Party Support Research Articles

Income change and sympathy for right-wing populist parties in the Netherlands: The role of gender and income inequality within households.

The global rise of right-wing populist [RWP] parties presents a major political concern. RWP parties' voters tend to be citizens who have either experienced or fear economic deprivation. Income change constitutes a viable measure of this deprivation. However, previous contributions examining effects of income change on support for RWP parties have yielded diverging conclusions. This paper challenges previous findings by incorporating considerations of gender and within-household inequality. We hypothesise a negative relationship between, on the one hand, personal and household income change and, on the other hand, sympathy towards RWP parties. Furthermore, we expect to find a stronger association between personal income change and RWP sympathy among men. Moreover, we expect the relationship between household income change and RWP sympathy to differ between genders. Finally, we hypothesise that this gender disparity can be interpreted by considering who contributes most to the household income. All these hypotheses are grounded in gender socialisation and economic dominance theories. Analysing Dutch LISS longitudinal data spanning from 2007 to 2021 (N=7,801, n=43,954) through fixed-effects multilevel linear regression models enables us to address various competing explanations. It appears that only for men, personal income change is negatively linked with sympathies towards RWP parties. However, considering who is the highest earner within households reveals that women are also affected by their personal income change if they earn the highest income. For both men and women, household income change is negatively linked with sympathies towards RWP parties. These results lend partial support to both the socialisation and economic dominance theories. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Analisis Proses Rekrutmen Dan Seleksi Terhadap Kinerja Karyawan Pada Radio Del FM

This research was conducted to find out how the Recruitment and Selection Process affects employee performance at Radio Del FM Laguboti, to find out obstacles and alternative solutions in solving problems. Data collection techniques are through observation and interviews, namely directly observing the object being studied and with documentation. Based on the results of the discussion, it shows that the Employee Recruitment and Selection process at Radio Del FM Laguboti is in accordance with the general standards of roles and authority as stated in the job description and has been effective in finding new employees needed by the company. company. The obstacles that occur are lack of focus at work, a backlog of work and work taking a long time to complete, this is because the capacity is insufficient if there is only one worker. The solutions implemented temporarily are still not effective because some alternatives are sometimes still disrupted by urgent work that must be prioritized. In developing an administration system in a company, although development is slow, to achieve good development, the support of many parties and focus in its development is very necessary.

Job insecurity and vote for radical parties: A four-country study

Job insecurity is a pervasive phenomenon whose effects on support for different parties have attracted increasing attention in the literature. A growing body of research has assessed the relationship between job insecurity and the success of radical parties in Western democracies, but results are still inconclusive due to the complex nature of this independent variable. This article contributes new evidence to the current debates on this topic by analyzing how both objective labour market status and perceived job insecurity are associated with the vote for radical right and radical left parties. Our findings, based on four original surveys conducted in France, Germany, Greece and Spain, suggest that perceived job insecurity is generally associated with greater support for the radical left, but not for the radical right. In contrast, we find the relationship between objective labour market status and support for radical parties to be more ambiguous (and, in most cases, statistically non-significant).

Challenged by postmaterialism: left-wing parties in postcommunist Europe

ABSTRACT The article explores the evolution of left-wing voting in the postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe against the background of value shifts. The main trend indicates that those societies are witnessing a gradual transition to postmaterialism. However, examining the parties’ electoral manifestos allowed the authors to conclude that the twenty-first century cannot be characterized by uniform trends: only in the case of environmentalism did the left-wing parties adapt to the changing values of their electorate, while for other indicators the situation was the opposite. The main argument of the study, supported by regression analysis is that only the appeal to green policies prevented the left-wing parties from losing out in electoral campaigns, while the references to multiculturalism and social equality had the opposite effect. Curiously enough, the verbal commitment to traditionalist values also helped the left-wingers to retain their electorate. To get a more complete picture of the voting patterns, the authors carried out an investigation into the left-wing electorate. The conclusion was that supporters of the left-wing parties are increasingly inclined toward postmaterialism. At the same time, the study showed the ineffectiveness of the left-wing political programs. This creates a gap between the left-wing parties and their electorate.

Political accountability and legislative behavior in Africa: evidence from the 2019 Kenyan Sugar Bill in the context of the political economy of sectoral policy

ABSTRACT Recent research on African legislatures, once considered rarely autonomous, has found that some broad-scale mass movements, including pro-poor campaigns, hold legislators accountable. This article meanwhile examines the conditions under which narrow local constituency issues, shaping partisan differences, can hold relevant representatives and parties accountable while prioritizing over executive pressures and clientelist personal gains. I argue that this sort of political accountability in legislatures can be observed concerning sectoral policy interests, which, in Africa, are often geographically concentrated along ethnicity and party support lines. Drawing on a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches including interviews, news coverage reviews, and a statistical analysis of legislative debates on the 2019 Sugar Bill in Kenya, I show that the growing and collective efforts of sugar farmers to influence their local representatives and parties to support the legislation, tying them to the same electoral fate, prompt legislators to speak in favor of their local interests. This implies that sector-based policy concerns, when addressed by organized policy backers, are used as an effective mechanism for maintaining party unity and accountability in the legislature.

How Does Eurosceptic Party Consolidation Transform Party Competition Over European Issues?

AbstractThe European Union (EU)—the world’s most advanced and exemplary case of regional integration—is adapting to an era when internal criticisms are becoming more influential than ever before in the history of European integration. An entirely new party family of Eurosceptic parties has emerged and consolidated over the last decade. Given that one of their main aims is to challenge and critique the EU, Eurosceptic parties have a particular interest in European issues—the European polity as well as major European policies. Against this backdrop, the paper investigates whether and how the rise and consolidation of Eurosceptic parties of the left and right has affected party competition over European polity and policy issues. Empirically, we use information from the Euromanifesto data set covering the past 40 years (1979–2019) relating to elections to the European Parliament. Our paper’s findings suggest that the upsurge and consolidation of Eurosceptic parties of the left and right has an important effect on party competition over European issues: Eurosceptic party success affects mainstream leftist parties’ issue salience and position when it comes to the EU polity. Moreover, higher levels of support for far-right Eurosceptic parties have an impact on the position of rightist mainstream parties on EU cultural policy issues, whereas leftist mainstream parties appear mostly unresponsive to the Eurosceptic parties’ success when it comes to EU economic policy issues. These findings give us a clearer insight on how exactly Eurosceptic parties are transforming mainstream party competition.

The Influencing Factors and Countermeasures of Youth Political Participation

The youth have immense power to achieve their political goals. Youth have different perspectives towards politics which is determined their goals and objectives in the politics. By engaging in decision making, young people are learning about the political processes in society, but are also developing necessary skills, such as self - esteem, confidence, negotiation skills, a sense of autonomy etc. Thus participation is considered a tool for individual development of a young person as a citizen. Youth participation in politics encompasses a wide range of activities that allow individuals to form and express their views on the state of the world and how it is run, as well as to influence the decisions that directly affect their daily lives. This study discusses the factors that could influence political participation among youth. The purpose of this study is to examine the intuitional and exogenous factors of youth’s influencing political participation of youth’s. A total of 260 youths were participated in this survey, with a response rate of 100 % at the district level in Karnataka. Finding from multiple linear regression demonstrate that the influence of intuitional factors such as youth’s decision - making skills and political knowledge, youth’s technological sophistication and information literacy, political participation starts at the local, personality traits and attitude towards society, breaking a political nepotism, family background, voluntary activities and exogenous factors of youth’s such as contacting public officials, campaign activity, communal activities, role of students' unions/schools/colleges, political party programmes, financing and support, social environment, youth peer groups and associates, participation through voting have a substantial influence on political participation.

Analyzing Party Identification Dynamics Using SmartPLS in the Peshawar Valley, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan

The political landscape in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), Pakistan, has seen a significant transformation since the 2013 elections, marked by the unprecedented dominance of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) across three consecutive elections. This study explores the dynamics of party identification with specific relevance to the Peshawar Valley of KP, focusing on the role of family socialization, peer group interactions, political party performance, leadership, and political campaigns. Data from 1196 respondents in the Peshawar Valley were analyzed using multiple regression with SmartPLS. The findings indicate that traditional familial and peer influences on party identification are weakening, while instrumental factors like political leadership and campaigns have a substantial impact. PTI's success is attributed to its effective use of social media and charismatic leadership, emphasizing the shift towards leader-centric and campaign-driven party support. This shift reflects a weakening of traditional partisan alignments and a growing reliance on dynamic political factors in shaping voter behavior.

Norwegian consumers’ willingness to try cultured meat

Cultured meat (CM) is likely to reduce environmental footprints and health problems and improve animal welfare, but its success in the market will rely on consumer acceptance. A survey was used to investigate consumer acceptance of CM in Norway. The survey was conducted pre the COVID-19 pandemic and during the pandemic with a total of 4,683 usable responses. A partial proportional odds model was estimated, and identical coefficients were not rejected for the two periods. Social trust, trust in food authorities, and support to green parties were positively associated with the willingness to try CM but there was no association with trust in food retailers. Respondents who emphasized natural components and food safety were less willing, and respondents who emphasized health, novelty, environment, and price were more willing. Young, male, highly educated, urban, non-religious, non-vegetarian supporters of green parties were also more willing to try CM, and marketing activities should target these groups.

Broadband internet and attitudes toward migrants: Evidence from Spain

We examine the effect of broadband Internet penetration on attitudes toward immi-grants by combining survey data from Spain with information on the characteristics of the telephone infrastructure. To address endogeneity concerns, we use landlines penetration in 1996 as an instrument for broadband diffusion, and use data from both the pre- and post-Internet period to estimate a difference-in-difference instrumental variable model. We document a positive effect of broadband Internet on attitudes toward immigrants. Looking at mechanisms, broadband Internet is associated with better knowledge about immigration, reduced concerns about the labor market effects of immigration and lower support for Spain's right-wing party.

Support for a right-wing populist party and subjective well-being: Experimental and survey evidence from Germany.

With the rise of populism in many countries, including Germany, it is more important than ever to better understand the causes and consequences of populist support. Using two experiments within the context of a large panel survey, we study how support for the German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is associated with subjective perceptions of personal and financial well-being. In both experiments, we rely on priming the identity of AfD supporters, once in a controlled manner and once in a natural setting. We document a causal relationship from AfD support to diminished well-being for new and marginal AfD supporters. Our findings challenge the prevailing assumption that causality moves unidirectionally, from life dissatisfaction to support for populist parties, and suggest that early interventions focusing on positive messages are particularly promising to win voters back into the mainstream.

The Making of Social Democracy: the Economic and Electoral Consequences of Norway’s 1936 Folk School Reform

Abstract Upon assuming power for the first time in 1935, the Norwegian Labour Party delivered on its promise for a major schooling reform. The reform raised minimum instruction time in less-developed rural areas and boosted the resources available to rural schools, reducing class size, and raising teacher salaries. We show that cohorts more intensively affected by the reform increased their education and experienced higher labor income. Our main result is that the schooling reform also boosted support for the Norwegian Labour Party in subsequent elections. This additional support persisted for several decades and was pivotal in maintaining support for the social democratic coalition in Norway. These results are not driven by the direct impact of education and are not explained by higher turnout, or greater attention or resources from the Labour Party targeted toward the municipalities most affected by the reform. Rather, our evidence suggests that cohorts that benefited from the schooling reform, and their parents, rewarded the party for delivering a major reform that was beneficial to them.

Rightwing populism and public opinion on the Covid‐19 pandemic in Sweden: The role of strategic party positioning and political cues

AbstractDuring the early stages of the Covid‐19 pandemic, the Swedish government did not implement the hard lockdowns and coercive measures found in many countries and instead relied on voluntary social distancing measures and work‐from‐home initiatives. Unlike its international counterparts in most countries, the rightwing populist party in Sweden early on took a critical approach toward the government's handling of the Covid‐19 pandemic, calling for stricter government measures to curb virus transmission. Based on theories about strategic party positioning, and theories about political elite cues and framing effects, we use Swedish survey data from the early stages of the pandemic to show that the views of rightwing populist party supporters aligned with the rhetoric of the Swedish rightwing populist party in demanding more (rather than less) government intervention to curb the spread of SARS‐COV‐2. Our results suggest that they did so by drawing on core rightwing populist themes of anti‐elitism and nationalism. Hence, our results speak to the role of elite cues and framing in public opinion formation during times of crisis, particularly among rightwing populists, who generally opposed stricter government measures to fight the Covid‐19 pandemic.

East Prussia 2.0: Persistent regions, rising nations

In this study, we examine the political effects of the breakup of East Prussia into what is today Poland, Russia, and Lithuania. We expect that East Prussian legacies of nationalist and conservative political preferences persist in the respective partitions of Poland, Russia, and Lithuania. We find that there is no pattern of persistence in the Polish partition of former East Prussia, whereas East Prussian persistence appears to be robust in the Lithuanian and Russian partitions. In the context of forced migration, comparative human capital between outgoing refugees (Germans) and incoming settlers (Soviets, Poles) predicts patterns of long-run political development. Hence, higher literacy rates of incoming settlers in the Russian partition (Kaliningrad) predict higher levels of support for conservative and nationalist political parties. The opposite is observed in the Polish partition. The persistence of East Prussian legacies in Eastern Europe relates to settler literacy.

Far-Right Extremism, Elections and Hate Crime: A Temporal Evaluation of Bias-Motivated Violence in Slovakia

Abstract The present study provides an initial attempt to assess the impact of extremist right electoral support on racially motivated and extremist violent crime rates across Slovak regions. We transcend previous research by examining associations between national and regional elections, immigration rates, vote-shares, and violent hate crime rates utilizing temporal statistics on racially motivated and extremist violent crimes, which are linked with data on support for nationalist parties and on indicators of socio-economic development. Results illustrate that extreme right parties matter, such that the higher their electoral vote-shares, the higher the violent hate crime incidence and victimization rates. We, also, find that high immigration rates strengthen the effect of electoral vote-shares on bias crime in Slovakia.

Socioeconomic and territorial dynamics of bullfighting in contemporary Spain

This paper explores the territorial, economic, and social factors that affect the evolution of bullfighting festivities in Spain. Using data from the Ministry of Culture and Sports, we employ panel data regression models to analyze bullfighting celebrations from 2011 to 2019 before the COVID pandemic. The main findings include the significant role of public interest and attendance in bullfights, the heterogeneity of regions responses to the decline in festivities, and the influence of rural depopulation on this decline. Additionally, political factors, particularly support for animal welfare parties, negatively affect bullfighting celebrations, while economic indicators show no significant impact during the study period.

Dinamika Koalisi Partai Politik dalam Pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden pada PEMILU 2024

Observing the dynamics of existing coalitions, the 2024 presidential election allows for the formation of four coalition axes. As of today, the United Indonesia Coalition (KIB) is the first coalition to be declared in June 2022. Holding 26.82% of the DPR seats, the Golkar Party, PAN and PPP are in a coalition to face the 2024 General Election (Pemilu) and Presidential Election (Pilpres). The Gerindra Party and PKB appear to be the second axis coalition with 23.66% of the DPR seats. Meanwhile, the combination of the Nasdem Party, PKS and Democratic Party which formed the Change Coalition was able to accumulate the largest number of votes with 28.35% of the DPR seats. As for the PDIP, even though it has not yet appeared to build a coalition with other parties, it has a presidential boarding pass threshold of 20% to directly advance in the presidential election without having to form a coalition with other parties. This research uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Research Method This research uses a qualitative approach with problem research aimed at obtaining an in-depth and comprehensive description of a phenomenon experienced by research subjects. Discussion results Based on the results of mapping political party support, the KPU noted that the Advanced Indonesia Coalition (KIM), which supports Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming Raka, is a political party coalition that has the most valid votes in the 2019 General Election results. The Advanced Indonesia Coalition has 59,762,053 votes. The decision to form a coalition with a political party which initially had opposing ideologies and nominate a candidate pair outside the cadre must ultimately be taken by the political party when it is about to advance in the contest. This is because the voting public in Indonesia is pragmatic. People look more at popular figures or the high electability of candidate pairs, rather than looking at the vision, mission or programs offered by political parties.

Where has everyone gone? Depopulation and voting behaviour in Spain

AbstractIn many European countries, people increasingly leave rural or small municipalities to live and work in urban or metropolitan environments. Although previous work on the ‘left behind’ places has examined the relationship between the rural–urban divide and vote choice, less is known about how depopulation affects electoral behaviour. Is there a relationship between experiencing a loss in population and support for the different parties? We investigate this question by examining the Spanish case, a country where the topic of depopulation has become a salient issue in political competition. Using a newly compiled dataset, we also explore whether the relationship between depopulation and electoral returns is moderated by municipality size, local compositional changes, the loss of public services and changes in amenities. Our findings show that depopulated municipalities give higher support to the main Conservative party, mainly in small municipalities. Yet, municipalities on the brink of disappearance are more likely to give larger support to the far‐right. Results overall show that the effect of depopulation seems to be driven by compositional changes, and not as a result of losing public services or a deterioration of the vibrancy of the town. Our findings have important implications for our understanding of the relationship between internal migration and electoral behaviour.

Ethnic Media and the Mobilization of Identity

This paper studies the relationship between ethnic media, which produce content in a minority language, and the success of ethnic parties. I argue that, by embedding cultural traits in entertainment products, media outlets can shape the salience of group identity, which helps parties’ mobilization efforts. I test this argument in the case of the Basque Country where, in the late phase of the Franco regime, an independent radio station operated by local clergy promoted the revival of regional language. Using contemporary, archival, and survey data, I show that exposure to ethnic radio increased support for new radical independentist parties and that the effect is driven by formerly Spanish-speaking municipalities with low historical support for Basque nationalism. I also show that radio increased bilingualism in subsequent generations and contributed to the bundling of ethnic identity revival and radical political ideology during the democratic transition.

Multi-Agent Simulation to Envision Communication Strategies in Future Air Mobility Operations

In the future, low-altitude, shorter-range air operations will require support for interdependent parties, including pilots, fleet operators, and providers of traffic services, to safely and efficiently coordinate and manage shared airspace. Timely and quality communication is key to maintaining common ground between different roles, especially when dynamically cascading events require high-tempo responses. To ensure that communication is adequately supported in the design of procedures and aids, further development of the operational concepts for lower-altitude operations should account for the time and effort required for communication and consider strategies for distributing this overhead among the system’s actors. This study draws from research on team cognition and communication to develop a multi-agent model of the work involved in communication. The model aims to quantify the overhead associated with communication and to dynamically evaluate alternate communication strategies in envisioned air operations. An operational scenario on contingency management in low-altitude air operations involving electric vertical takeoff and landing aircraft is presented to demonstrate how the framework can support the analysis of a range of alternate strategies. The proposed approach can serve as a formative tool for designing artifacts for supporting distributed work.