Syrian Citizens Research Articles

THE SYRIAN CRISIS REPERCUSSIONS ON THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY: ANALYTICAL FIELD STUDY

The pharmaceutical industry in Syria underwent a major significant decline, affecting negatively the needs of the Syrian citizen from drugs and vaccines, in which the effect of the current Syrian crisis on the pharmaceutical industry has a great damage to the right of the Syrian citizen in the availability of suitable medication and treatment, and the right of children for a vaccine that helps to avoid many of the diseases that affect their future and growth. The current crisis in Syria has contributed significantly to the great decline in the proportion of indications, treatment, and the lack of drugs, in which the pharmaceutical industry is concentrated in the hottest areas in Syria, the thing that led to a severe shortage of drugs in the Syrian pharmaceutical market.

Embedding content from Syrian citizen journalists: The rise of the collaborative news clip

The ways the New York Times has incorporated citizen videos from the Syrian conflict into its live blog, The Lede, is explored in this article. The analysis reveals the creation of a new journalistic element – the Collaborative News Clip – in which ordinary people are now producing immersive, emotional, multidimensional self-created videos that news outlets cooperatively incorporate into online content. The Collaborative News Clip is created through joint framing and shared gatekeeping by a tier of citizen-activists working with a professional news organization.

An Attempt to Recover Armenian Properties in Turkey through the French Authorities in Syria and Lebanon in the 1920s

On 27 October 1932, France and Turkey signed in Ankara a convention concerning the question of properties owned on the one side by Turkish citizens within Syria’s and Lebanon’s borders and on the other by Lebanese and Syrian citizens within Turkey. At that time France was the mandatory power over Syria and Lebanon, and these two countries contained the greatest number of refugee Armenians who were previously Ottoman citizens. Did the agreement mean that the Armenians could recover their confiscated properties in Turkey? In fact, the French side, under intense pressure from Ankara, ultimately decided to exclude the Armenian issue from the Franco-Turkish negotiations. This article examines the history of the French-Turkish negotiations, the Armenian expectations, and the secret agreements leading to the exclusion of the Armenians from the final convention.

When Domestic Politics and International Relations Intermesh: Subordinated Publics' Factional Support Within Layered Power Structures

Using social dominance theory and structural balance theory to analyze the political and psychological perspectives of subordinated peoples, we argue that struggles between dominant and subordinated polities are embedded in layered power structures. In such contexts, it is important to examine publics' political desires and interests in relation to their political elites' positions or choices of political tactics and allegiances. To illustrate these arguments, we used random urban samples surveyed in March 2010 to examine Lebanese and Syrian citizens' favorability toward their governments and Hezbollah (a quasi-government faction with significant relations to the governments of Iran, Syria, Lebanon, and the United States). As theorized, citizens' favorability depended on (i) how much they view their government as providing services for them, (ii) opposition to general group dominance, (iii) opposition to US oppression, and (iv) their governments' alignments vis-a-vis the US. Implications for political psychology and international relations theory are discussed.

Unraveling the Syrian revolution

Since March 2011, Syrian citizens have challenged their government through street protests and, more recently, armed confrontations. Both the protest movement and the government’s response to it have their roots in the recent past. This article examines the contours of the last decade, and events in Syria since 2011, to understand the origins of popular protest and the origins of the Syrian government’s largely military response. Protest and dissent appeared after Bashar al-Assad came to power in 2000. The government’s response to such protest was not predetermined, but was rather the result of specific governing structures and political choices made by state elites.

From Deportation to Apology: The Case of Maher Arar and the Canadian State

In 2002, Maher Arar, a dual Canadian and Syrian citizen, was detained and accused by American authorities of being a member of al Qa’ida. He was deported to Jordan and, ultimately, Syria, where he was imprisoned and subjected to torture for one year. In 2007, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued an apology and 10.5 million dollars (Canadian) in compensation. Drawing on contemporary theoretical accounts of multiculturalism, security, and the state, and utilizing parliamentary debates and American and Canadian print media accounts between 2002 and 2007, we examine the statements of public officials in Canada and the United States to show how the story of Arar, from his deportation to the apology, has been framed in contradictory ways. These contradictions spin on three main dualisms: Arar’s guilt versus innocence; Arar’s status as a Syrian versus Canadian; and the rule of law versus exception. It is argued that these contradictions are of tremendous theoretical significance for understanding the contemporary Canadian state as one in which multiculturalism and liberalism co-exist with racialization and exception. En 2002, Maher Arar, un citoyen ayant la double nationalité canadienne et syrienne, fut détenu et accusé par les autorités états-uniennes de faire partie d’al Qa’ida. Il fut déporté en Jordanie, puis en Syrie, où il fut emprisonné et torturé pendant un an. En 2007, le Premier ministre Stephen Harper présenta des excuses officielles accompagnées d’une compensation de 10,5 millions de dollars. Dans cet article, à partir de théories contemporaines sur le multiculturalisme, la sécurité et l’État, et en référence aux débats parlementaires de même qu’aux média écrits entre 2002 et 2007, nous examinons comment les discours officiels publics se contredisent, aussi bien au Canada qu’aux États-Unis, et ce depuis la déportation d’Arar jusqu’aux excuses publiques qui lui ont été présentées. Ces contradictions découlent de trois formes de dualisme : d’abord, la culpabilité d’Arar par opposition à son innocence, ensuite son double statut de citoyen canadien, mais aussi syrien, et enfin, la règle de droit en concurrence avec la règle d’exception. Cet article montre que ces contradictions sont très importantes sur le plan théorique pour comprendre comment, dans l’État canadien contemporain, libéralisme et multiculturalisme coexistent avec un phénomène de ‘racialisation’ et de rejet de la différence.

Non-Violent Resistance: A Strategy for the Occupied Territories

Non-violence is not an innovation in the struggle of the Palestinian people. Palestinians have used non-violent methods since the beginning of the 1930s side by side with the armed struggle in their attempts to achieve their goals against Zionism. The six-month strike of 1936 and the Arab boycott of Israel are two prominent examples of the use of non-violence in the service of the Palestinian cause. In the occupied territories today, the resistance against the occupation does not generally reflect violent methods. School and commercial strikes, petitions, protest telegrams, advertisements and condemnations in the daily papers, and the attempts to boycott Israeli goods are, in fact, manifestations of non-violent struggle. Syrian citizens in the occupied Golan Heights are also conducting a powerful, concentrated and successful campaign of non-violent resistance to the attempts of Israel to impose Israeli law on the Golan Heights.* This campaign appears to be well organized, and intelligent in its methods, ideas, and the execution of classic non-violence tactics.