Liberal Democratic System Research Articles

Kepemimpinan Perempuan dalam Konstruksi Berpikir Presiden Tiga Negara

<em>This study aims to investigate the thought construction of the leaders of three countries, namely Indonesia, the United States and Russia about women's leadership. This research was done by descriptive method. The data for this study was obtained from the official tweets of the presidents of three countries on Twitter. The keywords in the data search were: leadership, women, politics, human rights, and justice. Data analysis was carried out with the Nvivo 12 Pro. The results show that Joe Biden has a stronger thinking construct about women's state leadership with as many as 51, discussed by Joko Widodo in the second position with as many as 49 and Vladimir Putin in the last position with as many as 25. This also answers the thesis that with a liberal democratic system more open to women's leadership compared to the Pancasila democratic system and socialist democracy.</em>

Влияние интернета и социальных сетей на устойчивость либеральных демократий

The article examines causal links between the development of Internet technologies and crisis phenomena in liberal democratic systems. Following the principles of a comparative analysis, the author compared the state of democratic institutions and mechanisms before and after total digitalization. The author analyzed the stereotype concerning liberalizing effect of social networks and confirmed the con-clusion about their ideological neutrality. The study found two main forms of destabilizing effect of the Internet and social networks on liberal democracies.

Discontinuity in the Development of Modern Cities in Rem Koolhaas' Theories

Cities played a major role in human civilization, but there have been major changes in their forms. Throughout their long history, they have exhibited characteristics that contradict each other. Historians, noticing the differences in the properties of cities, pointed to their many types. The decisive division assumed that "oriental" cities are ruled by autocratic regimes, while "western" cities are liberal and democratic. This kind of division was often questioned, especially because it seemed that liberal-democratic systems had finally dominated world politics in the late 20th century. The turn of the 21st century showed that such predictions were not correct. Rem Koolhaas' theory of Generic Cities demonstrates that there has been an unexpected change and that city forms in which Western culture values are irrelevant are now gaining importance.

Elite Political Culture as Problematic for Liberal Democracy in Pakistan: A Critical Study

The elite political culture of Pakistan is comparatively feudalistic in nature as the base of power in the state. Political culture may be defined as how many people participate in the political procedure. It is a system of beliefs upon which a large majority of people agree. The history of the political culture of Pakistan has witnessed the domination of multiple elite groups. These major elites had influences on the political system. Gaetano Mosca, the founder of the Italian school of elitism enumerated the personal traits of these ruling elites, operating centrally as direct power holders of the body politics, The purpose of this research is to critically study the elite political culture and problematics created by this group for liberal democracy. This research will present the concept of elite political culture and how it emerged in the politics of Pakistan. It will also conclude that how elite political culture distorted or eclipsed specifically the smooth functioning of the liberal democratic political system of the state and society in general. For the completion of the proposed study, both primary, as well as secondary sources, have been used. While undertaking any research a peculiar methodology is applied to obtain the objectives of the study. Historical, narrative, descriptive, analytical and conceptual research methodology is applied. This is a descriptive analysis of elitism and presents this concept through different authors who treated this subject in different manners.

Disinformation as Geopolitical Risk for Transatlantic Institutions

Disinformation has become a geopolitical risk for transatlantic institutions and for the global democratic alliance. Russia and China as authoritarian powers have had a long-standing interest to undermine the institutions of the liberal international order, led by the United States, the European Union and the NATO alliance. That way, disinformation can undermine trust in the liberal democratic system, including free market economy, individual liberty and open society. This geopolitical risk poses a significant threat to fact-based and evidence-based policymaking in many areas, including economy and security. Comprehensive counter-intelligence policy solutions can detect and mitigate this risk by ensuring broader institutional and societal resilience through lifelong civic education.

Beleidsdiskriminasie, verandering en entrepreneurskap: Beperkte politieke regte vir "Kleurlinge" in Suid-Afrika tot 1979

Hierdie artikel kontekstualiseer, verduidelik en beoordeel die ontwikkeling van politieke regte vir "Kleurlinge" in Suid-Afrika, tot 1979. Dit word gedoen vanuit die teoretiese perspektief van beleidsentrepreneurs wat verskillende persoonlike, professionele en ander sosiale netwerke tot hulle beskikking gebruik om direkte beleidsbeïnvloeding te doen. Die artikel skets eers kortliks die teoretiese uitgangspunte en kenmerke van beleidsentrepreneurskap en -netwerkbeïnvloeding en som dan die ontwikkeling van politieke regte vir die "Kleurlingge-meenskap" in die land op, tot PW Botha die leierskap van die Nasionale Party oorgeneem het. Die artikel kontekstualiseer en fokus veral op die aanloop tot en die afloop van die Erika Theron-kommissie, wat 'n direkte rol gespeel het by die uiteindelike instelling van 'n fun-damentele nuwe staatsbestel in die land. Die ondersoek illustreer die toepassing en impak wat doelgerigte individuele beleidsentrepreneurskap en -netwerkbeïnvloeding deur strategies geposisioneerde individue, groepe en netwerke op fundamentele samelewingsverandering kan hê. Dit illustreer en staaf verder die belangrike kumulatiewe effek wat beide interne en eksterne politieke druk op beleidsverandering kan hê. Dit het belangrike implikasies vir huidige en toekomstige beleidsaanpassings in Suid-Afrika en in ander demokratiese beleidsveran-deringsprosesse.

REVOLUTION IN KYRGYZSTAN OF 2020 AND THE SADYR JAPAROV’s POPULIST PROJECT

There are two tendencies in populism studies that this paper addresses. The first can be defined as empirical Western-centrism manifested as the dominance of the European and American agenda in mainstream works on populism. Although, some researchers emphasize the global significance of the phenomenon, the proportion of studies related to the populist parties, movements, and leaders in the rest of the world is significantly inferior to the number of works on the Western agenda. The second trend is the tradition to approach populism, mainly, as a manifestation of some kind of crisis of democratic ‘normality’ in the context of electoral processes and party competition in liberal democratic political systems. If so, does it mean that populism is an indistinctive phenomenon beyond democratic party systems or the Western world? Moreover, what should be done with cases discovered in the non-democratic or non-liberal context, do they have the potential to develop the theory of populism. Therefore, my intention in this paper is to broaden the understanding of populism with the case of the revolution in Kyrgyzstan of October 2020 and the new Kyrgyz president Sadyr Japarov elected in January 2021. I believe that populism can be found beyond the Western left-right ideological opposition as well as to draw its strength and distinct symbolic content from alternative sources. Therefore, I am going to argue within the framework of Laclauian that Japarov’s political logic is essentially populist, although the Kyrgyz political system cannot be described as liberal or democratic. Moreover, I am convinced that the Kyrgyz case can contribute to the development of populism studies, while the theory of populism can suggest the further development of the situation in Kyrgyzstan.

Afghanistan and the Failure of Liberal Peacebuilding

The collapse of the US-aligned Afghan government and the seizure of Kabul by the Taliban in 2021 as the United States withdrew its forces was ultimately caused by a change in US government policy in June 2003. At that point, the George W. Bush administration dropped its aversion to state-building and its plan for a limited intervention designed to rid the country of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. The US instead undertook an extended exercise in liberal peacebuilding, involving the creation of an institutionally and coercively powerful centralised Afghan state and a liberal-democratic system. This enterprise was inherently misconceived, largely ignoring Afghan history and culture, as well as the limitations of the US and its partners. The painful experience of the past 18 years indicates that liberal peacebuilding, at least along the lines of the US-led effort in Afghanistan, should not be attempted again.

Coping with Unrest in the Periphery of China: Comparative Case Studies of Thailand, Myanmar and HKSAR

This paper examines the case studies of three East Asian entities (Thailand, Myanmar and Hong Kong) battling both the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic as well as socio-political unrest simultaneously. While Thailand/Myanmar and Hong Kong are different in geographical/demographic sizes and the former two are sovereign states while the latter is a Special Administrative Region (SAR), they have similar challenges in experiencing cosmopolitan pro-democracy movements (made up of young activists) pitted against the governments determined to maintain control in what political scientists may characterize as illiberal political systems. While Thailand and Myanmar may be much larger in terms of geographical/demographic sizes, much of the recent political activism occurred in the capital city of Bangkok (a city of about 8 million people) and Yangon (also having about 7 million in population and being the former capital of Myanmar before the military elites had moved the capital to Naypyidaw in anticipation of political unrests). In the case of Myanmar, the demonstration and protests have effectively spread nationwide. Both cities are similar in size to Hong Kong that is with approximately 7 million inhabitants. Both Bangkok and Hong Kong are also cosmopolitan cities with high exposure to global commerce, ideas and tourism while Yangon is a fast-developing urban commercial capital city. In terms of ideologies and political systems, both Bangkok and Hong Kong have nominal liberal democratic systems that have limits imposed on political freedoms while Myanmar was liberalizing and democratizing before the military coup on February 1, 2020. These similarities make them suitable candidates for comparative studies, including analyzing their differences in managing the political challenges.

Assessment of Political Participation and Democratic Governance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

Generally, this study examined the state of political participation and democratic governance in Nigeria’s fourth republic. It relied mainly on descriptive qualitative research approach and secondary sources of data such as journal articles, books, reports from political parties amongst other works from scholars on politics, democracy and governance in the fourth republic. The study equally adopted the liberal democratic theory as its framework of analysis. The emerged result revealed that political participation and democratic governance in the fourth republic had not been in the favor of the populace. It further revealed negative indices against the system such as political and electoral violence, corruption, weak institutions of democracy, godfatherism, poor provision of positive leadership, poverty, inequalities, political intolerance, manipulation of electoral processes, blatant act of impunity, lawlessness, selfish interest and militarization. They have led to lack of trust on the political leaders, and by implication, remains a huge challenge against popular participation, democratic governance and consolidation. These ills are in sharp contrast with the tenets of the liberal democratic theory. Based on the above revelations, therefore, the study believes that it is pertinent that the political leadership must not only practice what is obtainable in the fourth republic constitution but must equally adhere to the doctrines of a liberal democratic system. The political system and the electoral processes must be violent free to encourage popular participation and consolidation of democracy. The citizens must also endeavor to hold their leaders accountable.

Rise and Decline of Regional Parties and Changing Dynamics of Indian Democracy

Political parties are major foundation of parliamentary and liberal democratic system. India, being a largest democratic country and has a plural social multi- ethnic structure it is natural for the regional parties to play important role in Indian democratic system. Rise and decline of regional parties’ role in Indian politics is closely linked to the deepening of democracy and federalism. While in the early period of independence due to the dominance of Indian National Congress party, regional parties role and states’ participation in decision making at national level was negligible. But the decline of the one party hegemony during 1980s and rise of the coalition politics provided more space for regional parties to play important role in decision making at the national level. But the end of the coalition politics after 15th Lok Sabha election and emergence of the Bhartiya Janata Party as dominant party, are putting the limit on the roles of regional parties and space for state in power sharing. While the coalition era provided more voices and space for regional parties and opportunities for power sharing to states with center, the rise of one party dominance again in fifteenth lok Sabha election is putting threat to the autonomy of states and regional parties’ role in decision- making at national level. The paper is based on the assumption that regional parties serve as catalyst to check the centralisation of power and encourage inclusive democracy. It tries to understand the transformation of Indian politics along with the communal nationalistic line and experience of voiceless opposition. It also makes efforts to examine the rise and decline of regional parties’ role and its consequences for Indian democracy and federalism.

Editor’s Note

Editor’s Note

What Is Wrong with Empirical-Legal Research into Victimhood? A Critical Analysis of the Ordered Apology and the Victim Impact Statement.

The central question in this article is whether an empirical-legal approach to victimhood and victim rights could offer a sufficient basis for proposals for reform of the legal system. In this article, we choose a normative-critical approach and raise some objections to the way in which part of such research is currently taking place, on the basis of two examples of research in this field, one dealing with compelled apologies as a remedy within civil law and the other with the victim impact statement within criminal law. In both cases, we argue, the strong focus on the measurable needs of victims can lead to a relatively instrumental view of the legal system. The legal system must then increasingly be tailored to the wishes and needs of victims. Within this legal-empirical, victim-oriented approach, there is little regard for the general normative principles of liberal democratic legal systems, in which an equal and respectful treatment of each human being as a free and responsible legal subject is a central value. We argue that results of empirical-legal research should not too easily or too quickly be translated into proposals for legal reform, but first become part of a hermeneutical discussion about norms and legal principles, specific to the normative character of law and legal science.

Democratic deconsolidation in East Asia: exploring system realignments in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan

ABSTRACT This study explores how and why the citizenries of Japan, Korea, and Taiwan engage in deconsolidating the liberal democratic system in which they live. For this exploration, the study conceptualizes democratic deconsolidation as a two-phase psychological movement and analyses it as the realignment of system affiliation. The analysis of the Asian Barometer Survey recently conducted in these countries reveals that pluralities of their citizenries are psychologically disposed to realign themselves with a hybrid or autocratic system. It also reveals that democratic learning and socioeconomic modernization, two significant influences on democratic consolidation, do little to keep East Asians from joining in the deconsolidation movement. These findings suggest that the deconsolidation of democracy not be equated with a reversal of its consolidation.

Democracy Versus Democracy: The Populist Challenge to Liberal Democracy

The current populist challenges in western liberal democracies should not be seen as evidence of their decline, but as a constituent part. The history of democracy shows us that such challenges enable democracy’s growth and evolution. As these modern conflicts and crises see populists seek to capitalise on the discontent of the people, it is evident that much of the conflict comes from tensions between the rule of law and majority rule. Elites seeking to preserve the liberal democratic system need to make their arguments in defence of the rule of law and democratic values, rather than assuming them to be self-evident. We should only become concerned over the fate of liberal democracy when the conflict moves from dialogue into physical violence, or as in Hungary, where the executive has dismantled counter-majoritarian checks. It is only then that the departure from democracy truly begins.

Democracy In Slovenia: Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia

After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other

Between Impact and Delusion: The Role of American Think Tanks in Political Decision-Making – A Case Study of American Policy towards the Russian Federation after Annexation of Crimea

The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent the leading US think tanks influenced the US policy towards the Russian Federation after annexation of Crimea in March 2014. Comparative analysis was performed on three entities – the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Atlantic Council. Their respective activity has been placed against the model of think tank impact, which is composed of the following elements: framing of key ideas and issues – providing policy alternatives – shaping of decision-making process. The author has positioned the results of his analysis within a larger discussion on changes in the global order and the system of liberal democracy itself.

1970년대 갈릴리교회 지식인들의 민중･민족이해와 분단체제— 문익환ㆍ안병무ㆍ서남동을 중심으로—

This article is an experimental study on the awareness of the reality of liberal democracy by critical Protestant intellectuals in the history of the Korean National Democratic Movement in the 1970s. Specifically, the layman church of Galilee’s understanding of the Peoples(Minjung) and the Nations which was created in 1975, was approached with liberal democracy. The March 1st Democratic Declaration in 1976 is a historical event that arose from the declaration of the restoration of liberal democracy by Protestant intellectuals designated as the Galilee Church. The perception of the Protestant intellectuals in the text of the Bible requires a historical understanding of religious language. In the 1970s, the universal language of the People, Liberation and salvation of the Protestant intellectuals is the advocacy of the liberal democratic system. the liberal democracy of Protestant intellectuals is expressed as a human rights advocate for the people(the Minjung) who have emerged as a historical entity since industrialization in the 1970s. For Protestant intellectuals, the absoluteization of state power under the Yushin Constitution is an illegal act that goes beyond the government’s limited power, In this case, the people’s resistance is justified. Therefore, the declaration of the restoration of the free democratic system, which is the main element of the March 1 Democratic Declaration, constitutes a political declaration aimed at protecting the rights and interests of the absolute majority of the people. In the reality of inter-Korean competition in the 1970s, Galilee church intellectuals’ logic of free democratic system contrasted with the Yushin government’s hostile logic of victory in military and economic superiority, while it was highly likely that they would be included in the theory of competition for the divided system between the two Koreas. Given that Protestant human rights advocacy is in stark contrast to totalitarianism, the Protestant intellectuals’ understanding of the people(Minjung) results in the advocacy of freedom and democracy, eading to the resistance to the South’s Yushin dictatorship and the North’s dictatorship in the 1970s.

The Right to Be Forgotten in the Digital Age: The Challenges of Data Protection Beyond Borders

AbstractThis article explores the challenges of the extraterritorial application of the right to be forgotten and, more broadly, of EU data protection law in light of the recent case law of the ECJ. The paper explains that there are good arguments for the EU to apply its high data protection standards outside its borders, but that such an extraterritorial application faces challenges, as it may clash with duties of international comity, legal diversity, or contrasting rulings delivered by courts in other jurisdictions. As the article points out from a comparative perspective, the protection of privacy in the digital age increasingly exposes a tension between efforts by legal systems to impose their high standards of data protection outside their borders – a dynamic which could be regarded as ‘imperialist’ – and claims by other legal systems to assert their own power over data – a dynamic which one could name ‘sovereigntist’. As the article suggests, navigating between the Scylla of imperialism and the Charybdis of sovereigntism will not be an easy task. In this context, greater convergence in the data protection framework of liberal democratic systems worldwide appears as the preferable path to secure privacy in the digital age.

Two cheers for school bureaucracy

Bureaucracies are often perceived as inflexible, impersonal, hierarchical, and too devoted to rules and red tape. But David Labaree makes a case for these characteristics being a positive in the world of public education. U.S. schools are built within a liberal democratic system, where the liberal pursuit of self-interest is often in tension with the democratic pursuit of egalitarianism. In recent years, Labaree argues, schools have tilted toward the liberal side, enabling privileged families to game the system to help their children get ahead. In such a system, an impersonal bureaucracy stands as a check that ensures that the democratic side of schooling, in which all children are treated equally, remains in effect.