, which reflected US policy priorities, introduced uncertainties and contradictions that contributed to the failure of the war efforts in Afghanistan. Analyse critique des changements survenus dans la politique américaine à l’égard des talibans

Resurgence of Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan Foreign Policy

This study analyses the historical, conflictual and re-insurgence status of Taliban and Pakistan’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan. Throughout history, Afghanistan has both gained and suffered because of her strategic location. For this reason, regional and major world powers wanted to control, neutralize rival plans, or claim their own influence over the country. Over the last three decades, foreign interventions have played a critical role in transforming Afghan society and integrating it into global politics. This study is qualitative in nature. Sharing cultural, ethnic and religious ties, Pakistan and Afghanistan relations have always been close, yet conflicts over the Durand line, the Soviet Afghan war, Pakistan’s support to the Taliban regime, the role of Pakistan in the War on Terror and the growing cross-border militancy has strained relations between the two countries. Afghans deserve a future far better than their experiences of the past years. One can only way that high level of officials engaged directly rather than solely to maintain relations and to achieve national interest on both sides. Include influential pashtoon representation, plan to manage controversy and disputes, acknowledge core issues, focus bilateral topics, regularize military to military engagement, single good faith through domestic polices, cooperate on post conflict reconstruction, build momentum through confidence –building measures like trade, people to people exchange, investment.

A Saga of Decisive Combat of Pakistan Army in North and South Waziristan (2009- 2016)

The entire security landscape of the world was altered due to the 9/11 terrorist attacks on America's World Trade Centre. After this incident, the US accused Al-Qaeda headship of the attacks. Henceforth, President Bush demanded the Afghan Taliban hand over Osama Bin Laden to the US. However, when the Taliban did not respond positively, the US attacked Afghanistan. The US also pushed Pakistan to take a U-turn on its Afghan policy; hence, President Musharraf decided to offer logistics and other relevant backing to the American force sin their operation in Afghanistan. After the defeat of the Afghan Taliban in 2002, many militants from Afghanistan came to Pakistan's tribal areas through a porous border. As Pakistan supported the US War on Terrorism (WoT), a militant insurgency was started in the tribal areas of Pakistan. This research examines the counter-terrorism strategies of the Pakistan army that it implemented from 2009 to 2016. The study explains the military operations of the Pakistan army in former FATA against hardcore terrorist groups like Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other small and affiliated radical organizations. It is analyzed that military operations namely Rah-e-Nijat and Zarb-e-Azb in former FATA with a focus on North and South Waziristan relatively remained successful.

الصورة الإعلامية للمرأة الافغانية كما قدمها موقع روسيا اليوم RT الاخباري في آب - تشرين الثاني 2021

تولي المواقع الإخبارية الدولية ومنها موقع روسيا اليوم اهتماماً خاصاً بالصورة الإعلامية للمرأة الأفغانية لاسيما بعد سيطرة حركة طالبان على الحكم في افغانستان، اذ ان هذه الحركة كانت ترى ان دور المرأة لا يتعدى تربية النشئ الجديد؛ لذلك كان لابد من معرفة صورة المرأة الافغانية ومصير الحقوق التي اكتسبتها في السنوات الاخيرة والتحولات التي طالتها بعد سيطرة طالبان على الحكم ودراستها في المواقع الإخبارية الدولية وبالتحديد موقع روسيا اليوم.
 لخصت الباحثة مشكلة هذه الدراسة في التساؤل الآتي: ما الصورة الإعلامية للمرأة الافغانية في موقع روسيا اليومRT الإخباري؟
 اتبعت الباحثة المنهج المسحي بهدف الوصول الى النتائج، التي كانت أبرزها: إن محددات الصورة الإعلامية للمرأة الأفغانية تكمن في المعالجة الصحفية التي قدمها القائم بالاتصال في موقع روسيا اليوم في التركيز على ابراز التصور الإعلامي والسياسي الدولي لأوضاع المرأة الأفغانية وعلى اثارة المخاوف الدولية إزاء مستقبل المرأة الأفغانية في ظل حكم طالبان لأنها مهددة بالإقصاء من المجتمع، والمطالبة بحقوقها عن طريق مطالبات الدول والمنظمات والناشطين الدوليين.

Post-Taliban Afghanistan: Economic Collapse and Security Challenges in the region

In mid of August 2021 Kabul once again fell under the control of Taliban after twenty years long war. This bizarre development in the already destabilized region of South Asia has raise so many and very grave questions regarding the security of the various crises stricken region of South Asian. The long conflict, Islamic Jihad against and civil war in Afghanistan had culminated in the shape of Taliban who take over control of Afghanistan in 1990s which became a heaven for Terrorist originations such as Al Qaeda and many more which caused the tragic terrorist attack of 9/11. This caused Great War against Terrorism when US with all its power and NATO allies had onslaught over Afghanistan. This war continued for over twenty years but resulted a great tragic military debacle in the year 2021 when Afghan Taliban took over control of the entire in less than ten days. In this research paper the author has tried to analyze background, challenges and prospects of Taliban take over at regional and international level along with recommendation to deal with this new political development.

A Study of the Extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan in the Context of the Taliban’s Return to Power: A Response from Sichuan

On August 15, 2021, the Taliban overthrew the Ghani government and returned to power. The Afghan Taliban government’s ability to govern and its foreign policy are still unclear. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan, has always been friendly with the Afghan people and has no historical hatred. As a neighbor of Afghanistan, China can play a constructive role in the smooth transition of the situation in Afghanistan by taking advantage of being a neighbor. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a key mechanism for China to develop China-Afghanistan economic and trade relations. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has achieved remarkable results in Pakistan. With the return of the Taliban to power and the return of calm in Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, the extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan has become a common goal promoted by China, Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, it remains to be seen where the Taliban government returns to power, and the international community is cautious about its attitude. On March 30-31, 2022, Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi hosted the third meeting of foreign ministers of Afghanistan’s neighbors in Tunxi, Anhui Province, attended by the foreign ministers or representatives of Pakistan, Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Wang Yi also hosted the “Afghanistan Neighbors + Afghanistan” Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue and invited Acting Foreign Minister Mottaki of the Taliban government to attend. This is a new starting point for China-Afghanistan cooperation and friendship. Sichuan can take advantage of its distance and infrastructure to contribute to the Sino-Afghan friendship.

Assessing al-Qaeda: A Debate

Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks, the current status and future of al-Qaeda is a central policy question, especially as the U.S. government looks to pivot away from counterterrorism toward managing great power competition. This article presents a debate on this issue between Daniel Byman and Asfandyar Mir. Mir argues that al-Qaeda remains a significant threat, committed to fighting the United States despite pressures to alter direction. The control of al-Qaeda central over its major regional affiliates remains strong, with steady growth in capability. It also retains important allies and has major opportunities due to the return of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the domestic political environment, changing priorities in the United States, and great power competition. Byman, in contrast, contends that al-Qaeda suffers debilitating organizational problems, with affiliates having localized and the movement lacking a haven remotely comparable to pre-9/11 Afghanistan. In addition, improved counterterrorism keeps al-Qaeda off balance. If al-Qaeda remains a major threat, counterterrorism must remain among the United States’ major national security priorities, even if it is not the top one, and robust counterterrorism measures need to be sustained. If al-Qaeda is weak, the importance of counterterrorism in the hierarchy of U.S. foreign policy priorities can fall substantially.

Women astronomers in Afghanistan need the world’s support

The return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan makes women and girls outcasts in society, and their education illegal. However, they are clever and deserve to be taught and learn, and for that international (financial) support is needed.

Women in Afghanistan: a call for action

Women in Afghanistan: a call for action

Disappointment and Indifference: Pakistan and The Biden Presidency

Disappointment and Indifference:Pakistan and The Biden Presidency Robert M. Hathaway (bio) Over the decades, the up-and-down relationship between Pakistan and the United States has sometimes been likened to a roller coaster ride.1 Others have seen it marked by a succession of "bubble-crash cycles," alternating periods when Pakistani and American interests converged and the two countries found mutually useful ways to work together, punctuated by periods of discord when their fundamental interests seemed to go in different directions.2 Still others, noting the way in which Islamabad and Washington have appeared to be friends and enemies simultaneously, have portrayed the two countries as "frenemies."3 Regardless of the metaphor, Islamabad's ties with the United States in recent years have displayed the same volatility as in earlier periods of their 75-year history. [End Page 1] The elevation of Joe Biden to the American presidency in 2021 initially generated hopes in Pakistan that perhaps the two countries could move beyond the boom-and-bust pattern of the past. Through the first year of Biden's presidency, however, these aspirations never came close to fulfillment. Worse yet in the eyes of many in Pakistan, a new element entered the Pakistan-American equation. To the astonishment of those who had expected something more from Biden, and contrary to the approach pursued by previous U.S. presidents, the attitude toward Pakistan of the new American administration bordered on utter indifference. The Trump Years Donald Trump, who entered the White House in early 2017, did little to alter the roller coaster pattern so characteristic of ties between Pakistan and the United States. The first year of the Trump administration saw the unpredictable American president unleash several exceptionally harsh verbal attacks on Pakistan. Past U.S. administrations had paid Pakistan "billions and billions of dollars at the same time they [Pakistan] are housing the very terrorists that we are fighting" in Afghanistan, Trump declared in August 2017. "That will have to change, and that will change immediately," he threatened. Four months later, Trump launched a New Year's Day Twitter blast at Islamabad. "The United States has foolishly given Pakistan more than 33 billion dollars in aid over the last 15 years, and they have given us nothing but lies & deceit, thinking of our leaders as fools," the president thundered. "No more!"4 Three days later, the State Department announced the suspension of all U.S. security assistance to Pakistan. In the months that followed, the Trump administration took further steps to ratchet up pressure on Pakistan, most notably by working with allies to place Pakistan on the Financial Action Task Force's (FATF) "gray list" of countries with inadequate controls on terrorist financing, a move that could dry up foreign investment and seriously damage an already weak Pakistani economy.5 In November 2018, Trump and Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan engaged in an unseemly public spat via Twitter, with Trump again complaining that Pakistan had taken billions [End Page 2] in U.S. assistance while simultaneously housing September 11th mastermind Osama bin Laden and actively working against American efforts to defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan. Washington had at last "restored some clarity in our relationship with Pakistan," a White House press spokesman declared. "For the first time we're holding Pakistan accountable for its actions."6 Trump's complaints about Pakistan had not come out of the blue. U.S. frustration with Islamabad had begun almost simultaneously with the resurrection of the U.S.-Pakistan partnership in the weeks after the September 11, 2001, attacks on New York and Washington. As the years passed and U.S. efforts to create a stable democratic government in Afghanistan sputtered, relations with Islamabad worsened. Washington charged that Pakistan provided safe havens and other vital support to the Afghan Taliban and allied groups like the Haqqani network, which had been responsible for some of the deadliest attacks against the Kabul government and its American partners. Pakistan denied the U.S. allegations, insisted it was a faithful partner in the struggle against extremist terror, and declared that Washington was scapegoating Pakistan to avoid facing its own failures in Afghanistan. Yet, despite this unpromising beginning...

COMPLEXITIES OF THE PEACEBUILDING PROCESS IN AFGHANISTAN

  The long-lasting conflict in Afghanistan leads to an aggravation of the socio-economic crisis in the country. This is a serious obstacle to the stable development of Afghan society and a challenge to regional security. The peace talks in Qatar in September 2020 between the Government of the IRA and the Taliban movement could contribute to ending the conflict and implementing measures for the peaceful construction and development of the country. However, the events following the announcement of the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan and the coming to power of the Taliban government have once again put on the agenda the issue of finding ways to resolve the conflict as soon as possible by peaceful means.          The article analyzes the fundamental principles of establishing the peace process in Afghanistan. Exploring the interaction of all parties involved in the peace process, the authors pose research questions: "What are the main difficulties in establishing a peace process in Afghanistan?" and “is there a prospect of achieving peace and stability in modern Afghanistan?"      The role of national, regional and international actors in establishing peace in Afghanistan is considered based on the content-analysis and review of the opinion of the expert community (using the Delphi method), as well as their own observations (the included observation method) of one of the authors of the article, who was a direct participant in the Doha negotiation process. Key words: Peacebuilding, nation building, stability, US Military withdrawal, Afghanistan

UPAYA INDONESIA DALAM MENANGKAL POTENSI INTOLERANSI DAN RADIKALISME PASCA KELOMPOK TALIBAN BERKUASA

Radicalism is currently a popular issue in Indonesia after the rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the potential for intolerance and radicalism is increasingly becoming a very hot issue. The Indonesian government continues to take preventive measures to counter the potential phenomenon of the development of acts of intolerance and radicalism in Indonesian society after the Taliban group came to power. This has shown a condition where it is vulnerable and has the potential to return to terrorism. The Taliban created turmoil in Afghanistan. This study will explore and describe Indonesia's efforts to counter the potential for intolerance and radicalism after the Taliban came to power. The data collection method used in this study is a literature study that the author has prepared that is relevant to the title that the author is researching. Where the author will take data from news, research reports, scientific journals, and books related to the theme of this research. The results achieved in the research are Indonesia's efforts to counter the potential for intolerance and radicalism after the Taliban group came to power in Afghanistan.Keywords: Indonesia, the Taliban, radicalism and intolerance, and Pancasila

Diplomacy of Disaster: The Afghanistan ‘Peace Process’ and the Taliban Occupation of Kabul

Summary On 29 February 2020 in Doha, the United States signed an ‘Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan’ with the extremist Taliban movement. Yet on 15 August 2021, the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul. This article argues that the Doha Agreement did not simply precede the Taliban takeover; in significant ways it contributed to it. In its negotiation, content and implementation, it created destructive incentives for domestic and international parties, and it had effects on mass psychology in Afghanistan that its creators seemed not to have anticipated or understood. In that sense, it serves as a cautionary tale about the danger of assuming that negotiated ‘diplomatic solutions’ are necessarily superior to messy alternatives. The closest 20th-century equivalent was the Munich Agreement of September 1938.

China’s Policies and Challenges in the Taliban’s Afghanistan

With the US withdrawal and the return to power of the Afghan Taliban, the situation in Afghanistan has transformed significantly. China closely monitors the development in Afghanistan and highlights to the Afghan Taliban its redline over terrorism and extremism. It also develops ties with the Afghan Taliban to assist the Afghan people and the country in setting up a positive international image. However, given the complexities of the situation in Afghanistan and China’s inadequate knowledge of and influence in Afghanistan’s domestic affairs, China has faced tremendous challenges.

ВЛИЯНИЕ СОБЫТИЙ В АФГАНИСТАНЕ НА ТЕРРОРИСТИЧЕСКУЮ СИТУАЦИЮ В СТРАНАХ ЮГО-ВОСТОЧНОЙ АЗИИ

The article dwells on the impact of the victory of the Taliban (it’s under UN sanctions for terrorist activities) on the development of the jihadist movement in the Southeast Asian countries, which on the author opinion will be insignificant in the short term, but in in the long term, it can become a factor in the revitalization of the activities of terrorist organizations, both associated with Al-Qaeda and ISIS (banned in Russia). The seizure of power by the Taliban may have a moral and psychological impact on the Islamists, inspiring them to commit terrorist acts as part of the proclaimed task of creating a caliphate in Southeast Asia. First of all, this threat confronts Indonesia. The possibility of turning Afghanistan into a springboard for the preparation of international terrorism is not ruled out, as it was in the 80s of the last century, when it was the militants who fought on the side of the Mujahideen that formed the backbone of terrorist cells in Southeast Asia. The seizure of power by the Taliban in Afghanistan, which is estimated by Islamists as a victory over "Satan" in the person of the United States and the liberation of the country from the colonialists and imperialists, may have an impact on the strengthening of the process associated with the self-radicalization of Muslims living in Southeast Asia, especially young people. The development of the terrorist situation in the region will largely depend on whether the Taliban can create an effective model for managing an Islamic state.