Syntactic Environments Research Articles

Learning, Memory, and Syntactic Bootstrapping: A Meditation

Lila Gleitman's body of work on word learning raises an apparent paradox. Whereas work on syntactic bootstrapping depends on learners retaining information about the set of distributional contexts that a word occurs in, work on identifying a word's referent suggests that learners do not retain information about the set of extralinguistic contexts that a word occurs in. I argue that this asymmetry derives from the architecture of the language faculty. Learners expect words with similar meanings to have similar distributions, and so learning depends on a memory for syntactic environments. The referential context in which a word is used is less constrained and hence contributes less to the memories that drive word learning.

La négation phrastique et les indéfinis négatifs en créole vincentien

In this study we examine the co-occurrence or preclusion of negative words (n-words) with sentential negation in Vincentian Creole which has drawn much of its lexicon from English. In this creole, sentential negation occurs preverbally and may combine optionally with n-words like the negative indefinite nobadi ‘nobody’, when they are in subject position. In other syntactic environments, the n-word obligatorily triggers sentential negation, such that the co-occurrence of sentential negation and n-words yields a single negative interpretation. Vincentian Creole therefore participates in Negative Concord (as treated by Labov 1972 and Giannakidou 2000; 2006, among others. We posit that Vincentian Creole is a non-strict negative concord language given that n-words appearing as subjects do not systematically licence sentential negation whereas post-verbal n-words do.

Bare numeral phrases in Mandarin and the Minimalist Mapping Hypothesis

Abstract We pursue an agreement-based analysis of the bare numeral phrases in Chinese. Bare numeral phrases in Chinese often occur with the you marker in the preverbal position. With the marker, a bare numeral phrase obtains an individual-denoting reading, which has an existential meaning. In contrast, several syntactic environments do not need the you marker, and the bare numeral phrase obtains the quantity-denoting reading. In addition to the existential you marker, we observe that the distributions of the two readings are correlated to the lower (root) modals (Mod) and the middle aspects (Asp). We argue that the correlation can be analyzed through syntactic feature agreement. That is, the bare numeral phrase carries an unvalued quantificational feature in the null D, and its unvalued feature is valued by the corresponding existential you marker, Asp, and/or Mod heads through (multiple) agreement. We argue that the proposed feature agreement mechanism can improve upon the (Extended) Mapping Hypothesis (Diesing 1992; Tsai 1999, 2001) under the Minimalist Program.

Grammaticalization of the Lithuanian comparative -jau(s)

Abstract When analysing Old Lithuanian texts from the 16th and the first half of the 17th century, one can notice that comparatives with the -jaussuffix tend to appear in comparative constructions with connectives containing negation, e.g. Bet esch daugiaus dirbau / neig kursai isch yũ‘but I laboured more abundantly than they all’ (VEE 102: 16-17; 1 Corinthians 15: 10). This is the “particle comparative” in Stassen’s terms (1985; 2001). On the other hand, authors avoided comparatives with the -jaus suffix in other types of comparative constructions (with the preposition užand the genitive). Philological and etymological analysis of neg(i)and nei(gi)‘than’ shows that these connectives developed out of former sentence negations. This sheds some light on the syntactic environment in which the grammaticalization of the comparative suffix -jausoccurred. The Lithuanian comparative suffix -jaũ (OLith. -jau-s, e.g. geriaus‘better’) goes back to the postposed focus particle -jaũ, which functions as a marker of emphatic assertion of identity (König 1991). The primary contrastive function of the ‑jau-ssuffix can be compared to Ancient Greek -τερος (Sanskrit -taraḥ) in such usages as δεξίτερος ‘right(-hand)’. The grammaticalization of the focus marker jau(s)has occurred in sentences consisting of juxtaposed and contrasted clauses - the “conjoined comparative” in Stassen’s terms (1985: 38, 44), and in these sentences, -jausfilled the role of pragmatic marker and focalizer, emphasizing one of two compared, oppositional items.

The Matching Analysis of relative clauses: an argument from antipronominal contexts

This paper provides a novel argument for the Matching Analysis of relative clauses. The argument is based on antipronominal contexts in German. Antipronominal contexts are syntactic environments that require lexical DPs and therefore bar pronouns. It is argued that the behavior of relative clauses in antipronominal contexts in German points to two conclusions. First, relative pronouns contain a phonologically invisible NP that is identical to the NP contained in the head noun. Second, the two NPs are not connected via movement. Since only the Matching Analysis takes the two NPs to be base-generated, it is concluded that the Matching Analysis represents the correct structure for relative clauses.

An approach to unsupervised ontology term tagging of dependency-parsed text using a Self-Organizing Map (SOM)

I describe here a machine-learning estimation method for term tagging which can learn semantic disambiguation. The model is trained with a Semantic Web ontology, and a set of sample text documents with a set of concepts tagged, referring to the given ontology. The machine-learning method is based on creating numeric representations, or embeddings, which are based on dependency analysis of the syntactic environment of the word being analyzed. In contrast to many modern neural data-driven models, this model uses a less data-hungry unsupervised clustering method, the Self-Organizing Map (SOM). Based on the observations found with the experimental model, I suggest this can be utilized for populating ontologies with new concepts and terms, and for guessing the best matching ontology concepts for the found terms.

A unified semantics for the Japanese Q-particle <i>ka</i> in indefinites, questions and disjunctions

This paper provides a compositional semantics for the Japanese Q-particle ka that properly accounts for its use in questions, indefinites and disjunctions in a unified fashion. Adopting the two-tier alternative semantics (Rooth 1985; Beck 2006), I will propose that the role of the ka-particle is always to project a set of alternatives introduced by the wh-item in the alternative-semantic dimension to the ordinary-semantic dimension (Kotek 2014). Unlike in previous analyses, I will adopt this semantics for the Q-particle not only for its clause-final use, but also for clause-internal use. Combining this with the cross-categorial existential closure, the analysis accounts for how the interpretation of a ka-ending phrase is conditioned by its syntactic environments. This mechanism enables an account of the previously unexplained parallelism between wh+ka and ka-disjunctions in their variability in interpretations.

Syntactic Echoes Of Pronominal Cliticization And Grammaticalization: The Case Of Old High German First‐Person Plural ‐Mes

AbstractThe origin of first person plural (1PL) ‘long’ forms of the type faramês/‐mes ‘(we) go’ in Old High German (OHG) is one of the most intractable problems in the history of the Germanic languages. Because these forms are confined only to OHG and have no obvious parallel elsewhere in Germanic or Indo‐European, most of the tools of the comparative method are of little use, with the result that the many accounts put forward over the past two centuries rely on a series of unlikely and ad hoc assumptions. What is more, previous work has focused on the one aspect of the problem that scholars are least likely to solve given the array of texts we presently have at our disposal, while paying little attention to what we argue is the more promising line of inquiry. That is, existing studies discuss in detail the possible morphological sources of ‐mes and their phonological development and focus little on the syntactic environments in which verbs inflected with ‐mes occur. We intend to reverse this trend through a comprehensive examination of ‐mes across the OHG corpus, with a particular focus on two of its major monuments, the OHG Tatian and Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch; this analysis shows that the syntactic distribution of ‐mes‐inflected verbs point to the suffix being diachronically and synchronically pronominal. Thus, we conclude that ‐mes must have arisen as the result of pronominal cliticization, a suggestion first put forth by Kuhn () and Paul ().

A study of Chinese repetitive adverbs “hai (還)” and “zai (再)” from a cross-linguistic perspective

Abstract Comparisons of Chinese adverbs hai and zai is a long-standing topic in Chinese linguistics. Previous studies tend to mix up different uses of hai and zai, often leading to unnecessary confusion. This study focuses on the repetition use of these two adverbs, and demonstrates that in two syntactic environments – sentences with and without quantitative phrases – the nuances between hai and zai can both be captured by the hypothesis that “[+increasing]” is more essential for zai to deliver the repetition reading while “[+similar]” is more essential for hai to deliver the same reading. Based on conceptual correlations shared cross-linguistically, it is argued that the “[+similar]” feature facilitates the shift from the notion “inverted-sequence” to the notion “repetition” whereas the “[+increasing]” feature serves as an indispensable link between the notion “increment” and the notion “repetition”. Therefore, for the notion “repetition”, it is widely seen that a variety of languages use two devices to code it, one emphasizing the “[+similar]” feature and the other emphasizing the “[+increasing]” feature, and Chinese hai and zai is just one of such cases. In this way, the cross-linguistic perspective is proved to offer insights to explorations on language-specific issues as it provides accounts that are deep-rooted in the conceptual level.

Processing possessives in translation between unequal systems. An exploratory study

The present paper reports on results of two translation experiments conducted with eye tracking and keylogging. Norwegian and Danish professional and student translators have each translated a small English news text into their L1. The texts include possessives in different syntactic environments which affect choice between a reflexive and an irreflexive form in the targets. While native speakers are expected to make uniform choices which conform to regularities on local and non-local binding principles in Danish and Norwegian, we find disparate solutions among the participants in both groups. The study compares final products with process data, both in terms of edits and in terms of temporal measures indicative of translation effort. Results show a considerable amount of hesitation on choice in all non-finite clause constructions, although more so among students than among professionals. Questions of translation effects versus an unstable locality principle is taken up in the final discussion.

Discourse functions of opposition in Classical Arabic: The case in Ḥadīth Genre

This article offers a new perspective on Arabic antonymy ‘al-ṭibāq’ and opposition ‘al-muqābala’ in the Ḥadīth discourse by remodeling these two phenomena in Classical Arabic and developing a provisional typology of their discourse functions (e.g., co-ordination, sub-ordination, interrogation, comparison) in terms of their syntactic frameworks or environments (e.g., X and Y, if X then Y, X or Y?, X more/less [adj] than Y). These syntactic frames function as parametrical triggers of both canonical and non-canonical oppositions in the prophetic discourse. The provisional typology employs quantitative and qualitative approaches, adding substantial data-driven changes and introducing new data-based categories. Two full datasets have been manually mined and collected from the two major Ḥadīth collections, then tested quantitatively and qualitatively against the remodeled typology.11Hsu (2015:58) gives some reasons for choosing the manual identification of contrastive constructions over the automatic: (a) human judgment is necessary in some cases and (b) some antonymic functions are frameless but have formal features that necessitate a manual analysis. Results demonstrate that the syntactic environments hosting canonical antonyms trigger oppositions between other items that are (non)canonical opposites and non-opposites and that represent a variety of (in)human, (in)animate and (in)concrete entities. The proposed typology may serve as a new toolkit for investigating aspects of lexical-semantic opposition in other discourses and languages.

Shoulda, Coulda, Woulda – Non-Canonical Forms on the Move?

Abstract In this paper, the contractions shoulda, coulda, woulda are compared with their respective full forms should have, would have, and could have. Although the full forms are used much more frequently and are, therefore, considered canonical, the non-canonical forms have increased in frequency throughout the better part of the twentieth century. They are predominantly used in American English – in conversation as well as in fictional writing to imitate speech. With respect to their syntactic environment, shoulda, coulda, and woulda behave differently than their full counterparts since they are often used without subjects and without lexical verbs. Some of these uses can be explained by the fact that shoulda, coulda, and woulda are not always used as verbal items but also as nouns, adjectives, and interjections. Due to their overall low frequency and their restriction to a particular register, however, it appears they will keep their non-canonical status for the foreseeable future.

The role of incremental parsing in syntactically conditioned word learning

In a series of three experiments, we use children’s noun learning as a probe into their syntactic knowledge as well as their ability to deploy this knowledge, investigating how the predictions children make about upcoming syntactic structure change as their knowledge changes. In the first two experiments, we show that children display a developmental change in their ability to use a noun’s syntactic environment as a cue to its meaning. We argue that this pattern arises from children’s reliance on their knowledge of verbs’ subcategorization frame frequencies to guide parsing, coupled with an inability to revise incremental parsing decisions. We show that this analysis is consistent with the syntactic distributions in child-directed speech. In the third experiment, we show that the change arises from predictions based on verbs’ subcategorization frame frequencies.

Functionally Equivalent Variants in a Non-standard Variety and Their Implications for Universal Grammar: A Spontaneous Speech Corpus.

Findings from the field of experimental linguistics have shown that a native speaker may judge a variant that is part of her grammar as unacceptable, but still use it productively in spontaneous speech. The process of eliciting acceptability judgments from speakers of non-standard languages is sometimes clouded by factors akin to prescriptive notions of grammatical correctness. It has been argued that standardization enhances the ability to make clear-cut judgments, while non-standardization may result to grammatical hybridity, often manifested in the form of functionally equivalent variants in the repertoire of a single speaker. Recognizing the importance of working with corpora of spontaneous speech, this work investigates patterns of variation in the spontaneous production of five neurotypical, adult speakers of a non-standard variety in terms of three variants, each targeting one level of linguistic analysis: syntax, morphology, and phonology. The results reveal the existence of functionally equivalent variants across speakers and levels of analysis. We first discuss these findings in relation to the notions of competing, mixed, and fused grammars, and then we flesh out the implications that different values of the same variant carry for parametric approaches to Universal Grammar. We observe that intraspeaker realizations of different values of the same variant within the same syntactic environment are incompatible with the ‘triggering-a-single-value’ approach of parametric models, but we argue that they are compatible with the concept of Universal Grammar itself. Since the analysis of these variants is ultimately a way of investigating the status of Universal Grammar primitives, we conclude that claims about the alleged unfalsifiability of (the contents of) Universal Grammar are unfounded.

Unstressedbeen: Past and Present in African American English

Unstressed bin is the African American English (AAE) verbal form occurring in sentences such as I bin paid that bill last week ‘I paid that bill last week’. Contrary to what has been claimed in much of the literature, unstressed bin does exist in the grammars of some contemporary AAE varieties. Unstressed bin occurs in many clausal environments where it can be mistaken for stressed bin, which is not always stressed, and the past participle been, which in many English varieties, AAE and other, may occur with the preceding form of the auxiliary have deleted, as in I Ø been at their house many times ‘I've been at their house many times’. Complicating matters is unstressed bin's occurrence in the homophonous I bin at their house many times ‘I was at their house many times’ and ‘I've been at their house many times’. The concept merging labels this process, whereby AAE forms such as bin occur in identical syntactic environments with homophonous but grammatically distinct forms, creating a type of grammatical camouflage. More important, merging is part of a larger process of mainstreaming, whereby one language variety, AAE in this case, converges qualitatively and quantitatively over time toward a sociopolitically dominant language variety or cluster thereof. The notion of mainstreaming avoids problems with the notion often used in creole studies, decreolization, which can obscure fundamental events in the genesis and evolution of AAE. Recognition of the grammatical status of unstressed bin, along with the consideration of other heretofore undiscussed or little discussed AAE forms with creole language counterparts, prompts a call for revisiting the question of whether AAE may have U.S. mainland creole origins.

Acquiring Clitic Placement in Bilectal Settings: Interactions between Social Factors

This paper examines the development of object clitic placement by children acquiring Cypriot Greek. Greek-speaking Cyprus is sociolinguistically characterized by diglossia between two varieties of Greek, the local Cypriot Greek and the official Standard Modern Greek. Arguably as a result of this situation, clitics may be placed post- (enclisis) or preverbally (proclisis) in the same syntactic environment; while the former is a property of Cypriot Greek, the latter is typically considered an effect of the standard language. The following issues are investigated here: (a) how such bilectal speakers distinguish between the two Greek varieties with respect to clitic placement; (b) how the acquisition of clitics develops over time; (c) how, and which, sociolinguistic factors determine clitic placement; and (d) how schooling may affect clitic placement. To address (a)–(d), a sentence completion task was used to elicit clitic productions, administered to 431 children around Cyprus ranging from 2;8 to 8;11. The C5.0 machine-learning algorithm was employed to model the interaction of (socio-)linguistic factors on the development of clitic placement. The model shows that speakers acquire the relevant features very early, yet compartmentalization of form and function according to style emerges only as they engage in the larger speech community. In addition, the effects of sociolinguistic factors on clitic placement appear gradually.

Reflexives and Reflexivity

This article provides an overview of the various means that languages use to represent interpretive dependencies and reflexive predicates. These means are exemplified on the basis of a broad variety of languages. The patterns are prima facie complex, involving semireflexives, full reflexives, and affixal reflexives. Yet they can be accounted for on the basis of the morphosyntactic properties of the elements involved, together with the way these elements interact with a number of universal principles and the syntactic environment. The central principles involved are (a) a principle restricting chain formation by Agree and (b) a general principle applying to reflexive predicates that requires them to be licensed, either through the addition of structural complexity for protection or through a lexical bundling operation, governed by (c) an economy principle. Although I conclude that there is no unified notion of what a reflexive is, reflexives do have a shared core, namely their role in the licensing of reflexivity.

The ambiguity of sapere

This paper discusses occurrences of Italian sapere ‘know’ in mental state attributions (sa). Following the proposal of Tsohatzidis (2012) for ‘knows’, the hypothesis put forward is that sa, when used in mental state attributions, is lexically ambiguous between a factive and a non-factive sense: when sa is used in its factive sense, a sentence such as X sa che p ‘X sa that p’ entails p, whereas, when sa is used in its non-factive sense, a sentence having the same surface form does not entail p. This hypothesis seems to be confirmed by some tests traditionally used to ascertain cases of lexical ambiguity. Moreover, it will be shown that there are syntactic environments where only one of the two readings is allowed, which also seems to confirm the hypothesis that there are two sa, a factive one and a non-factive one, which select different structures. (Less)

The rise and fall of a minor category

Some languages use a special form of the noun, a “numerative”, after some or all numerals. In such languages, a distinct numerative is typically not available for all nouns, but rather only for a small subset, forming a morphological “minor category” (Corbett 2000). We examine how such a system emerges and disintegrates diachronically, looking in detail at Welsh, a language in which a distinct numerative emerged as the result of the phonological attrition of plural suffixes and analogical extension of new plural suffixes to all relevant syntactic environments except after numerals. Nouns with distinct numeratives tend to be animate and to denote units frequently counted, an association previously noted also for minor duals (Plank 1996). We suggest that this association arose in Welsh via differential analogical extension in two directions: animates resisted analogical extension of the pattern numeral + singular noun; and animates were most receptive to extension of the pattern numeral + numerative. We show that the loss of the numerative proceeded the same way in reverse: numeratives were first reanalyzed as special plurals, and this pattern, numeral + plural noun, resisted analogical spread of the dominant numeral + singular pattern most robustly with kinship terms and a unit of time, namely ‘year’. These developments show much commonality with other cases where the diachrony of the numerative is known, confirming the observation that numeratives typically emerge from the disintegration of a major category, such as plural or dual, and that they are diachronically unstable, liable ultimately to analogical elimination.

La cartografía del <em>yiqtol</em> corto en hebreo bíblico

This paper provides a dynamic (i.e. cognitive, typological and grammaticalization driven) analysis of short yiqtol in Biblical Hebrew. The author argues that short yiqtol can be understood as a coherent construction if it is modeled as a wave – a synchronic two-dimensional map whose components are related cognitively (as visualized by the x axis) and specified for their degree of prototypicality (as visualized by the y axis). The evidence demonstrates that short yiqtol should be classified as a gram that travels a modal-contamination path. Its contamination originated in a deontic context of speaker modality (both affirmative and negative), subsequently extended to subordinate uses (goal) and future values (first in apodoses and next in other syntactic environments). In Biblical Hebrew, the zone of prototypicality includes deontic senses. The value of goal constitutes the secondary peak of prototypicality. The sense of futurity is non-prototypical.