Civil War In Sudan Research Articles

Sufferings, Resilience, and Triumph over Despair in Linda Sue Park’s A Long Walk to Water

This research paper explores the plights of the refugees and their experiences in the place of origin, during the journey and in the host country, which are similar and caused by the same entity of state sovereignty and the use of state of exception in the text A Long Walk to Water. The civil war in Sudan compels Salva and many Sudanese people to leave their home country and live the very painful lives. Their plight is generally universal plight of every asylum seeker. In A Long Walk to Water, Salva starts facing a new set of obstacles after leaving his home country, Sudan and continues even in the host country. Despite the daunting obstacles, Salva's extraordinary resilience, determination, and willingness to adapt enables him to overcome his sufferings. This research paper finally argues that the problems of the right less/stateless people will have to be addressed by creating an unshakable framework by combining ideas of universal right to the political space with ethics of unconditional hospitality. Towards a creating an equal space for every individual, Hannah Ardent’s rights to have right, Kant’s universal hospitality and Derrida’s unconditional hospitality can be instrumental to minimize the sufferings of the refugees in this world. To improve and alleviate the sufferings of refugees, their rights will have to come from their equal access to the political space and legalization of their rights will have to be guided by humanitarian perspectives.

China’s Approach to Human Security within and outside UN Peacekeeping: Drawing Lessons from South Sudan

Abstract China’s relationship with human security has been ambiguous. It has acted as the most visible objector of the concept, while simultaneously contributing the most troops of all UN Security Council permanent members to UN protection of civilians (poc) peacekeeping missions. To analyse this ambiguity, we develop a typology of activities used by external actors to address human security concerns: mediation, physical protection including the use of force, and capacity building. The typology draws on the three constituent responsibilities in Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and closely aligns with the three tiers of the UN peacekeeping poc policy. We apply our typology on China’s engagement with the South Sudan civil war. We posit two interlinked arguments. First, we argue that China pursues a dual-track approach to human security, within and outside multilateral deployments, and these need to be read simultaneously to appreciate its understanding of the concept. Second, we argue for a refocus on all three types of activities. While most research has focused on the Chinese approach to the use of force, we show that the two other types of activities—mediation and capacity building —present highly productive sites of contestation. Given the current global fragmentation, where any authorisation of the use of force in the unsc and robust peacekeeping deployments are increasingly improbable, understanding Chinese understandings of human security within mediation and capacity building is of paramount importance.

Unholy alignment and boomerang civil conflicts: Examining how conflicts beget conflicts through external states support for rebels

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on external state support for rebel movements by developing an analytical tool to explain how external support for rebels leads to civil conflict onset and intensification in the target state and how conflict reverses to the sponsoring state, engendering conflict diffusion and continuation. I present a two-fold argument that a cooperative relationship between external states and rebels triggers the remote causes of civil conflict, translating latent grievances into manifest conflict in the target state. Further, the resulting conflict has a boomerang effect. It has the potential to reverse to the sponsoring state. I do this by using a case studies method – cooperative relationships of governments of Sudan and Chad with each other’s rebels vis-à-vis Sudan Civil War (2000–2005) and Chad Civil War (2005–2010) – to provide a detailed explanation of the framework and its hypotheses. The explanations I offer here may help us understand some African conflict dynamics for us to take some recent developments, for example, in the Great Lakes, more seriously.

Defending the right to health during Sudan's civil war

Defending the right to health during Sudan's civil war

Ethnic Politics in Sudan: Dynamics of Instability

This paper explains how multiple identities have been formed in this highly diversified country through a historical and descriptive approach. The main objective of this paper is to probe the depth of the root causes of instability and civil wars in Sudan and examine the major factors of conflicts in the country since its independence from Britain in 1956. It also aims at explaining the dynamics that are interacting in Sudan’s political scene and perpetuating instability. The paper is based on the hypothesis that Ethnic identities and tribal politics – practised by the ruling elite – hinder stabilisation and democratisation. It notes that the failure of the political elite to create a ‘melting pot’ for the diverse society resulted in a crisis of identity and conflicts and jeopardised national unity. The outcome of this is the secession of the South (in 2011) and the continuation of tensions in other “marginalised areas such as Darfur, South Kordofan, and the Blue Nile State. The absence of adequate and sound democracy, a lack of rational governance, and equitable socio-economic development aggravated grievances and led to wars in the country’s south, west, and east. The paper believes that it is not only diversity that matters but that many other factors do – notably the failure of the elite to adopt sound policies for properly managing diversity. The paper suggests some sort of consociationalism along with proportional representation to put an end to military interventions and civil wars.

Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)

During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.

The role of identity transformations in comparative victim beliefs? Evidence from South Sudanese diaspora

There has been a growing interest in the study on collective victimhood and this research has increased our knowledge on how victim groups construe their victimization relative to other groups. However, most of this research has assumed that the groups involved in these construals were pre-existing prior to the conflict and remained fixed during and after the conflict. This study aimed to examine how conflict facilitates the transformation of social identities (i.e., how ingroups and outgroups are construed) and how these transformed social identities are used by group members in their construals of comparative victim beliefs. Eighteen South Sudanese immigrants were interviewed about their experiences during the Sudan civil wars. Thematic analysis revealed two broader themes: “1) “who is ‘us’ versus ‘them’?” (i.e., identity transformation in light of collective victimization and privilege; 2) “what happened to us?” (i.e., construal of ingroup victimization relative to other groups). These findings demonstrate the complexity in how immigrant groups construe social identities constructed in the context of intergroup conflicts, and how these transformed identities are then used in their construals of collective victimhood.

First there were 10: the case for and against South Sudan's new states using discourse analysis and argumentation theory

AbstractIn 2015, South Sudan increased the number of its states from 10 to 28, followed by four more states in 2017. The redrawing of internal borders came through presidential decree as South Sudan's violent civil war continued to unfold. This development has led to two ardent voices: one arguing to maintain the new states, and another advocating to reverse them. Applying argumentation theory and critical discourse analysis to news articles, analysis pieces, and press releases collected fromGurtongandSudan Tribunefrom July 2015 to April 2017, this article assesses the argument advanced by both camps and evaluates their implications for peace in South Sudan. In examining the claim, the counter-claim, and their underlying premises, the article finds areas of contention and convergence between the two camps and argues for the compatibility of the values which undergird both positions.

Significance of Societal Customs in the South Sudan Civil War Resolution

The South Sudan intermittent conflicts and civil wars have attracted national, regional, and international interventions. Dominated by politically led conventional ideologies of peace approaches that revolve around suppression, negotiation, and mediation, such approaches have not achieved sustainable peace in the region. The case for societal customs presented here demonstrates a contrary view. Historically, the Nilotic Lwo ethnic groups of South Sudan, that is, Dinka and Nuer, have fought each other but utilised their customs in conflict resolution. The use of societal customs has prevailed at the grass-roots level in the face of intermittent interethnic conflicts, which feed into civil wars. This article explores the potential of societal customs in delivering sustainable peace even at a civil war level. It highlights a way of exploring further the themes (customary laws and practices) and of thinking about how/why/when these can be useful in meeting local’s interests, values, and perspectives in the civil war resolution.

ГУМАНІТАРНА ДОПОМОГА ТА ЦИВІЛЬНИЙ ЗАХИСТ ЯК НАПРЯМ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ ДЛЯ СПРИЯННЯ МІЖНАРОДНОМУ МИРУ Й БЕЗПЕЦІ

Гуманітарна допомога й цивільний захист належать до напрямів зовнішньополітичної діяльності Європейського Союзу. Допомога спрямовується через 200+ міжнародних і місцевих партнерських організацій та агентств і підтримується тисячами європейських волонтерів. Це робить ЄС одним із найпотужніших донорів гуманітарної допомоги у світі. На міжнародній арені Союз підтримує й пропагує свої цінності та інтереси й сприяє миру, безпеці, сталому розвитку і взаємній повазі між народами. Збереження життя, запобігання та полегшення людських страждань, збереження честі й гідності населення, яке постраждало від стихійних лих та техногенних криз, – місія Генерального директорату Європейської комісії з питань цивільного захисту й операцій із гуманітарної допомоги. Уся діяльність ЄС та країн-членів у сфері надання гуманітарної допомоги здійснюється відповідно до норм міжнародного гуманітарного права і його базових принципів: гуманності, нейтральності, неупередженості та незалежності. Операції з надання допомоги ЄС керуються такими додатковими принципами: координації, узгодженості й взаємодоповнюваності між задіяними учасниками; якості, ефективності та підзвітності; різноманітності партнерських відносин. Низка нормативно-правових документів регулює гуманітарну діяльність ЄС щодо збереження життя людей під час надзвичайних ситуацій, подолання їхніх негайних негативних наслідків; надання необхідної допомоги постраждалим від довготривалих криз, особливо там, де уряди виявляються неспроможними допомогти; боротьби з наслідками переселення населення; забезпечення готовності до ризиків стихійних лих і використання відповідного швидкого раннього попередження й системи втручання тощо. Із 1992 р. ЄС надавав допомогу потерпілим після численних катастроф по всьому світу, зокрема жертвам війни в Югославії, геноциду в Руанді, громадянської війни в Судані; постраждалим від стихійних лих у Тихоокеанському регіоні, Західній Африці, на Балканах тощо. Сьогодні Україна також є реципієнтом гуманітарної допомоги ЄС .

American Evangelicals, the Changing Global Religious Environment, and Foreign Policy Activism

Since the end of the Cold War, US evangelicals have become increasingly globalized in their outlook, building from a recognition that evangelicalism, both nationally and internationally, is no longer centered on white Americans. As a result, the US evangelical community of the last 30 years has become more transnational in its outlook, and active on a variety of foreign policy issues. US evangelical activism on two issues serves to exemplify these changes: first is the persecuted Christians movement, particularly in relation to the civil war in Sudan in the early 2000s, and second is the debate over immigration after 2016.

Cheaper than a goat: U.S. newspaper and television coverage of the southern Sudan conflict

This study examined how eight U.S. news outlets framed the civil war in Sudan from 1989 through 2005. A textual analysis of 851 reports found the media framed it as a religious and ethnic conflict. Three themes also emerged: famine, slavery and oil. The general findings support previous research on how the U.S. media framed conflicts in Africa. However, contrary to other conflicts, the analysis found Sudan’s civil war received steady coverage over time.

A Relational Approach to Peacebuilding in the Korean Peninsula

For North and South Korea to come together in partnership or as one nation will require a shared vision acceptable to both societies. Prioritizing harmony and proximity in personal and organizational relationships across society and the economy can provide a framework that is in keeping with Korea’s social traditions, as well as with biblical social design. A “Track Two” process for building consensus based on a relational framework through a program of consultations contributed to ending apartheid in South Africa and ending civil war in Sudan. Such an approach could now be applied in the Korean Peninsula.

South Sudan and the Emerging Security Implications for East Africa

South Sudan achieved political independence in 2011, before plunging into a series of civil wars that have culminated with the signing of the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development, IGAD, driven peace agreement. The Sudan People's Liberation Movement, SPLM, Government has not created conducive environment for political stability in South Sudan. Thus, the political and economic crisis has seen the intervention of neighboring countries in internal affairs of South Sudan to pursue their national interests or within the context of regional bodies such as IGAD to achieve the same. From the outset, the independence of South Sudan was necessitated by the USA led war against global terrorism that is more pronounced at the Horn of Africa and in the context of Sudan's civil war. The natural resources in South Sudan has attracted state and non-state actors with global and regional actors directly or indirectly getting involved in reconfiguring the security matrix with diverse outcomes, some of them with unintended outcome. Wildlife trafficking, gold mining, logging, ivory poaching and illegal charcoal production and commercial bush meat poaching, has created war economics and resource conflicts within the region and beyond. Political crisis in South Sudan, especially the most recent one that triggered civil war in 2013, and persisted to date, has received very little scholarly attention especially its regional security implications. This paper seeks to analyse the security ramifications of the ongoing war for East Africa. The paper will examine the emerging security threats and their regional ramifications. In particular, multiple security ramifications such as armed groups, humanitarian crisis, natural resources and refugees' crisis will be examined in detail to draw conclusions on the scope and depth of the emerging security threats in East Africa.

South Sudan's Civil War Will Not End with a Peace Deal

In early 2017, the government of South Sudan declared that parts of the country had been hit by severe famine. This famine was another sign of the many ways in which a disastrous war was killing pe...

The collapse of IGAD peace mediation in the current South Sudan Civil War : when national interest dictates peace mediation

The Collapse of IGAD Peace Mediation in the Current South Sudan Civil War : When National Interest Dictates Peace Mediation

It takes a village to raise a militia: local politics, the Nuer White Army, and South Sudan's civil wars

AbstractWhy does South Sudan continue to experience endemic, low intensity conflicts punctuated by catastrophic civil wars? Reporters and analysts often mischaracterise conflicts in the young country of South Sudan as products of divisive ‘tribal’ or ‘ethnic’ rivalries and political competition over oil wealth. More nuanced analyses by regional experts have focused almost exclusively on infighting among elite politicians and military officers based in Juba and other major cities who use patronage networks to ethnicise conflicts. This paper argues instead that civilian militias known as the Nuer White Army have consistently rebelled against elites who they blame for mounting inequalities between urban areas and the rural communities regardless of their ethnicity. While unable to stop governments and NGOs from funnelling almost all their resources to the cities, these militias have consistently mobilised local resources for violent campaigns that redistribute wealth by pillaging urban areas.

Women and Religion in Sudan's Civil War: Singing through Conflict

During Sudan's second civil war (1983 to 2005), many Dinka people repudiated their existing religious beliefs and sought Christian baptism. Women were at the forefront of this movement. Not only were women among the first to convert to Christianity, they also became leaders of the grassroots Christian movement. Among Dinka communities displaced outside of Sudan, women organised an affinity group in the church through which they channelled their frustration with the war and hope for its conclusion. Women were also among the most significant composers of many of the new Christian hymns that were written during the war, emerging as the leading theologians of the conversion movement. By looking at the gendered impacts of civil war on religious expression, we can come to new understandings of the way societies are transformed during violence.

South Sudan: a volatile dynamic of accountability and peace

Since the warring parties to South Sudan's civil war (2013-15) signed a peace agreement in August 2015, South Sudan has endured a series of setbacks and clashes that have threatened the fragile peace process. This article examines many key factors affecting the peace process, including rampant corruption, military factionalism, gross human rights abuses and ineffective foreign intervention/pressure. It shows that the past and present failure to structure accountability at the institutional level drives the instability and distrust that has limited the political dialogue and consensus needed to implement the peace deal. To frame this issue of accountability, the article distinguishes between core (essential) and peripheral (self-serving) objectives of promoting accountability. In doing so, it seeks to devise and apply the logic of this dynamic of accountability and to explain the unexpected outcomes of South Sudan's conflict. It argues that, rather than transforming the conditions and hostile relations of South Sudan's situation, international demands for accountability continue to fuel the volatile tensions between international authorities and the various factions inside the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The central conclusion the article draws is that instead of signifying the official beginning of the end of the conflict, the peace agreement has wedged itself between the core and peripheral objectives of accountability, thereby setting the stage for further stalemate and increasing distrust among domestic and international authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the South Sudan question: reconsidering moderation

This article examines the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) movement's stand on the South Sudan question. The aim here is to contribute to the ongoing debate over the MB's moderation. Throughout the civil war in Sudan, the MB consistently objected to South Sudanese secession. Yet, while it had traditionally framed its objection in religious terms, describing the South Sudanese struggle as a Christian conspiracy against Islam, in the decade preceding South Sudan's declaration of independence it moved to base its opposition on more practical grounds, revolving around issues such the absence of democracy, stability and infrastructure in South Sudan. This correlated with wider shifts in the MB. Since the 1990s, the movement has claimed to have undergone a transformation, adopting a moderate, pro-democratic stance. These statements persuaded many scholars that the MB has come to represent political moderation in both its domestic and international agenda. More recent works on the movement, however, have come to question the MB's moderation hypothesis, suggesting that even though the movement has changed its discourse and some aspects of its activism, this could not be seen as a linear process of moderation. This article uses the South Sudan case to further support this critique from a foreign policy perspective. It demonstrates that even though the MB changed its tactics and discourse, its goals remained unchanged— even when the circumstances and the normative environment changed dramatically. Moreover, it shows that at times of crisis, the liberal discourse gave way to the old-fashioned radical discourse of previous decades.