Symbol Of Hope Research Articles

Pink Ribbons Inc: breast cancer activism and the politics of philanthropy

This essay explores the cultural reconfiguration of breast cancer in the United States since the 1970s. It traces how breast cancer has been transformed in public discourse from a stigmatized disease best dealt with privately and in isolation, to a neglected epidemic worthy of public debate and political organizing, to an enriching and affirming experience during which women with the disease are rarely ‘patients’ and mostly ‘survivors.’ In the latter of these configurations, survivors emerge as symbols of hope who through their courage and vitality have elicited an outpouring of philanthropy, a continued supply of which will apparently ensure that the fight against breast cancer remains an unqualified success. By examining three key sites in this shift—federal policy, breast cancer marketing and the Susan G. Komen Foundation's Race for the Cure—the essay seeks to understand how, and with what effects, this transformation has occurred.

Луцій Анней Сенека і Блез Паскаль про надію: спроба порівняння.

The authors of the article analyze the phenomenon and symbol of hope in the philosophical views of Pascal and Seneca in terms of the invariance of the content against the background of social transformations. Through the distinction between hope-phenomenon and hope-symbol, the authors conclude that establishing a connection between the phenomenon of hope and the main categories of time makes it possible to trace the theological orientation in Pascal's views and Epicureanism in Seneca's teachings. The primary importance for Seneca of the problem of "death" as an alternative to "hope" is completely denied by Pascal in his reflections on sin, salvation of the soul, good, freedom, beauty, will, virtue and love (both God's and man's). The authors prove that the ideas of rationalistic reflection and the transcendence of the phenomenon of hope can be considered as a basis for contrasting the philosophical systems of Seneca and Pascal.

PUBLIC DISCOURSE, THEOLOGY AND THE TRC: A THEOLOGICAL APPRECIATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION

In calling for renewed debate on the issue of national reconciliation in the National Assembly in May 1998, Deputy President Mbeki identified two 'interrelated elements' constitutive of the process of the reconciliation needed between what he calls the 'two nations in one country', one which is 'white and relatively prosperous' and the other which is 'black and poor'.1 The first element of Mbeki's analysis of the challenge facing South Africa, is the creation of a material base whereby the 'grossly underdeveloped' black nation may be assisted to elevate themselves from the vastly inferior material living conditions they were forced to accept during Apartheid. The second challenge that Mbeki identified, interestingly for our purposes, is the promotion of a 'subjective factor, which must take the lead in sustaining the hope and conviction among people that the project of reconciliation and nation building will succeed'. According to Mbeki's thinking therefore, reconciliation depends on a long gruelling reconstruction and development process, but also on the hope of people that this process will be successful. Now one such symbol of hope, one 'subjective factor' commissioned to be a beacon along the way to restoration and reconciliation, was the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The creation of this Commission thus represented an important recognition on behalf of the government, namely that although the material and subjective factors comprising reconciliation are very closely related and interdependent, they also need to be distinguished and acknowledged separately. Entering from a theological angle specifically, it is exactly on the discourse feeding this 'second factor', namely the sus tenance of a hope in the sustainable development of society, that this paper will focus. I will investigate one possible theological interpretation of the TRC's contribution to the public discourse in South Africa aimed at sustaining hope, drawing from the Christian notions of the need for 1 Oxford University Press 1999 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.185 on Thu, 26 May 2016 04:31:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Greening “the Heart of England”—Redemptive Science, Citizenship, and “Symbol of Hope for the Nation”

Within the context of contemporary global environmental concerns the National Forest builds upon culturally specific interpretations of nature to construct a new national landscape of unprecedented scale for the next millennium. As a creative rather than solely a conservationist strategy, its ambitious multipurpose ideals link closely with broader political, scientific, and popular debates on economic investment, social improvement, and environmental enhancement. In this apaper we explore the nature — society relations which underpin the Forest vision. These are examined by reference to the planning design with its supposedly radical approach to environmental transformation; the distinctive environmental aesthetic including the ecological principles and cultural designs on which it is based; and the forms of participation on which this aesthetic depends, notably the emphasis placed upon partnership from international to local scales and, building on Agenda 21, the promotion of environmental citizenship. We examine the meanings of participation in practice and their links with flexibility, accountability, and control. The changing relations between participation, professional knowledge, and power are also explored, together with the implications for citizenship.

Fundamentalism and its Moral Geography in Malawi

Moral geographies of antiwitchcraft campaigns may be constructed from quite different vantage points and ideological programmes, as well as working upon quite diverse sets of relationships between the traditional and the modern, the young and the old, the diasporic and the diabolical. One vantage point is the village, and the moral geography that is constructed can be interpreted as a way of coming to grips with a partially apprehended modern world. The present author takes the urban world as point of departure in his analysis of the Abadwa Mwatsopano (Born-Agains), a Christian fundamentalist movement whose preachers operate specifically from the three larger cities of Malawi. For the young urban Born-Again preachers, it is the village world which is largely strange and estranging, only partially comprehensible, and threatening. It is not the 'tarmac' leading to the urban world which is the symbol of hope and despair for this younger generation, but witchcraft-related esoteric objects such as the 'zitumwa', that lead back to the village world and that are seen to jeopardize their frail independence in town. The 'crusade' is a counterattack against the evil forces emanating from the 'village' and a way of contesting the gerontocratic authority of the elderly in religious terms

In Defense of Ethiopia: A Comparative Assessment of Caribbean and African American Anti-Fascist Protests, 1935-1941

Italian invasion of Ethiopia in October 1935. The prominent historian, John Hope Franklin, has written that, instantly following fascist attack on Ethiopia, even most provincial among Negro Americans became international minded.1 As only remaining independent African state, blacks had come to regard Ethiopia as a symbol of hope and freedom from racial and colonial oppression by whites. Thus, they saw fall of Ethiopia as the final victory of whites over blacks, worst setback in their collective struggle for freedom and equality.2 So far three published works have dealt with Italo-Ethiopian hostility and its consequences on Africans globally.3 S. K. B. Asante's work challenges conventional interpretation of World War II as milestone in coming of age of African nationalism. Instead, Asante interprets Italo-Ethiopian war as one of main influences in awakening of racial and political consciousness in West Africa.4 William R. Scott and Joseph E. Harris are two black American scholars with a long-standing interest in Ethiopia. In his 1972 dissertation at Princeton University, Scott studied African-American reaction to Italian invasion of Ethiopia. He has since remained leading authority on that subject, although his dissertation did not get published

Immigrants and the American city

American immigrants are often considered symbols of hope and promise. Presidential candidates point to their immigrant roots, Ellis Island is celebrated as a national monument, and the melting pot remains a popular, if somewhat tarnished, American analogy. At the same time, images of impoverished Mexicans swarming across the Mexican-American border and boatloads of desperate Haitian and Cuban refugees depict America as a nation under siege. While governments and business interests generally welcome aliens for the economic benefits they generate, the success of these groups paradoxically stirs distrust and envy, leading to discrimination, oppression, and, in some cases, eviction. Surveying the political and economic history of American immigration, Thomas Muller compellingly argues that the clamor at America's gate should be a cause of pride, not anxiety; a sign of vigor, not an omen of decline. Illustrating that recent waves of immigration have facilitated urban renewal, Muller emphasizes the many ways in which aliens have lessened our cities' social problems rather than contributing to them. Los Angeles, New York, Miami, and San Francisco, traditional gateways to other continents, have all benefited from the contributions of immigrants. To assess perceived and actual costs of absorbing the new immigrants, Muller examines their impact on city income, housing, minority jobs, public services, and wages. But Muller argues that noneconomic concerns (such as recent attempts to formalize English as the country's official language) frequently mirror deeply-rooted fears that could explain the cyclical pattern of American attitudes toward immigrants over the last three centuries. The nation, he contends, may again be turning inward, initiating a period of growing hostility toward the foreign-born. Nonetheless, higher entry levels for skilled immigrants would improve the technological standing of the U.S., increase the standard of living for the middle class, and facilitate the resurgence of our inner cities.

The World-System after the Cold War

The story of the US hegemonic era is the easiest to tell. At the end of World War II, the USA found itself in an exceptional position. Its basic economic forces had been growing steadily stronger in terms of technology, competitiveness, and quantitative share of world production for 100 years. World War II resulted in enormous physical destruction throughout the Eurasian land mass, and thus among all the potential economic rivals of the USA, both those who had been allies and those who had been foes during the war. The USA was thus able to establish a new world order, a pax americana, after the long disorder of 1914-45. The pax americana had four pillars. The first was the reconstruction of the major industrial powers, not only its long-time allies in western Europe, but its recent foes, Germany and Japan. Tne motives were multiple. The world-economy needed the reentry of these countries both as major producers and as major customers for US production. The USA needed a network of associates to maintain the world order. And, ideologically, the USA needed to propagate the idea of a 'free world' that was prosperous as a symbol of hope and therefore of moderation for the world's lower strata. The second pillar was an arrangement with the only other serious military power in the world, the USSR. The Soviet Union was ostensibly an ideological rival and potentially an expanding power. In fact, it was quite easy to come to an arrangement in which the Soviet Union had its reserved zone (the 'socialist bloc'). There were four conditions to the deal: there would be absolute peace in Europe; the two blocs would be territorially fixed; the two great powers would maintain internal order in their blocs; the socialist bloc would expect no help in reconstruction from the USA. There were, to be sure, many noisy quarrels, but since none of them ended in breaking the arrangement, we may assume that their purpose was largely for show. The third pillar was US internal unity built around the acceptance of US 'responsibility' in the world-system, anti-Communism at home and abroad, and the end of racial segregation. The fourth pillar was the slow political decolonization of the Third World and modest

Moral Despair and the Child as Symbol of Hope in Pre-World War II Berlin

Moral Despair and the Child as Symbol of Hope in Pre-World War II Berlin J. D. Stahl (bio) Fictional portrayals of children in the Berlin of the 1920s and 1930s suggest that, for fascists and antifascists alike, the child was a symbol of redemption and hope for the future. As moral and social symbol of a possible future, the child could embody contradictory visions; he or she could represent both the hopes of innocent individuals and the collective drives and fears of a desperate society. During the social upheaval of the Weimar Republic, people looked for the causes of chaos and insecurity in theories of moral decay and social decline. On every side, hopes for a gradual improvement of the human lot were replaced by a sense of apocalyptic urgency. Some foresaw revolution; others, like Spengler, the total collapse of society; some simply retreated into a private world of self-protective resignation. Because the customary patterns of social action seemed threatened or inadequate, literature became important as a means of delineating intolerable conditions and exploring possible changes or avenues of escape. But increasingly those who looked for a fundamental transformation of society began to think of literature as nothing more than potential propaganda to hasten the attainment of that goal. In this historical context, literature for children took on a particular importance because of its heuristic function. The Hitler Youth novels of Karl Aloys Schenzinger clearly exemplify the messianic purpose of their author; yet even literature that sought to avoid topical issues, such as the children's novels of Schenzinger's contemporary Erich Kästner, provide a reflection of the contemporary situation. I hope to show by my discussion of the works of Kästner and Schenzinger that the idealism evoked by the image of childhood as human potential in German literature of the late 1920s and early 1930s could be used for humane or purely literary ends, but also demagogically, as a constituent of propaganda. I hope to show, more controversially, that literary skill could serve both purposes and that the child-figure portrayed in the novels of these authors [End Page 83] became a catalyst of sharply contrasting views of the rapidly approaching fascist state. Berlin during the late Weimar Republic was the nervecenter and microcosm of the German nation, center stage of its political dramas, harbinger of its future. To many of us, its symbol is a dance on the volcano. Thanks to films such as Cabaret , The Serpent's Egg , and, most recently, Fassbinder's epic film version of Berlin Alexanderplatz , images of decadence and perversion and a mood of apocalyptic anxiety fill our minds, with an ominous marching of brownshirts in the background. An urbane capital of sparkling if mordant wits, unemployment lines, political chaos and personal resignation, book-burnings, and emigrants packing for every train : this is how many of us think of Berlin in the late Weimar Republic. But how did Germans of the time see their own city? What moral vision had Berliners of their apocalyptic metropolis? What kind of life did authors envision for the younger generation in the face of the cataclysmic conditions of German society? As we shall see in the following examination of the writings of Kästner and Schenzinger, the child was an attractive symbol of hope in the future and a means of making a moral commentary on the present; but, as a symbol, the child had hidden limitations and dangerous ambiguities. Erich Kästner, an antifascist, and Karl Aloys Schenzinger, a profascist, each portrayed the roaring, restless city of Berlin in a children's novel as well as a novel for adults. Erich Kästner wrote Emil und die Detektive (1928) and Fabian (1930); Karl Aloys Schenzinger was the author of Man will uns kündigen (1931), translated as Fired (1932), and Hitlerjunge Quex (1932) or "Hitlerboy Quex."1 Schenzinger's and Kästner's versions of Berlin during the decline of the Weimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism not only offer vivid insights into the social and political turmoil of Germany's capital; they yield a complex analysis of the moral and philosophical conflicts animating the German people at that time...

A Symbol of Hope From Thessalonica

A fourth-century inscription from Thessalonica includes an enigmatic symbol for which no explanation has been offered. The symbol appears on a stone marking the graves of a certain Σαμβάτιϛ and, presumably, his wife, Mαξήμα, and represents three intersecting staffs.

"All Shall Be Well": Prototypical Symbols of Hope

"All Shall Be Well": Prototypical Symbols of Hope

Report of the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast

The seventy-third annual meeting of the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast was held in San Jose, California on 28 and 29 November 1975 with 276 members attending. San Jose State University was the host institution with arrangements for the meeting coordinated by the Local Committee of Scott Rice (Chairman), Catherine Blecki, Esther Pereyra-Suarez, John Pollock, and Joachim Stenzel. The conference was distinguished by an unusually invigorating Presidential Address by Eli Sobel entitled “In Symbol of Hope.” At the banquet, President Sobel also honored R. S. Meyerstein with a resolution recognizing his extraordinary dedication to duty and his special service to PAPC during the previous ten years, when he had served as Secretary-Treasurer.

Resurrection: A Symbol of Hope, by Lloyd Geering. Hodder and Stoughton. 256 pp. £2.25.

Resurrection: A Symbol of Hope, by Lloyd Geering. Hodder and Stoughton. 256 pp. £2.25.

Basic Questions in Theology, Volume 2, by Wolfhart Pannenberg, tr. by George H. Kehm. S.C.M. Press, London, 1971. 249 pp. £3.

Book reviewed in this article:BASIC QUESTIONS IN THEOLOGY, Volume 2, by Wolfhart Pannenberg, tr. by George H. KehmRESURRECTION: A SYMBOL OF HOPE, by Lloyd GeeringLE MYSTÈRE DU CULTE DANS L'HINDOUISME ET LE CHRISTIANISME, by R. Panikkar, trans. by B. CharrièreFROM COLERIDGE TO GORE: A Century of Religious Thought in Britain, by B. M. G. ReardonST THOMAS AQUINAS: SUMMA THEOLOGIAE. VOL. LIII: The Life of Christ (IIIa xxxviii‐xiv), by S. R. Parsons and Albert Pinheiro

The Failure of AMG in Italy

HE fall of the Parri government in Rome in the autumn of 1945 and the spectacular rise of Giannini's Common Man Party were the culmination of a pattern of administrative errors which began with the Allied Military Government in Sicily and continued through the occupation of North Italy. The resignation of a democratic and representative government and the resurgence of fascism, under a new name, were as much due to Allied administrative chaos and confusion as to Italian political inexperience, governmental ineptitude, and economic ruin. The Allies, with the United States as senior partner in popular esteem, have chosen to enter occupied areas with a philosophy of lofty intentions couched in benign and democratic phraseology. They have had, however, no clear-cut program or administrative techniques designed to fulfill these ends. They have governed, even at the highest levels, with inexperienced men of limited political and administrative vision. By continuing, on the world scene, to act upon the American fiction that industrious individuals with good intentions, regardless of circumscribed professional training, education, or point of view, can be competent at high levels of governmental policy-making or in specialized and difficult fields of operation, we have created confusion and uncertainty. American prestige, once a symbol of hope, has dwindled, although the peoples of Europe and Asia still cling to the dream of disinterested good which our power evokes. AMG has failed in Italy because it has proved impossible, with the governing

Basic Questions in Theology, Volume 2, by Wolfhart Pannenberg, tr. by George H. Kehm. S.C.M. Press, London, 1971. 249 pp. £3.

Book Reviewed in this Article:BASIC QUESTIONS IN THEOLOGY, Volume 2, by Wolfhart Pannenberg, tr. by George H. Kehm.RESURRECTION: A SYMBOL OF HOPE, by Lloyd Geering.LE MYSTÈRE DU CULTE DANS L'HINDOUISME ET LE CHRISTIANISME, by R. Panikkar, trans. by B. Charrière.FROM COLERIDGE TO GORE: A Century of Religious Thought in Britain, by B. M. G. Reardon.ST THOMAS AQUINAS: SUMMA THEOLOGIAE. VOL. LIII: The Life of Christ (IIIa xxxviii‐xiv), by S. R. Parsons and Albert Pinheiro.

Resurrection: A Symbol of Hope, by Lloyd Geering. Hodder and Stoughton. 256 pp. £2.25.

Resurrection: A Symbol of Hope, by Lloyd Geering. Hodder and Stoughton. 256 pp. £2.25.

Causality

The image of nature as causality has been a major theme of science and poetry. It has been a symbol of hope and fear, of progress and futility. Yet its meaning has seldom been clear. Prior to any statement about the relation of causality to physical nature, life, and mind, its meaning should be established. I shall therefore first define causality, and I shall then discuss its applicability to nature.