Syntax-semantics Interface Research Articles

The syntax–semantics interface

The study of the syntax–semantics interface is concerned with linguistic phenomena that are the product of interactions between principles of syntactic organization and principles of semantic interpretation. Such interactions abound in natural language and can be found in all subsystems of the grammar. This paper examines a particular subclass of such phenomena revolving around quantificational expressions. The central concern of the discussion are the grammatical mechanisms that mediate between the syntactic position a quantifier appears in and the semantic import it has on the sentence meaning. Of particular interest are cases where a quantifier is interpreted in a position that is different from the position it seems to occupy in the syntax. A leading hypothesis to explain cases of this sort, which exemplify a general property of natural language called displacement, is that they are the product of overt or covert movement operations. Empirical support for this approach is presented in the form of correlations between three grammatical phenomena – Quantifier Scope, Antecedent Contained Deletion, and Extraposition – which receive a uniform account under the above hypothesis.

Bilinguals vs. monolinguals: Where is the difference?

AbstractIt has been suggested earlier that the reinforced syntactic variation in bilingual input might lead to cross‐linguistic influence and vulnerability in some areas of the child grammar. This study verifies this suggestion against new experimental data. Since direct object scrambling is optional in Ukrainian and prohibited in English, it could be a more vulnerable domain in Ukrainian‐English bilingual acquisition than in monolingual Ukrainian acquisition. It appears, however, that 2;2–6;3‐year‐old bilingual children mostly follow similar patterns in scrambling production as their monolingual peers. Several aspects of possible distinctions are discussed (i.e., direct object type and pragmatic sensitivity), but the available data do not allow us to claim that there are significant group differences between bilinguals and monolinguals in regard to the considered phenomenon at the syntax‐semantics interface.

Formalization of linking information in the FrameNet lexicon

The paper presents a novel approach to formalization of linking information in the FrameNet lexicon and to acquisition of a principled syntax-semantics interface, suitable for generalizing over combinatorial properties (valences) of predicators. Focusing on verbs that denote ‘notions’, it adopts an entailment-based view of the concept of semantic role, proposing representations of verbal arguments based on semantically primitive, grammatically relevant properties, entailed by the meaning of predicators (lexical entailments). Such generic meaning components abstract over various semantic relations which humans tend to express systematically through language. A limited set of prototypical role-like concepts can be used for modeling the linking properties of a wide range of verbs, in a well-ordered fashion. In a preliminary study, frame-semantic representations of a set of notion verbs are mapped onto lexical entailment representations, in a portion of the FrameNet corpora. From the annotated data set, associations of semantic and grammatical categories are extracted and are formally rendered in entailment-based classes called Lexicalization Types (L-Types). L-Types are specified in terms of combinations of entailed properties, encoding distinctive predicate-argument structure patterns. A small number of L-Types is shown to readily abstract over the valence patterns of verbs classified in a variety of FrameNet frames. The latter are not systematically connected for purposes of linking. Valence generalizations in the FrameNet lexicon are acquired through appropriate frame-to-frame relations forming the frame hierarchy. L-Types can be represented as abstract, non-lexicalized frames specifying linking constraints. Mappings between L-Types and more specific frames can be encoded by means of a new frame relation modeling the syntax-semantics interface. Such a relation would simplify the current picture of the frame hierarchy by essentially decoupling purely lexical semantic information from information pertaining to linking.

An analysis of prosodic F-effects in interrogatives: Prosody, syntax and semantics

This paper provides a prosodic, syntactic and semantic analysis of prosodic F-effects in interrogatives. It is argued that alternative questions involve a question-related F-feature on the alternatives, and that the sentence stress on the wh-word in echo questions is due to a wh-word inherent F-feature. These cases, like Japanese wh-in situ questions, show a full prosodic F-effect (attraction of sentence stress). German and English wh-questions show a reduced prosodic F-effect on the wh-phrase in situ and no prosodic F-effect on moved wh-phrases (in single-wh-questions). Surprisingly, the wh-phrase in situ shows evidence of percolation of F to the wh-phrase. These effects are related to a postulated relation of l-agreement that connects the Q-marker to one or more wh-phrases. Evidence for the agreement relation is that it can be blocked by an intervening wh-phrase construed with another Q-marker, with striking prosodic consequences. An account at the syntax–semantic interface is suggested, in which F can be interpreted relative to the Q-marker and replaces the feature wh. Semantically, F in interrogatives connects expressions to the interrogative interpretation. Absence of F on moving wh-phrases (but not on others) provides evidence that these rely on a different mechanism of construal with the Q-marker.

Intuition, introspection and observation in linguistic inquiry

This article explores the relationship between intuition, introspection and the observation of naturally occurring utterances in linguistic inquiry. Its focus is on the problems that this relationship poses in cognitive approaches to semantics and case theory within the framework of Cognitive Grammar. Given the increasing commitment of linguistics to providing “usage-based” explanations, the article concentrates on two assumptions that underpin the cognitive theory of language, viz. (i) the proposed definition of meaning and the favoured encyclopaedic conception of linguistic semantics and (ii) the decision not to distinguish between intuition and introspection as different methods of inquiry, in addition to corpus analysis. In the second part of the article, a case study is presented that examines an influential cognitive account of the meaning of the accusative and dative cases with two-way prepositions in German. Its aim is to clarify how problems of semantic analysis at the syntax–semantics interface relate to questions concerning the empiricalness of linguistic inquiry, the role of introspective judgments and the status of linguistic intuition. It shows that the investigation of potentially large sets of corpus data provides indispensable information to reach sufficiently general conclusions, but it is equally important to establish the intersubjective, language-specific semantic values (“signifiés”) of cases on the basis of intuition, as distinguished from introspection.

The syntax–semantics interface of multi-morpheme motion constructions in Chinese

This study analyzes semantic constraints affecting the order of motion morphemes in Mandarin Chinese multi-morpheme motion constructions (MMMCs, e.g. zǒu-jìn fángjiān ‘walk into the room’ (lit.) ‘walk-enter room’ vs. *jìn-zǒu (lit.) ‘enter-walk’). We classify Chinese motion morphemes into four types based on recent study on “scale structure”. Then, we propose an implicational scalar hierarchy formed by the four types of morphemes that can be used to predict the order of motion morphemes in Chinese MMMCs. Our corpus studies demonstrate that the hierarchy can explain the morpheme order of MMMCs for a comprehensive range of existing natural Chinese data. We anticipate that our scalar hierarchy may be extensible to serial-verb motion constructions in other languages as well.

Possessive with in Germanic: have and the Role of P

Abstract. A central question regarding the syntax–semantics interface is the extent to which semantic primitives correspond one‐to‐one with syntactic primitives. Den Dikken (1995) proposed that all possession structures can be derived from an underlying locative structure, extending the work of Freeze (1992). This paper argues that such a unified approach is untenable, as there are possession expressions in Icelandic that cannot be derived from locative structures. The Icelandic vera með construction, translated as ‘is with’, provides important insight into the nature of have verbs. It is argued, along the lines of Kayne 1993 and Harley 2002, that have is derived from nonlocative prepositions like English with as in the man with blue eyes. A microcomparative investigation within Germanic supports an analysis whereby the variation in incorporation is correlated with variations in p heads. This analysis allows for a more natural account of the differences between have and be languages beyond Germanic.

The Syntax-Semantics Interface of Pair-list Interpretation in Wh-wh Constructions and Their Sluicing Counterparts

This paper examines the contrast between Wh-island and Superiority violations under Sluicing. As first reported by Merchant (2001), the former can be repaired by ellipsis, but the latter cannot be. We argue that this contrast follows from the fact that the wh-phrase crossing a wh-island leaves behind an individual variable, but the wh-phrase violating the Superiority condition leaves a functional variable. This contrast between two types of wh-phrase can be understood on a par with referential and non-referential wh-expressions or their corresponding different types of trace (cf. Rizzi (1990)). Following Chomsky (1995), the wh-expression leaving behind an individual variable forms an operator variable chain, deleting its intermediate chain links, which accounts for the lack of Wh-island effects under Sluicing. By contrast, the wh-expression leaving behind a functional variable preserves its local chain links at LF. Therefore, if the latter crosses another wh-phrase, it leaves behind a star marked trace that survives at LF, leading to the crash of the derivation involved, either under Sluicing or non-ellipsis structural contexts.

Straight on through to Universal Grammar: Spatial modifiers in second language acquisition

There has been considerable progress in second language (L2) research at the syntax—semantics interface addressing how syntax can inform phrasal semantics, in terms of interpretive correlates of word order (Slabakova, 2008). This article provides evidence of a flow of information ostensibly in the opposite direction, from meaning to grammar, at the interface between lexical semantics and syntax. It is argued that there is a functional hierarchy of modifiers in the domain of adpositions, which enables the linguistic elaboration of trajectories, but that not all languages lexicalize all types. This study examines whether L2 learners of English are able to overcome the poverty of the stimulus and recruit the relevant functional categories despite their absence in the first language (L1). Modifiers were taught to learners individually, but never in combination. A computer-animated narrative was designed in order to create felicitous contexts for combinations of modifiers, and preference and grammaticality judgment tasks were administered to 121 students from various L1 backgrounds, as well as 20 native speakers. Accuracy scores were remarkably targetlike on binary combinations of modifiers (1) across proficiency levels, (2) across L1s, and (3) across the two tasks, revealing that with the semantics of modifiers in place, the syntactic hierarchy is naturally manifested.

About Parallel and Syntactocentric Formalisms: A Perspective from the Encoding of Convergent Grammar into Abstract Categorial Grammar

Recent discussions of grammatical architectures have distinguished two competing approaches to the syntax-semantics interface: syntactocentrism, wherein syntactic structures are mapped or transduce...

Transfer Effects at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: The Case of Double-que Questions in Heritage Spanish

This study examines the role of transfer from English in the acquisition of double-que questions in Spanish among 17 heritage speakers in the US. Results from an elicited production task, an acceptability judgment task and a preference task revealed significant difficulties in the production and acceptability of double-que questions. In contrast with interface vulnerability approaches suggesting no difficulties at the syntax-semantics interface, the participants showed a decreased level of use of double-que structures and no distinction in their acceptability of statements versus questions. However, results from the preference task showed sensitivity to double-que questions among 10 of 17 heritage speakers. It appears that only when the two structures are presented together were the heritage speakers able to perceive the semantic shift introduced by the double-que. The results suggest that transfer from the other language prevents the complete acquisition of these properties even at high levels of bilingual proficiency.

The Syntax-Semantics Interface in Grammar

Abstract The points of convergence between syntax and semantics are numerous, highly debated, and now emerging as an important field of research. In this paper we explore the notion of an interface between syntax and semantics and how it has been characterized in linguistic theory. Several possible approaches are considered. The cornerstone of the syntax-semantics interface is the study of quantification, which has numerous empirical ramifications and associated topics. We briefly review some of the most promising prospects and developments in this dimension.

Objects, events and “to be” verbs in Spanish – An ERP study of the syntax–semantics interface

In Spanish, objects and events at subject position constrain the selection of different forms of the auxiliary verb “to be”: locative predicates about objects require “estar en”, while those relating to events require “ser en”, both translatable as “to be in”. Subjective ratings showed that while the “object+ser+en” is considered as incorrect, the “event+estar+en” combination is also perceived as unacceptable but to a lesser degree. In an ERP study, we evaluated the impact of a purely semantic distinction (object versus events) on the subsequent processing of these auxiliary verbs followed by locatives in Spanish. For the “ser en” predicate, the P600 component was larger when the subject was an object than when it was an event. This P600 effect is consistent with an online repair of the defining predicate when it does not fit with the adequate semantic properties of the subject. On the other hand, for the “estar en” predicate, event subjects when compared to object subjects showed more positive ongoing amplitudes between 280 and 380ms after the presentation of the “en” preposition, followed by a longer positive wave starting around 400ms and lasting until 700ms after the presentation of the following determiner, with central and frontal scalp distributions respectively. Thus, the different subject-predicate combinations, depending on the semantic features of the subjects, triggered syntactic reparatory processes at a structural level. These findings are consistent with an incremental interpretation of sentence meaning based on the interaction between syntactic and semantic information.

The syntax–semantics interface in systemic functional grammar: Halliday's interpretation of the Hjelmslevian model of stratification

The aim of this article is to explore how exactly the idea of distinguishing different coding levels in language has been theorized in different stages of Hallidayan systemic functional grammar (SFG), focusing on its view of the syntax–semantics interface. This is done by juxtaposing the levels of the Hallidayan model and the various components of Hjelmslev's model of stratification, on the basis of Halliday's re-interpretation of Hjelmslev's theory at various stages in the development of SFG. In this exploration, specific attention is paid to two important theoretical aspects of the design of Hjelmslev's and Halliday's models: (1) the different dimensions along which semiotic distinctions are made in the two models, i.e. dimensions along which language, as a semiotic system, is ‘partitioned’ into different components in order to explain and describe it; and (2) the semiotic relationships between these strata and components as defined by Hjelmslev and re-interpreted by Halliday, viz. the relations of ‘manifestation’, ‘exponence’, ‘realization’ and ‘instantiation’. It is shown that Halliday's multi-stratal model blurs fine-grained distinctions which play a crucial role in Hjelmslev's theory, and that Halliday's concept of ‘semantics’ remains underspecified in comparison to Hjelmslev's model. By taking Halliday's model of language as a basis, but ‘re-connecting’ it to the detailed semiotic framework laid out by Hjelmslev, by which it was originally inspired, I argue that in the three different stages of SFG, three different types of ‘semantics’ have been highlighted.

About Parallel and Syntactocentric Formalisms: A Perspective from the Encoding of Convergent Grammar into Abstract Categorial Grammar

Recent discussions of grammatical architectures have distinguished two competing approaches to the syntax-semantics interface: syntactocentrism, wherein syntactic structures are mapped or transduced to semantics (and phonology), vs. parallelism, wherein semantics (and phonology) communicates with syntax via a nondirectional (or relational) interface. This contrast arises for instance in dealing with in situ operators. The aim of this paper is threefold: first, we show how the essential content of a parallel framework, convergent grammar (CVG), can be encoded within abstract categorial grammar (ACG), a generic framework which has mainly been used, until now, to encode syntactocentric architectures. Second, using such a generic framework allows us to relate the mathematical characterization of parallelism in CVG with that of syntactocentrism in mainstream categorial grammar (CG), suggesting that the distinction between parallel and syntactocentric formalisms is superficial in nature. More generally, it shows how to provide mildly context sensitive languages (MCSL), which are a clearly defined class of languages in terms of ACG, with a relational syntax-semantics interface. Finally, while most of the studies on the generative power of ACG have been related to formal languages, we show that ACG can illuminate a linguistically motivated framework such as CVG.

Complex First? On the Evolutionary and Developmental Priority of Semantically Thick Words

The Complex-First Paradox consists in a set of collectively incompatible but individually well-confirmed propositions that regard the evolution, development, and cortical realization of the meanings of concrete nouns. Although these meanings are acquired earlier than those of other word classes, they are semantically more complex and their cortical realizations more widely distributed. For a neurally implemented syntax-semantics interface, it should thus take more effort to establish a link between a concept and its lexical expression. However, in ontogeny and phylogeny, capabilities demanding more effort, ceteris paribus, develop and evolve later than those demanding less effort. The paradox points to an explanatory deficit in linguistic theory.

L1 acquisition across Portuguese dialects: Modular and interdisciplinary interfaces as sources of explanation

This study investigates the child (L1) acquisition of properties at the interfaces of morpho-syntax, syntax-semantics and syntax-pragmatics, by focusing on inflected infinitives in European Portuguese (EP). Three child groups were tested, 6–7-year-olds, 9–10-year-olds and 11–12-year-olds, as well as an adult control group. The data demonstrate that children as young as 6 have knowledge of the morpho-syntactic properties of inflected infinitives, although they seem at first glance to show partially insufficient knowledge of their syntax–semantic interface properties (i.e. non-obligatory control properties), differently from children aged 9 and older, who show clearer evidence of knowledge of both types of properties. However, in general, both morpho-syntactic and syntax–semantics interface properties are also accessible to 6–7-year-old children, although these children give preference to a range of interpretations partially different from the adults; in certain cases, they may not appeal to certain pragmatic inferences that permit additional interpretations to adults and older children. Crucially, our data demonstrate that EP children master the two types of properties of inflected infinitives years before Brazilian Portuguese children do ( Pires and Rothman, 2009a,b), reasons for and implications of which we discuss in detail.

Coercion and Compositionality

Research in psycholinguistics and in the cognitive neuroscience of language has suggested that semantic and syntactic processing are associated with different neurophysiologic correlates, such as the N400 and the P600 in the ERPs. However, only a handful of studies have investigated the neural basis of the syntax-semantics interface, and even fewer experiments have dealt with the cases in which semantic composition can proceed independently of the syntax. Here we looked into one such case-complement coercion--using ERPs. We compared sentences such as, "The journalist wrote the article" with "The journalist began the article." The second sentence seems to involve a silent semantic element, which is expressed in the first sentence by the head of the verb phrase (VP) "wrote the article." The second type of construction may therefore require the reader to infer or recover from memory a richer event sense of the VP "began the article," such as began writing the article, and to integrate that into a semantic representation of the sentence. This operation is referred to as "complement coercion." Consistently with earlier reading time, eye tracking, and MEG studies, we found traces of such additional computations in the ERPs: Coercion gives rise to a long-lasting negative shift, which differs at least in duration from a standard N400 effect. Issues regarding the nature of the computation involved are discussed in the light of a neurocognitive model of language processing and a formal semantic analysis of coercion.

Acquisition of the syntax–discourse interface: The expression of point of view

This study examines the proposal that the syntax–discourse interface is particularly vulnerable, and therefore components of this interface are acquired later than those of the syntax–semantics interface. The proposal is examined using data from the native language acquisition of markers of point of view in American Sign Language and Brazilian Sign Language, known as constructed action (CA). CA was observed in the spontaneous production of two case studies from as early as 1 year, 7 months of age, with the correct eye-gaze, facial expression, and manner of movement. However, the children sometimes failed to indicate the referent whose point of view was being expressed, and were not skilled at maintaining point of view marking across discourse. The results are interpreted as providing support for the vulnerability of the syntax–discourse interface, and for the interpretation of this vulnerability in connection with children's relatively poor ability to assume an identical discourse context with their interlocutor.

German constructions with complex prepositional groups introduced by bis

Starting from examples from the two German corpora DWDS and Cosmas II from the IDS-Mannheim the study describes the conceptual, semantic and syntactic variety of German constructions with the preposition bis followed by a second preposition. Such constructions best exemplify the syntax-semantic interface and the importance of postulating an autonomous level of constructions as a unit of its own in the various levels of grammatical organization. As with most alternations, the syntactic variation leads to a further morpho-syntactic framing and reflects diversity in construal.