Summit Declaration Research Articles

China, the Interdependent Giant, and the Global Economic Crisis

The global economic crisis revealed China to be an interdependent giant, one whose ‘rise’ was undeniable but also one whose deepening participation in transnational production sharing and network trade made it highly susceptible to an external shock. China weathered the storm relatively well – avoiding a recession, in particular – not because it had ‘decoupled’ from the G7 economies but because its stimulus measures were unusually swift and powerful. One cost, however, has been a worsening domestic imbalance between investment and consumption that carries a heightened risk of asset price inflation, non-performing loans and destabilising levels of local government debt. Meanwhile, China’s ties to the world economy have not fundamentally changed since the crisis began. Despite stirring leader rhetoric and summit declarations, the BRICS have made only modest progress in meeting their goals. East Asia, North America and Europe remain China’s principal trade partners, and cross-border production chains connecting these regions remain the dominant mode of China’s incorporation into the world economy.

Raising the priority of chronic noncommunicable diseases in the Caribbean.

The Caribbean's long history of cooperation in health now focuses on noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), given that Caribbean Community (CARICOM) countries have the highest NCD burden in the Americas. The heads of government convened a first in the world one-day summit on NCDs, largely due to advocacy by George Alleyne and others, on the health, social, and economic impact of NCDs; the need for upstream multisectoral interventions to address the common, multifactoral risks; and the need for increased global attention to NCDs. Implementation of the NCD Summit Declaration mandates was most effective in larger countries with greater capacity, but countries of all sizes performed well, when they had regional or global support. Progress was limited in regional approaches to food security, labeling, and elimination of trans fats. Inadequate funding stymied several resource-dependent interventions. Monitoring mechanisms were established, but more concrete goals are needed, especially for actions of nonhealth government agencies.

Reforms for Major New Roles of the International Monetary Fund? The IMF Post–G-20 Summit

For much of 2008, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) looked moribund. Fund's only loans outstanding were costly ones to low-income countries (LICs). For the first time ever, the Fund had cut staff (by about 13 percent) but still faced a $300 million deficit over the next four years. No new customers were in sight. Former customers among the emerging market economies were self-insuring, all to avoid future dealings with the Fund. In April, the IMF's executive board had approved a minor of the formula for allocating quota shares, and hence voice and vote, among its members. Under-represented countries would receive some additional shares; tripling of base votes ensured that low-income countries would not lose shares. two African constituencies would each gain a second alternate executive director to ease workloads. package also proposed selling a portion of IMF gold, the profits of which would constitute an endowment to cover future administrative costs. final step would be approval by member states' parliaments whose laws required such action--hence the power of the US Congress with its power of the purse making it genuinely independent of the executive. (1) main question heading toward 2009 would continue to be whether or not the IMF was worth rescuing: Did it have a major role in the crisis of the global system? Should Congress approve the reform package? On 15 November 2008, however, the Fund became a phoenix. G-20 summit, led by the European Union, assigned it new roles along with substantial new funding. summit's Plan referred to the IMF in two sections. Under Enhancing Sound Regulation, Regulatory Regimes, Immediate Actions by March 31, the G-20 called for a single action: The IMF, expanded FSF [Financial Stability Forum], and other regulators and bodies should develop recommendations to mitigate pro-cyclicality, including the review of how valuation and leverage, bank capital, executive compensation, and provisioning practices may exacerbate cyclical trends. (2) In early 2009, Congress was to consider the IMF reform package. But now the questions had become more complex. Back in April 2008, it seemed a clear yes or no whether or not the IMF was worth keeping, with the weight pointing toward no, unless inertia won. By 16 November, most of the G-20 had approved the package, and its summit's concluding statement indicated that the IMF would assume new responsibilities and money conditioned on additional governance reforms! G-20 summit understood the need for reforms far beyond those proposed by the IMF in April. Summit Declaration, Section 9, Reforming the International Financial Institutions, stated: We are committed to advancing the of the Bretton Woods Institutions so that they can more adequately reflect changing economic weights in the world economy in order to increase their legitimacy and effectiveness. In this respect, emerging and developing economies, including the poorest countries, should have greater voice and representation. same intention appears in the Action Plan to Implement Principles for Reform in which the summit participants commit to medium-term actions on reforming international financial institutions. One has to ask: Where were the emerging markets when the April reforms were being negotiated? Why do the Europeans ask for additional change in November 2008 when they insisted in April 2008 that they could go no further? And the United States announced that this was the best possible reallocation of quotas and votes? best guess was that under the pressure of the international financial collapse of 2007-2008, and the proximate pressure of the non-G7 economies in the room, the status quo powers of the United States and Europe agreed that additional changes in voice and vote were needed, without agreeing to any specific formula or any reform, such as removing the US veto. …

La "responsabilitŕ di proteggere". Riflessioni a margine del caso birmano

- The responsibility to protect doctrine was designed at the dawn of the new millennium to resolve situations when a State fails to protect its people against avoidable suffering. While it received a great deal of attention in doctrinal debates, the expectations put on it were not matched by reality. Indeed the concept, as endorsed by the international community in the 2005 UN World Summit declaration, is conspicuous by its scarce innovative value and its ambiguities. Among the questions left unanswered there is, in particular, the problem of its applicability in humanitarian emergency situations due to the combined effect of a natural catastrophe and the criminal behaviour of territorial authorities. This latter situation, so far considered as a hypothetical scenario, became true in Myanmar following the passage of cyclone Nargis. The Burmese emergency can thus be taken as a test-case whose inquiry will enable us to scrutinize the actual extent of the responsibility to protect.

MDG Activism andCampesinoDetachment

Since its founding, the United Nations has included among its goals poverty eradication, food security, “health for all,” universal literacy and education, protection of the environment, and the end of social discrimination. Special international mobilizations for one particular goal (or a particular set of goals) have taken place several times during the past 50 years. The UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) movement is the latest and perhaps the most politically committed of these initiatives. UN summit declarations and subsequent international activism are beneficial at all levels: as a result of their momentum, policies are enhanced, funds raised, and programs implemented. However, there are sometimes unintended effects at the field level, where great pressure is put on project managers and staff to change approaches, invest money, scale up activities, and get “visible” results in a short time. The present case study illustrates such side effects in the context of the FAO Special Program for Food Security (SPFS) in Guatemala. The study argues that poverty and hunger reduction require long-term fieldwork and steady impact monitoring, and that the MDG-related “scaling-up” of development projects and programs should be adjusted to the local pace.

Foreign Policy at the Fringe

BEYOND THE BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP with the United States, the are essentially marginal to Canada's interests, however one defines the latter, and they are likely to remain so in the foreseeable future. In such a context, the challenge for the government is to design a policy that is consistent over time, that can have significant impact in the few areas that are more relevant to the country's interests, that is likely to command sufficient resources for that purpose and that can be sustained over time. No easy task.This article first examines the structural basis of Canada's relationship with the rest of the Americas--or more precisely, the lack thereof--and challenges three of the key assumptions of the policy adopted since 1989. A second section examines a limited number of files whose relevance for Canada is higher--Mexico and Brazil--and another where a focused policy could have significant positive impacts.THE AMERICAS OF OUR DREAMSSince 1989, Canadian policy toward the has been remarkably proactive. The story of Canada's rediscovery of the Americas(1) has been portrayed as a decisive march toward the country's full integration in hemispheric affairs. The landmarks of Canada's deepening option for the hemisphere are numerous and impressive: the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement in 1988; full membership in the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1990; the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994; the Miami Summit, also in 1994, where Canada forcefully endorsed the project of a Free Trade Area of the (FTAA); free trade with Chile in 1997; the Quebec Summit in 2001; and then a bilateral trade agreement with Costa Rica (2002) and trade negotiations with the rest of Central America. Between these landmarks, the government and its diplomats have shown remarkable commitment to, and certainly made their mark on, hemispheric affairs, playing a key role in setting up the negotiation and support infrastructure for the FTAA, in addition to chairing the first stage of the negotiation. Similarly, Canada's commitment to a suddenly proactive OAS translated into a number of initiatives, from the establishment of a unit for the promotion of democracy, in the general secretariat of the OAS, to the inclusion of a democracy clause in the Quebec Summit declaration and the adoption in Lima, in 2001, of an Inter-American Democratic Charter.On the ground, an activist diplomacy was translating these general principles into continuing support for democratic consolidation and peace processes in Guatemala, Colombia and perhaps, more spectacularly, in Peru.(2) Finally, the significant capabilities of Canada's diplomatic apparatus, however stretched, have been put to intensive use in the hosting of an extraordinary number of major hemispheric events: from the Business Forum in Toronto (1998), the Pan-American Games in Winnipeg (1999), the Ninth Conference of the Spouses of Heads of State and Government of the Americas (1999), to the OAS General Assembly in Windsor (2000) and the Quebec Summit of the (2001).Three broad assumptions have driven those activities: 1) the hemisphere is now the only possible regional home for Canada in the vast world, what happens there is important from the standpoint of Canada's economic, political and security interests, and Canada has the capacity to become a significant player in the region; 2) the hemisphere is integrating--economically, politically and as a security complex--as a rules-based regional trade regime is emerging and as its multilateral institutional machinery gains relevance; and 3) the region is getting better, both economically and politically, its countries are progressively joining the global community of democracies and, albeit slowly, struggling out of economic under-development.(3)While these assumptions might have been relatively compelling in 1989 and especially in 1994 after the Miami Summit--but before Mexico's Peso Crisis--they now simply look wrong--completely wrong--which suggests that the policy they underlie might require substantial change. …

The End of History, the Rise of Ideology, and the Future of Democracy on the Korean Peninsula

Almost exactly a half-century following the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korea president Kim Dae-jung made a historic visit to Pyongyang for the first-ever summit meeting between the leaders of the two Koreas in June of 2000. A decade following the collapse of communism in the rest of the world, Kim's journey would inevitably be judged in history as a potential starting point for the end of inter-Korean confrontation. Three days following direct, broad-ranging discussions with his counterpart, Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae-jung confidently returned to Seoul with an inter-Korean summit declaration promising enhanced efforts at reconciliation and inter-Korean exchange. Upon his return to Seoul, Kim Dae-jung declared that there would be “no more war” on the Korean Peninsula. The next task was to institutionalize an array of exchanges and inter-Korean interactions designed eventually to lead to national reconciliation.

Prague Summit Declaration: Issued by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Prague on November 21, 2002

Prague Summit Declaration: Issued by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Prague on November 21, 2002

Women on the Polish Labor Market by M. s> Ingham H. Ingham H. Domański (review)

REVIEWS I89 Southeast Europe. It focuses primarily on the management of the third YugoslavWar,the StabilityPactfor South-EastEurope and the i999 Istanbul Charter. These chapters grapple with problems related to institutional coordinationin the region, the relationshipbetween law, legitimacyand force, and the operationalization of normative principle, particularlyas this relates to preventativediplomacy. The evolution of the CSCE/OSCE dialogue since the Detente period, and the key role for low-key organizations such as the OSCE is also highlighted.The chaptersare among the most interestingof the book in so far as they analysethe largerimplicationsof this organizationboth past and future. Part Three includes a range of documents related to the analyses in Part Two, such as the Istanbul Summit Declaration (I999), the Charter of European Security(i 999) and the StabilityPact (i 999). The three complementary parts of the book provide an excellent point of access for scholars who seek information and analysis of the OSCE role in conflict prevention and peace building. If this was the main intention of the book, it has succeeded. However, the book is unlikelyto have much broader appeal, since it readslike a conference reportand the informationwill quickly become dated, given on-going changes in the region. Itsappealwill furtherbe limited by the lack of introduction to the broader context of the conference and its proceedings. After a short one-and-a-half-page forward about the purpose of the conference, the reader comes to the opening address and introductory remarks of the conference itself. While these provide useful background, the speeches were written for the audience participatingin the conference, rather than the potential audience for the book, which is potentiallyconfusingfor the less well-informedreader.In so far as the OSCE has an important educational role, to influence how a broaderpublic in East and Westthinkabout conflict, this is a pity. But that taskis perhapsbetterleft to another venue in any case given the more academic style of the book as a whole. SchoolofPolitics K. M. FIERKE Queen's University ofBefast Ingham, M.; Ingham, H., and Domafiski, H. (eds). Women onthePolishLabor Market.Central European University Press, Budapest and New York, 200 I. XXii + 333pp.Notes. Tables.Figures.Bibliography.Index. ?31 1.95; ?I5.95. MANY years ago a Polishfriendlost patience with me and blew out his cheeks in frustration.'Stop trying to find logic and rationalitywhere there is none', he said. 'Try to remember that this is a kind of Wonderland but without a White Rabbit to guide you. It's not the West, it's a parallel universe.' Of course in one sense he was profoundly wrong, but in another he was quite right. Many observed the paradoxes, absurdities,and dysfunctionalelements of communistPolandand communismin general.This studyof Polishwomen examines the impact of a decade in which the new logic of capitalismwas first insertedinto and imposed and superimposedon the old logic and illogic of the I90 SEER, 8 I, I, 2003 communistsocio-economic system.The key questionscentre on the impact of these changes on the position of women on the labour marketand to a lesser extent how women themselves responded. Needless to say, the answers are not simple,and they alsoserveto challengesome of the morefacilepredictions made in the earlyyearsof thismulti-facetedtransformation. The range of subjects dealt with here is impressive, including the nature and types of women's employment, earnings, working hours and sectoral differentiation, and unemployment; demographic change, stereotypes and changing attitudes,assessmentof psychologicalvariables,women's organizations , and the role of women in public life. The methodological sophistication is generallyof a high order. The balance was not quite right:a ratherlengthy study of a small sample of 'intellectuallygifted 30-year-olds' (sic) confirming theircollusionin the traditionaldistributionof familyrolessitsuneasilybeside the very brief discussionof women in national politics. Most of all I missed a separate discussion of government labour policies and their gender implications - though there are some scattered references to early retirement, changing benefit regimes and the like. However, it is a rewarding book, theoreticallyinformed and empiricallyrich, with an arrayof highly regarded Polish scholarseffectivelycoordinated by Mike and Hilary Ingham. There is an interesting and welcome discussion of the lesser known areas of regional earnings'differentiation(Mike Ingham and Grzegorz Wfclawowicz) and the changing position of women in the agriculturalsector (Krzysztof Gorlach), where urbanjob...

Ending Naval Clashes on the Northern Limit Line and the Quest for a West Sea Peace Regime

Notwithstanding the June 2000 Pyongyang Summit Declaration, the June 2002 naval clash in the West Sea between North and South Korean naval forces once again demonstrated the precarious nature of the armistice regime and peace and security on the Korean peninsula. But the incident also provides an opportunity for confidence building with the benefit of existing “rules of the road” based on the Law of the Sea. This article probes the immediate cause of the clash—the fingering dispute over the status of the Northern Limit Line (NLL), unilaterally promulgated by the United Nations Command in August 1953—and the political interests of the parties today that stand in the way of a resolution. If the two Koreas are genuinely committed to reconciliation, these differences can be resolved through negotiation, thereby preventing future incidents. A line that was drawn more than a half-century ago for an entirely different purpose should no longer be allowed to fester as a source of conflict, thereby retarding the peace process.

Documentation

Document Number 1—Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Assessment of the British Government (“Iraq Dossier”)Document Number 2—Prague Summit Declaration, Issued by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Prague, November 21, 2002Document Number 3—Remarks by the President of the United States, George W. Bush, to the Atlantic Student Summit, Prague, Czech Republic, November 20, 2001

The Operational Role of the OSCE in South-Eastern Europe: Contributing to Regional Stability in the Balkans by Victor-Yves s> Ghebali Daniel Warner (review)

i88 SEER, 8i I, I 2003 institutionalizing an acquiescent and state-supported Islamic establishment alongside the ruthlessrepressionof any populistIslamistmanifestations.Such a policy, though, creates the very conditions for the rise of a political Islam which it is supposedto prevent. This leads to the final dilemma which both these books indirectly raise. Akiner, looking at the internal fragilityand fissiparousnessof the Tajikstate, argues that only a more centralized and necessarily authoritarianstate can hope to deal with the complex problems of the country. Ro'i, looking from a more regionalperspective,highlightshow the existingauthoritarianleadersof the region undermine stabilitythroughruthlessrepressionand theirfailureto promote compromise and inclusion. Enlightenedauthoritarianismappearsto be in short supply in Central Asia. This suggests that more research needs to be focused on how political power might best be adapted and promoted in the region if the prophecies of Islamist-inducedinstabilityare not ultimately to be fulfilled. School ofSocialandPolitical Studies R. DANNREUTHER University ofEdinburgh Ghebali, Victor-Yves, and Warner, Daniel (eds). ne Operational Roleof the OSCEinSouth-Eastern Europe.Contributing toRegional Stability in theBalkans. Ashgate, Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2001. xxi + 150 pp. Notes. Appendices. Index. /35.o0. THE Operational Role of the OSCEin South-Eastern Europeis a report of the proceedings of a conference by the same name. For anyone seeking to do researchinto the conflictpreventioneffortsof thisorganizationin the Balkans, the book is a crucial point of departure. It provides both information and analysisof effortsto bring some stabilityto a region that over the last decade has been torn by conflict. These relate not only to the OSCE itself,but other internationalorganizations linked to it, such as the UN, NATO and EU. In this respect, the book is not only a report of conflict prevention and management in the region, but also on the effort to build new institutional links of cooperation at the international level. While analysing conflict prevention in a particularregion, it also provides insight into post-Cold War effortsto weave the variousinstrumentsof the internationalcommunity into a 'seamlessweb of mutuallyreinforcingpracticalcooperation' (p. xi). The book consists of three parts, following the opening address and introductoryremarksto the conference. Part One provides status reports of the various OSCE field offices or missions, including those in East Slavonia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia. These focus primarilyon the challenges and successes of the differentpresences as they confronted local political forces in the area in the context of elections or peacebuilding or processes of democratization or human rights monitoring. The reportsare primarilywrittenby Ambassadorheads of the OSCE mission in the area and provideusefulhistoricaldocumentation of these efforts. Part Two, which is written primarilyby academics, includes analysis and critical assessment of the development of and potential for stability in REVIEWS I89 Southeast Europe. It focuses primarily on the management of the third YugoslavWar,the StabilityPactfor South-EastEurope and the i999 Istanbul Charter. These chapters grapple with problems related to institutional coordinationin the region, the relationshipbetween law, legitimacyand force, and the operationalization of normative principle, particularlyas this relates to preventativediplomacy. The evolution of the CSCE/OSCE dialogue since the Detente period, and the key role for low-key organizations such as the OSCE is also highlighted.The chaptersare among the most interestingof the book in so far as they analysethe largerimplicationsof this organizationboth past and future. Part Three includes a range of documents related to the analyses in Part Two, such as the Istanbul Summit Declaration (I999), the Charter of European Security(i 999) and the StabilityPact (i 999). The three complementary parts of the book provide an excellent point of access for scholars who seek information and analysis of the OSCE role in conflict prevention and peace building. If this was the main intention of the book, it has succeeded. However, the book is unlikelyto have much broader appeal, since it readslike a conference reportand the informationwill quickly become dated, given on-going changes in the region. Itsappealwill furtherbe limited by the lack of introduction to the broader context of the conference and its proceedings. After a short one-and-a-half-page forward about the purpose of the conference, the reader comes to the opening address and introductory remarks of the conference itself. While these provide useful background, the speeches were written for the audience participatingin the conference, rather than the potential...

A settlement on Cyprus?

The EU summit in Copenhagen, held on 12-13 December 2002, marked the beginning of what could be the final chapter of nearly three decades of international efforts to reunite the divided island of Cyprus. In its summit declaration, the EU effectively gave the Greek and Turkish Cypriots until 28 February 2003 to reach an agreement or face the prospect of the Greek Cypriot south of the island entering the EU on its own in May 2004 - a move that would threaten to make the partition of the island permanent and deal a serious blow to Turkey's hopes of eventual accession. While the move has focused minds on all sides, time is very short and the signs are not encouraging.

New ESEA Extends Choice to School Officials

CALL IT the bill people loved to hate. Some people, that is, like state legislators, governors, school administrators, conservative groups, and the National Education Association. This odd bunch shares a common dislike of the new Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). On the other hand, much less powerful interest groups, primarily advocates for poor children, found themselves on the winning side. In addition, the American Federation of Teachers swallowed its objection to the portion of the statute that demotes paraprofessionals in classrooms and went for the bill's emphasis on higher standards and testing. The most important power behind the revised ESEA was a Bush White House, which remains convinced that the miracle can be a revelation for the rest of the country. And the Administration was joined by Democratic leaders disgusted with the opposition of interest groups to accountability measures in public education. So we have an ESEA that accomplishes what a Democratic White House could never have done: create a much larger federal presence in education policy and funding and set the foundation for a national testing system. However, the legislation comes wrapped in several layers of exaggeration. All students are to be proficient in reading and math by 2013 - a statement that calls to mind the braggadocio of the first Education Summit's declaration in 1989 that U.S. students would be first in the world in math and science by 2000. The new ESEA promise of alternatives for students attending consistently failing schools rings hollow as well. The new ESEA will improve the education of students, its shapers declared, because of the mandate to test all students in reading and math in grades 3 through 8 - the Texas model. In Texas, success is based primarily on student scores on the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS), and, as scores have risen, so have the plaudits for the public education system. There are serious flaws with the TAAS approach, however. A new version is in the works, but some comparisons of TAAS items with those in other assessments, such as the National Assessment of Educational Progress, have indicated that TAAS is a low-level test. For example, a study of middle-grade students in one urban district - declared a recognized district because it met all the objectives of the state's Academic Excellence Indicator System - found that one-third of the eighth- graders were below basic in reading skills and 44% were below basic in math skills when tested on NAEP items. Because the students were weak on higher-order skills, the researchers concluded (as have others as well) that Texas teachers were spending an inordinate amount of time on low-level skills and test preparation. States with much better-designed assessment systems have chosen other strategies, such as sampling student performance (Maryland) or testing in all core subjects but at different grade levels (Kentucky). Moreover, states with low-stakes tests tend to do better on NAEP assessments. Yet the new legislation requires all states to spend their funds and energy conforming to one set way of using assessments. Administration officials praise the reauthorization as a breakthrough in education policy. Actually, the 1994 reauthorization, which meshed ESEA with Goals 2000 and with the standards of the School-to-Work Act (as well as creating an Occupational Skills Standards Board), was a more sweeping change. …

Commitment Compliance in G-7 Summit Macroeconomic Policy Coordination

Conventional wisdom suggests that the G-7 summit makes few substantive decisions and lacks effective monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms to enforce individual countries' commitments. However, evidence exists that G-7 countries do honor their commitments announced in summit declarations. In this article, I offer and test for the period from 1975 to 1989 several causal explanations for compliance with non-binding commitments dealing with inflation control: institutional constraints on monetary and fiscal policymaking, electoral politics, uncertainty, and reciprocity Reciprocating behaviors, independent central banks, and high current inflation rates correlate positively with compliance over inflation-control commitments. In addition, there is some evidence that divided/coalition governments and uncertainty reduce compliance. Theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed.

Istanbul Summit Declaration, Istanbul, 19 November 1999

Istanbul Summit Declaration, Istanbul, 19 November 1999

The Algerian crisis and the failure of international mediation

Summary The author examines the more recent events behind the crisis in Algeria and a conceivable role that the international community may have in negotiating a diplomatic settlement between the conflicting parties. The efforts that have so far been undertaken by external powers to mediate in the conflict are outlined. In particular, it is suggested that future European Union policy towards Algeria should include a well‐funded programme to implement the proposals found in the Barcelona Summit Declaration of November 1995 for a continuing dialogue between churches and religious leaders in Europe and North Africa.

Association of Southeast Asian Nations: Bangkok Summit Declaration on the Progress of ASEAN, Vietnam's Membership, Greater Economic Cooperation and Closer Political Cooperation in International Fora

Association of Southeast Asian Nations: Bangkok Summit Declaration on the Progress of ASEAN, Vietnam's Membership, Greater Economic Cooperation and Closer Political Cooperation in International Fora

Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe: Budapest Summit Declaration on Genuine Partnership in a New Era

Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe: Budapest Summit Declaration on Genuine Partnership in a New Era

International Terrorism: Political and Legal Documents

Introduction. I. Multilateral Treaties: Historical: Pre-World War II Period. Contemporary Treaties. II. United Nations: General Assembly Resolutions. Security Council Resolutions. Reports of the United Nations Secretary General. Reports of the United Nations Sixth Committee. Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism. III. International Civil Aviation Organization: Resolutions Working Papers and Draft Documents. Standards and Practices. IV. Organization of American States: General Assembly Convention. V. Council of Europe: Recommendations. Resolutions. Declarations, Reports, Pledges and Conferences. VI. European Communities: Resolutions, Declaration. VII. International Summit Declarations. VIII. Non-Governmental Documents: International Law Association. International Task Force on Prevention of Nuclear Terrorism. Index.