Sudan People Research Articles

Prevalence of Non-Communicable Diseases and Access to Healthcare Among Internally Displaced People During the Armed Conflict, Northern State (Sudan).

Non-communicable diseases emerge as major public health challenges with increasing prevalence and mortality. The armed conflict in Sudan has resulted in the displacement of 6.8 million people, putting a significant strain on the health sector in the displacement areas. This study aimed to explore the prevalence of non-communicable diseases and access to healthcare services among internally displaced people in Northern Sudan. A cross-sectional study was conducted among randomly selected internally displaced people in accommodation shelters at Dongola locality. Data were collected by face-to-face interviews using a questionnaire adapted from relevant studies. For data analysis descriptive statistics and chi-square tests were utilized using SPSS-27. 374 participated in the study with a 96.1% response rate. 70% of respondents were 18-49 years old. 70.9% of respondents were females, and 92.8% of them had no source of financial income. The prevalence of non-communicable diseases was 42.5%, with hypertension (44.7%), diabetes mellitus (24.7%), and thyroid disorders (15.2%) predominating. About 45.7% of patients interrupted their medication, and 38.6% could not access healthcare services, while 57.2% of respondents received free medical care. The study found a statistically significant association between the type of disease and age, gender, residence before displacement, and the Length of displacement. 42.5% of the internally displaced suffer from non-communicable diseases, with hypertension, diabetes mellitus, and thyroid disorders predominating. About 45.3 and 38.6% of them respectively have interrupted their medications and lost regular follow up. The urgent need for improved healthcare services is recommended.

The Zaghawa Ethnic Group of Sudan and Chad: Clans and Traditional Nobility

The presented article highlights the issues of the history of the Zaghawa people in Sudan and Chad, as well as major social structures and various clans that make up this ethnic group. Research on Zaghawa clans and their history is still rare in Russia, while the importance and influence of this group on public and political life are becoming more and more noticeable. A significant difficulty in determining the hierarchy of major Zaghawa factions is the identification of the “original” clans, as distinct from the clans which are treated as not having a common origin with the Zaghawa. Moreover, the ethnonyms that are used by different neighbours to designate the Zaghawa are problematic, since the designation of this people by other communities in Sudan and Chad can be contradictory and vague. The Zaghawa clans have their own historical traditions and concepts of clan hierarchy. While preparing the present work, the authors scrutinized research papers and books in multiple languages (including Arabic), as well as the first-hand data obtained during interviews with with the representatives of several Zaghawa clans.

Surface water and geomorphological changes of the Blue Nile dynamics associated with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD): a multi-temporal analysis

ABSTRACT The Blue Nile River is an indispensable source of livelihood for over 90 million people in Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt. Recently, Ethiopia has constructed the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the largest in Africa, which could potentially alter the geomorphology of the river regime, and impact downstream countries. This study offers the first comprehensive analysis of the geomorphological alterations and water surface coverage changes of the Blue Nile River due to the construction and operation of the GERD. For this, we use multi-temporal Landsat 5 and Sentinel-2 satellite imagery spanning the period from 2009 to 2022, supplemented with Climate Hazards Group InfraRed Precipitation with Station data (CHIRPS) precipitation products to discern the potential influence of climate variability on the observed changes. The findings are examined using the Before-After-Control-Impact (BACI) model, revealing significant fluctuations in the water surface coverage area across different sections of the river, particularly following the filling stages of the GERD. An analysis at every 10 km is performed to assess the extent of GERD’s influence on the Blue Nile, which indicates no notable alterations in surface area or geomorphology within the first 30 km of downstream river flow. The study also determines that changes from 2011 to 2018 are primarily associated with the upgrade activities of the Roseires Dam, while alterations along the Blue Nile from 2018 to 2019 are linked to climate variability. The observed changes between 2020 and 2022 can largely be attributed to the filling stages of the GERD. Notably, these changes are most pronounced in the water retaining areas upstream of the GERD dam. The results also show that Roseires Dam could play a crucial role as a buffer, mitigating potential impacts imposed by the GERD, and serving as a conduit between the GERD and downstream communities.

South Sudan’s Transitional Constitution: the Making, Failure and Lessons

Abstract The period 2005 to 2011 has a special significance for the people of Sudan. It not only saw the emergence of South Sudan as an independent country, but it also marked the beginning of formal constitution-making in South Sudan’s tumultuous political history. Two important documents – the Interim Constitution 2005 and the Transitional Constitution 2011 – were enacted during this period. I discuss both documents in this paper. I find that the Transitional Constitution unnecessarily concentrates power in the president. I argue that in failing to constrain the president, the Transitional Constitution has failed the task of a modern constitution.

The Disappearance of Intra-Communal Violence as a Legacy of SPLM/A Rebel Governance in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, South Sudan

ABSTRACT South Sudan has a long history of civil wars and intra-communal violence. Northern Bahr el-Ghazal (NBeG) state, including Aweil East County, similarly to other pastoralist and agro-pastoralist communities, stood out in terms of intra-communal violence. However, since the second civil war (1983–2005), larger-scale local-level violence has substantially reduced and conflicts are settled in different dispute resolution forums. This paper explores factors reducing intra-communal violence in Aweil East. It demonstrates that the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) has shaped local governance, justice, security, peace and political constellations since the second civil war well into the era of the independent South Sudan.

Analisis Kegagalan Consociational Approach dalam Perjanjian Naivasha Sudan

The Second Sudanese Civil War was a conflict between the Sudanese government and a separatist group from South Sudan, namely the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). It was the most prolonged violent conflict in African history (1983-2005). The conflict officially ended after the signing of the Naivasha Agreement in 2005. In this agreement, there was an effort to resolve the conflict with a consociational approach that carried out project sharing between the conflicting parties. However, this agreement did not succeed in making Sudan free from conflict. This article will present an analysis of the failure to implement the consociational approach in creating positive peace in Sudan and South Sudan The findings of this research are that the power-sharing carried out in this agreement only involves elites. Apart from that, the distribution of resources other than oil has yet to be carried out, which should also be divided, taking into account identity factors.

Unveiling UNISFA’s Efforts at Managing Law and Order in the Contested Abyei Area in the Absence of the Abyei Police Service.

Both the Agreement signed between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) on the temporary arrangements for the administration and security of the Abyei Area and, the subsequent United Nations Security Resolution 1990 (2011) that established the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) made provision for the establishment of the Joint Abyei Police Service among other institutions. However, the non-implementation of this important body has created a law-and-order vacuum in the Abyei Area and a security nightmare for UNISFA. This study critically examined the impact of the absence of the Abyei Joint Police Service on law and order, with particular emphasis on UNISFA’s initiatives in managing issues of criminality in the area. The work used primary and secondary sources including UN documents for data collection and analysis using qualitative design. The findings revealed that the establishment of the Community Protection Committee (CPC) and the work of the Community Liaison Office significantly reduced criminality in the Abyei Area leading to the de-escalation of the conflict. The paper recommends greater capacity building and logistical support to the CPC to ensure its continuous functionality and efficiency.

Call for Papers: Special Issue - "Beyond Borders: People, Politics, Conflict, and Recovery in Darfur and Sudan"

Call for Papers: Special Issue - "Beyond Borders: People, Politics, Conflict, and Recovery in Darfur and Sudan"

Demokratisasi Negara Sudan Pasca Berakhirnya Pemerintahan Islam

This article discusses the political conditions, and the process of democratization in Sudan after the end of Islamic rule. As a predominantly Muslim country, Sudan has long had an Islamic government and sharia-based laws. However, after President Omar Bashir stepped down, in 2020 the Sudanese transitional government decided to end the system of government under Islamic law and promised freedom or democracy for the people of Sudan. This is then interesting to discuss and this article aims to find out the condition of Sudan after the end of Islamic rule, and to analyze whether the process of democratization by the transitional government of Sudan was successful. The author uses a descriptive method, with a democracy and democratization approach. Data is collected through Google Scholar, the Freedom House Website, and several other sources. then the data is analyzed by comparing the index of freedom in the State of Sudan in 2022 with 2019 after the revolution or the end of the authoritarian government of President Omar Bashir. The author finds that the process of democratization in Sudan after the end of the Islamic government or Bashir's authoritarian government has not been successful. Sudan has indeed experienced several democratization processes, but democracy in Sudan has not yet been consolidated. This is due to a number of reasons, such as the coup d'etat and the domination of the Sudanese military, the transitional government that is not transparent, people's rights that have not been fulfilled, and there is still a very severe economic crisis.

The Relevance of Human Security Approach in Assessing The Causes and Solutions to Food Insecurity in South Sudan (Case Study: South Sudan 2017 Famine)

The Relevance of Human Security Approach in Assessing The Causes and Solutions to Food Insecurity in South Sudan (Case Study: South Sudan 2017 Famine)

Leadership, nation-building and war in South Sudan: the problems of statehood and collective will

Leadership, nation-building and war in South Sudan explores the historical contradictions in the foundation of the South Sudanese state as well as the country's future prospects. The book is based on fieldwork research that the author conducted between 2015 and 2018. With a historical approach, Sonja Theron seeks to explain why ‘South Sudan has not known peace since 1955’ (p. 15). Here, the author is alluding to the reigniting of old political feuds, including the outbreak of the civil war in 2013. Theron revisits the history of conquests, slave trade and the Islamic sentiments that propelled the Mahdist revolt of the late 1880s, which she places in the context of the push for independence, which lasted from 1821 until the outbreak of the Sudanese civil war in 1955. With the support of Christian missionaries and the Anya Nya liberation movement in the 1960s, a South Sudanese political consciousness flourished. The book also illustrates how the shaky foundation of the postcolonial state triggered the emergence of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) in 1983, with a broad-based alliance against marginalization. Three decades later, the SPLM invoked the right to self-determination for South Sudan's independence in 2011. Crucially, Theron points to the peace agreements that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediated between 2002 and 2018, and their failure to address the root causes of the conflict. According to the author, IGAD sought to accommodate the political priorities of different factions, which allowed them to continue plundering the state and which ultimately worsened the country's underdevelopment and political fragility.

Divorce: Experiential and Structural Elements: Cases from Papua New Guinea and Africa

Divorce emerges as a phenomenon in counterpoint to marriage, both terms representing processes or phases of interaction punctuated by moments of completion and transition to further phases. We can make an initial distinction between divorce, viewed as undoing of preceding phases, and marriage, viewed as prospective of moving into a new relationship. Both divorce and marriage may carry different meanings depending on the wider culture in which they occur. Where marriage comes into being via a series of reciprocal transactions of wealth objects, divorce correspondingly consists of the undoing of such transactions, with the aim of creating a new order of relationships. This process can, in turn, itself vary as it turns on emotional manifestations between the parties involved, sometimes connected with the presence of offspring, as in the case of the Nuer people of South Sudan, among whom a wife does not shift to her husband’s settlement place until the couple have a child. The question of transactions goes with the significance of the wider kin networks in which marriages and divorces are regulated. All in all, our paper examines a counterpoint between legal and emotional aspects of both marriage and divorce, raising issues about what a marriage is and what constitutes a divorce, together with nuances of ritual processes that mark pathways between these categories. We draw on ethnography from Pacific cultures, especially Papua New Guinea, and from Africa, to explore these processes.

Rebel Fragmentation and Protracted Conflicts: Lessons from SPLM/A in South Sudan

The rise in splinter groups within rebel movements and opposition groups has serious implications for conflict resolution efforts. Yet existing literature has not sufficiently touched on the key implications and factors that lead to the split and fragmentation of rebel groups. One of the conflicts that have been impacted by the problem of fragmentation of warring parties is the South Sudan conflict. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) has experienced internal fragmentation historically during the struggle for independence from Sudan and today during the civil war that began in 2011. New groups have emerged claiming to be paying allegiance to leaders and pursuing a different course. This paper argues that internal fragmentation within the SPLM constitutes a serious threat to peace in Africa’s youngest nation. The author examines the motivations behind such fragmentations and their implication in the understanding of the South Sudan prolonged conflict. The paper begins by examining the causes of the South Sudan conflict and the patterns of violence, and it assesses wartime governance and the fragmentation of the groups. The study concludes with a set of recommendations for the resolution of the conflict.

Chosen Peoples: Christianity and Political Imagination in South Sudan

Chosen Peoples: Christianity and Political Imagination in South Sudan

John Garang On Air: Radio Battles in Sudan's Second Civil War

AbstractThis article explores radio broadcasting and monitoring by and about Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) leader John Garang during Sudan's second civil war, focusing on the core period of Radio SPLA broadcasting (1984–91). Through oral history, memoirs, and international monitoring reports, the article analyzes radio conversations between Garang and his critics — northern Sudanese, southern Sudanese, and international — to argue that radio battles directly shaped the struggle for political authority between Garang and the Sudanese government, and within the SPLM/A elite. Radio allowed Garang to speak to a dispersed audience within and beyond Sudan, presenting an alternative history of Sudan, publicizing his vision of a New Sudan, and asserting his pseudo-sovereign control of SPLM/A-held territory. However, Radio SPLA did not exist in a vacuum; Garang's rivals responded on government and international radio to criticize his leadership in targeted, personal terms. Radio thus powerfully mediated between personal, national, and international politics during the SPLM/A's liberation struggle.

The Jonglei Canal Project: South Sudan Students’ Protest, 1974

In the northern part of South Sudan, due to the flatness of the terrain, the flow of the White Nile has been greatly slowed down resulting in the formation of vast swamps called sudd (barrier) in Arabic. The Dinka, Nuer and the Shilluk refer to this flood plain as toich. It is central to their livelihoods. In 1974 Egypt and Sudan agreed to construct a canal to divert the water of the White Nile away from the sudd area. This canal, referred to as the Jonglei Canal, was to run between Bor and Sobat River. Many people in South Sudan were opposed to the construction of this canal. Using rumours, they mobilized students to oppose the construction of the canal through strikes which resulted unfortunately in the killing of two students, closure of schools, and arrests or exiling of some politicians.

Impact of States and Non-State Armed Groups Collaboration on Conflict Management in the Horn of Africa, 1996-2016

The article argues that conflicts in the Horn of Africa were fueled and sustained by the non-state armed groups (NSAGs) in collaboration with states within the sub-region. The somewhat symbiotic relationship that existed between states and NSAGs provided synergy that protracted conflicts and made them difficult to manage. While using realism theory, this study analyses why states, which are interest-driven, engaged NSAGs in their respective countries and worked with them to perpetrate conflicts. The study deployed purposive sampling in the selection of respondents and administered questionnaires as well as in-depth interviews to collect data. Additionally, the inquiry relied on secondary data where content analysis was carried out. The study found that Sudan conflict protracted because Uganda supported the Sudan People’s Liberation movement/Army; Somalia conflict prolonged due to the involvement of Ethiopia, Kenya and Eritrea; and the South Sudan dispute was sustained because of the meddling of Uganda and Ethiopia. Keywords: collaboration, states, Horn of Africa, non-state armed groups DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/97-03 Publication date: October 31 st 2022

The political deduction and building political security In Sudan post of 2019


 
 
 
 The political deduction in political security issues has become one of the topics that related with the attention of researchers and specialists. On the philosophical level, the deduction based on a certain reason to be as the basis for proving a specific issue that cannot be tackled by the existence of contradictions between two extremes - paradigm (Security and Instability). So that, the future of political security in Sudan is still instability, although the international community's ability to impose their Comprehensive Peace Agreement since February 2005, and according to the requirements of what included in the clauses of the agreement to complete the procurement of democratic transition period, as for the Sudanese opposition forces and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement which are represented the real partners of power. So, the ability of the National Congress Party at that time could have power to consolidate its inclusiveness as a dominant political party.
 From the another hand, the possibilities to infer the dimensions of political security in Sudan are ready to restore the army’s control over the political life, but with the need to maintain the settlement of critical political issues according to a new criteria that take into account the demands of civil forces; However, the civilian leadership was still inactive by as a result of internal divisions and rivalries within, so that the local, regional and international pressures remain to be the only source of strength to achieve a kind of consensus and satisfaction to overcome the critical period and accomplish what can be achieved for the benefit of the political security for Sudan, at the present and future alike. Finally, the absence of mechanisms for managing the divergent interests between civil and military leaders may lead to an unstable civil-military alliance, and they concern about losing of the whole absolute privileges and powers that they enjoyed during the past three decades for the rule of former President Omar al-Bashir, leaving the civilian leadership in 2019 to be as a drastically situation in its inability to form a united front that pushed towards neutralizing the military’s authority or resorting to confront a new period as a returning of violence as what happened in the past. As for the multiplicity of factors affecting on the political security crisis in Sudan, it meant that there is no real solution to subsequent crises in the future, so that the possibility of shifting towards civilian rule remains the only way to manage differences. And the differences between civilians and military alike might erupted at any reason or incentive.
 
 
 

Seroprevalence of Leptospirosis in Suspected High-Risk Sudanese Patients; A Pilot Exploratory Study

The extent of leptospirosis is unknown in Sudan, and it might be mistaken for other more common febrile infectious diseases. Leptospirosis might also be associated with renal diseases that are common in Sudan. We intended to explore the existence of human leptospirosis in suspected high-risk patients in Khartoum, Sudan, via sero-screening random febrile patients and those undergoing renal dialysis. This pilot exploratory study was conducted over six months, from April to September 2013. Four hospitals were selected conveniently following a non-random sampling approach. One hundred nineteen febrile patients (with or without definitive diagnosis) and patients under renal dialysis were included, and their serum specimens and clinical and demographic data were collected. Sera were screened qualitatively for the existence of anti-leptospiral IgM antibodies using a rapid lateral flow immune-sorbent assay. Ethical clearance and official permissions were obtained. Of the 119 patients, 57 (47.9%) had end-stage renal disease. They were under dialysis at Renal Dialysis Unit in Asbab Charity Hospital in Bahri, 47 (39.5%) were febrile with unknown origin attending the Tropical Medicine Hospital in Omdurman, and 15 (12.6%) were febrile and were diagnosed as having malaria or typhoid and attended Yastabshiron Medical Centre and Bashauer Teaching Hospital. The prevalence of anti-leptospiral IgM antibodies among all 119 screened patients was 7%. The prevalence among the 57 with the end-stage renal disease was 9%, and among the 47 with a fever of unknown origin was 6%. The prevalence among the 15 with a fever of known origin (diagnosed as malaria or typhoid) was 0%. Almost all positive patients had recurring episodes of fever, were in close contact with livestock, were farmers, and had an untreated natural source for drinking water. Human leptospirosis does exist in this targeted population. It is probably a common febrile condition and can be easily considered one of the major causes of chronic kidney disease affecting people in Sudan. A national sero-screening for leptospirosis among those living in high-risk geographical areas and those at occupational risk is highly recommended.

Sudan's Position on the Palestinian Issue 1948-1966

This study is dealt the attitude of Sudan towards the Palestinian issue since the beginning of Arab –Zionist conflict 1948-1966. The study aimed to identify the basic information of Sudan people attitude and contribution in the conflict between Arab states and the Zionist entity as well as studying the causes of obstacles and failure of lack of qualifications and abilities for a country like Sudan that it did not have the authority to make a political decision, because Sudan did not have dependence until 1956. The research followed the method of the historical research in present and analyses the information that were collected from documents, books, and Arabic journals as well as records of League of Arab States until 1966. The study ends with Sudan independence 1956 and forming the first independent Sudanese government made up of several political parties led by Mr. Esmail AL-Azihary who had a moderate policy on international and regional stander, as well as Sudan support and defense of the Arabic legal issues which is the Palestinian issue is one of them on political and military level it one of Arabic nationality and African position.