Successor Organization Research Articles

The National Front and environmental politics, 1967–90

Abstract The green entanglements of the inter-war British far right are well-documented. Martin Pugh has drawn attention to the predominantly rural, agricultural support base of the British Union of Fascists. We know that the aspiration to go ‘back to the land’ was deeply enmeshed with a politics of racial hygiene, which equated the urban with miscegenation and the rural with purity. However, in the post-war world, British far-right ecologism has typically been interpreted as a curious anomaly driven by cynical realpolitik. This article contends environmental themes as an intellectual staple of British fascism—running from the interwar far right, through the NF, and into the latter’s largest successor organization, the Flag Group. The Front’s preoccupation with the environment, and its racism, were mutually reinforcing, central pillars of its politics. Its environmentalism was alternately revolutionary and conservative, nostalgic and future oriented.

Content analysis of succession planning in nursing management: a qualitative study

AimThe identification and development of managerial talents for nursing manager succession in the future should be a concern for organisations, as the concept of succession planning has not been seriously...

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST PARTY IN 1948

The Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, which changed its name several times over the years and whose legacy is currently claimed by the Czech National Social Party as a successor organization, is one of the oldest traditional Czech political parties. It was established in 1897 in the period of political differentiation of Czech society with the ambition of becoming an association of Czech workers, the organization of which until then had been the focus of the international Social Democratic Party. Eventually, it profiled itself as the party of the lower middle classes, with a nationalistically formulated programme of defending the ideas of democracy, social equality and justice that was aligned with the vision of creating a reformist Czech national socialism. By tradition, it was opposed to Marxism, communism and any kind of totalitarianism, and, after 1918, participated in the building of a democratic Czechoslovak Republic. It defended these policy postulates even after the end of the Second World War, when, in a heavily reduced, centre-left party-political system identified with the concept of the National Front, it profiled itself as the most consistent opponent of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). While the Communist policy aimed at a complete takeover of power with the objective of the revolutionary transformation of Czech and Slovak society and the building of socialism and communism, the National Socialists unequivocally rejected this concept and aimed at a vision of a national, democratic and socially just state. The clash of these contradictory ideas about the future, which was not specific only to Czechoslovakia, but was related to the formation of the bipolar order of the world and Europe after the Second World War, and the fact that Czechoslovakia found itself in the Soviet sphere of influence, was reflected in the emergence and resolution of the government crisis of Gottwald’s cabinet in February 1948. The KSČ used this case for a coup d’état. It established the dictatorship of the proletariat in Czechoslovakia, liquidated the democratic political system and replaced it with a totalitarian one, and in line with Moscow’s intentions, it began a revolutionary transformation of society with the aim of building socialism. The February Communist coup also had a major impact on political parties, particularly the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. The Communists, with the help of turncoats and careerists covered by Communist State Security, dismantled that party and began to actually build a new political party from its ruins under the name of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. In terms of its policy statement, the party identified itself with the visions of the Communists, who made it a shadow organization collaborating with the regime until 1989. This study reflects the circumstances behind the formation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party in 1948, with a focus on the formation of the party leadership and party elite. People who mostly cooperated with the Communists before February 1948, along with individuals secretly authorized by the KSČ and the security structures to work among the National Socialists for the purpose of intelligence and decomposition activities, established themselves as the leaders of the organization at central level.

Women in child search: a gendered view of post-World War II reconstruction

ABSTRACT One of the most crucial sections of the International Tracing Service, centralized and established in 1948, was the Child Search Branch (CSB), which had the emotionally and ethically complex task of assisting ‘unaccompanied children’ who were discovered in far larger numbers after 1945 than anyone had expected. This article examines the role of three women relief workers who ran the CSB in the post-war period: Eileen Blackey, Cornelia Heise and Eileen Davidson. Focusing mainly on these exemplary cases, the authors evaluate and centre the women’s leadership and decisions, showing how women who worked for the CSB played roles that subverted the general rule in the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) and its successor organization, the International Refugee Organization (IRO), which was that women were directed into ‘feminine’ posts. Women who ran the CSB played senior roles in child search and welfare and the decisions they took had significant and crucial outcomes for children, although gendered assessments of ‘carer’ and ‘feminine’ roles in UNRRA/IRO more widely have thus far hidden their activities as a subject worthy of analysis. This article shows how gender affected the spheres of influence the women carved out as they contributed to post-war reconstruction and humanitarian aid.

A century of regionalisms: the Regional Plan Association of New York and the Regional Planning Association of America in comparative perspective

ABSTRACT Despite their similarity in names and initials that has confused generations of planning students, the Regional Plan Association of New York (RPA, founded 1922) and the Regional Planning Association of America (RPAA, founded 1923) propounded very different visions of regionalism. The RPA, following the Plan of Chicago (1909), argued for what I call ‘metropolitan regionalism’, a rail-based region tightly organized around a dense core. By contrast, the RPAA’s ‘decentrist regionalism’ envisioned a radical redistribution of population and production that would fully utilize the automobile and create a network of ‘New Towns’ in still-verdant greenbelts. I argue that regional planning in the United States since the 1920s has been dominated by the debate between these two regionalisms, and, since the disbanding of the RPAA and its successor organizations, this ‘regional conversation’ for New York has taken place within the RPA as especially their Third (1996) and Fourth (2017) Regional Plans have attempted to reconcile the two visions.

A Typology of Postcommunist Successor Parties in Central and Eastern Europe and an Explanatory Framework for Their (Non-)Success

Abstract This article revisits the phenomenon of postcommunist successor parties – defined as the formal successor organizations of state-socialist ruling parties – in Central and Eastern Europe three decades after the transformative events of 1989–91 and two decades after the most recent period of sustained academic interest in the topic. The article begins with a critical reexamination of the late 1990s and early 2000s comparative politics literature on postcommunist successor parties, noting in particular its reliance on path dependency as well as subsequent empirical developments that cannot be explained by established approaches. From here, this article argues that major changes in the electoral fortunes of numerous successor parties since the mid-2000s require instead a relational perspective on party competition and interactions with competitor parties in the respective party systems, allowing for the identification of realigning elections in which successor parties are programmatically outflanked or crowded out on one or more issue dimensions by competitors or vice versa. The article applies this perspective to reexamine successor parties in six countries that exhibit a pronounced explanatory deficit vis-à-vis the previous literature: Czech Republic, (the former East) Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. In doing so, it draws on expert survey (ches) data and postelection studies on voter flows in addition to qualitative case analyses in order to demonstrate these interactions at work in critical phases of successor-party decline or growth.

“Too many cooperatives and too few cooperativists”: the consumer cooperative movement in Catalonia 1898–1939

ABSTRACT This article charts the evolution of the Catalan Cooperative movement from the creation of the first regional organisation, the Chamber of Catalan and Balearic Cooperatives in 1898, to the end of the Civil War in 1939. It looks at the aims of the Chamber and its successor organisation the Federation of Catalan Cooperatives, as expressed at congresses and in the movement’s press and then analyses the tactics adopted to achieve these and why, in general, they did not enjoy the success that was hoped for. The founders of the Chamber were influenced by movements in other countries, specifically France, Belgium and the United Kingdom and was a member of the International Cooperative Alliance adopting the principles of these including political neutrality and the belief in acting independently of the State and political organisations. It was hoped that Catalan cooperatives would be able to catch up with and match the strength and influence of cooperatives in these countries. However, although the cooperative movement enjoyed spectacular growth during the Civil War, much of the progress that was made by cooperatives was due to circumstance and state intervention rather than due to the movement itself.

“This Is Our Bank”: Agricultural Associations and Their Role in Two Swabian Villages in Satu Mare From the Regime Change to the Present

Abstract The study examines the impact of the agricultural associations of two Swabian settlements – Mezőfény (Foieni) and Mezőpetri (Petrești) – on the local economy and society. Agricultural associations played an important role at the beginning of the process of agrarian transformation after the regime change in Romania. The successor organisations of the socialist agricultural associations, now established on a voluntary basis, were able to counteract the impoverishment caused by the reparcelling or forced reparcelling of land during the long transitional period, while at the same time exploiting their monopoly position to prevent the emergence of individual and family farmers. The risk-averse, self-reliant economic model of the associations is reminiscent of the peasant, self-sufficient farm organisation. The associations can thus be seen as a very specific form of post-socialist post-peasant production systems.

The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance

This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.

The Edmund Burke Society and Right-Wing Extremism in Late Twentieth-Century Canada

Emerging in Toronto in the late 1960s, the Edmund Burke Society (ebs) became a leading far-right outlet. From picketing Model United Nations meetings and gatherings of left-wing groups to staging pro-Vietnam War protests and engaging in racially motivated vandalism, the ebs became a bellwether of what journalists and social scientists identified as a “virtual explosion” of Canadian right-wing extremism. The far right has a long history in Canada, and, in this regard, ebs members’ views reflected long-standing strains of extreme nationalism, racism, anti-statism, and anti-communism. However, the ebs and its successor organizations were very much concerned with issues that were current in late twentieth-century Canada: the expanding welfare state; changes in Canadian immigration policy; multiculturalism and a more civic-based nationalism; and the entrenchment of the rights revolution. Furthermore, the group was also a response to 1960s counterculture, a counter-counterculture in that it offered a radical challenge from the right, not only to the status quo but also to the New Left. While much of the history of Canada in the 1960s is focused on the left, the emergence of the ebs highlights the growth of activism at the other end of the political spectrum. Providing an important look at Canadian far-right extremism, this examination of the ebs serves as a reminder that the 1960s were not all Trudeaumania and flower power and that societal changes in the later decades of the century did not go uncontested.

The conect4children (c4c) Consortium: Potential for Improving European Clinical Research into Medicines for Children.

The need for information about new and existing drugs used in children was recognized in the European Union (EU) with the implementation of the Paediatric Regulation in 2007. In 2017, the 10-year review of the Paediatric Regulation identified barriers to the conduct of clinical trials, including delays in setting up and completing paediatric trials. Across Europe, the difficulties with clinical research are compounded by variation within countries and between countries. Ethics and regulatory review have national specificities. This paper describes the Collaborative Network for European Clinical Trials for Children (conect4children, c4c), which addresses selected difficulties in the design and conduct of paediatric clinical trials. c4c is a time-limited public–private consortium funded by the Innovative Medicines Initiative (IMI2). The elements of c4c are as follows: expert advice providing input on study design and/or paediatric development programmes (including patient involvement activities); a network of sites following harmonised procedures coordinated by National Hubs and a single point of contact for Europe; a facility for education and training for sites and trial teams; and support for managing data used by the network and a common paediatric data dictionary. c4c does not sponsor trials. c4c is taking a phased approach with careful piloting through industry and non-industry studies intended to demonstrate the viability of the network (proof-of-viability studies). c4c uses a co-design approach involving industry and academics within a clearly defined scope. A sustainable, successor organization open to all potential service users will be open for business before the end of IMI2 funding in 2024.

"In unserem Kreise": Czech-Jewish Activism and Diaspora in the USA, 1933–1994

"In unserem Kreise":Czech-Jewish Activism and Diaspora in the USA, 1933–1994 Jacob Ari Labendz1 (bio) Well over ten thousand Jews from Czechoslovakia immigrated to the United States between 1933 and 1950, first fleeing Nazism, then Stalinism. A minority within this minority, predominantly from Bohemia and Moravia and numbering no more than a few hundred, distinguished themselves by founding and joining a series of Czechoslovak-Jewish organizations. These individuals wrestled with nostalgia until the century's end, fighting to implant and preserve their lost culture in a new American home. They clung to each other, to identities rooted in a shattered world, and to a fading tradition of bourgeois, Jewish, associational life. The following investigation into their activities and motivations (distinct from others in their immigrant cohort), offers a window into processes of homemaking and memory construction that echoed through the lives of a broader community of mid-century Jewish immigrants to the United States. With the war's end, these Czech-Jewish activists (as I will refer to them) adapted the European-Jewish political strategies that they had imported to the United States to cultural practices for constructing a diasporic community rooted in a nostalgic attachment to the interwar Czechoslovakia of their memories. The first years of Czech-Jewish activism in the US, therefore, also offered a final glimpse of European-Jewish diaspora-nationalism, displaced across an ocean by genocide. Diaspora nationalists held that Jews around the world composed a single nation, and that this entitled them to enjoy rights to political and cultural self-determination as a national minority wherever they resided—alongside other national minorities. In Czechoslovakia, this ideology was meant to have offered Jews, as a collectivity, an opportunity to profess loyalty to their state as citizens and to find there unambiguous welcome as the Jews of Czechoslovakia.2 During the [End Page 371] war, Czech-Jewish activists advocated for the Jewish national minority of Czechoslovakia from the safety of American and British exile.3 The elimination of national minority rights in postwar Czechoslovakia, the reemergence there of Jewish communities that could represent themselves, and an appreciation of wartime losses engendered a shift in the orientation of America's Czech-Jewish activists towards memory work.4 As they grew more comfortable in the United States and abandoned national-minority politics, they developed an idiosyncratic diasporic subjectivity. Theirs was a diaspora of both space and time, bound to a nostalgic rendering of Czechoslovakia's First Republic (1918–1938), conceived as the nation's highest point of development and self-realization. To borrow from Svetlana Boym, Czech-Jewish activists began mourning the lost potential future that they had imagined for themselves in the past.5 Building upon Boym's work, Vanessa May has shown that a "temporal displacement [italics in the original]" can manifest in "place nostalgia," when "a sense of belonging to place is not anchored in the place as it is now, but in memories of the place as it was in the past."6 Boym divides nationalist nostalgia into "restorative" and "reflective" modes, neither of which captures fully the Czech-Jewish-activist experience. She explains: Restorative nostalgia puts emphasis on nostos [return home] and proposes to rebuild the lost home and patch up the memory gaps. Reflective nostalgia dwells in algia, in longing and loss, the imperfect process of remembrance. The first category of nostalgics … believe that their project is about truth [End Page 372] … [reflective nostalgia] lingers on ruins, the patina of time and history, in the dreams of another place and another time.7 Czech-Jewish activists, like many non-Jewish exiles, defended a mythologized past and insisted that communism contravened the democratic character of the Czechoslovak nation. Unlike non-Jews, however, Czech-Jewish activists could not dream of restoration. Their Janus-faced preservative nostalgia (a term I hesitantly introduce) thrived in a community of past experience marked also by the playfulness of reflective nostalgia and its use in processes of reorientation and homemaking in New York.8 If Czech-Jewish activists dismissed Czechoslovakia's postwar present as illegitimate, they did so only to be free of it. Czech-Jewish activists in New York City founded successor organizations to...

Prawo spadkowe vs. sprawiedliwa sukcesja obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego?

The law of inheritance vs. the just succession of the cultural property? Heirless property in European countries is typically inherited by the state. However, the routine application of this rule to assets belonging to victims of the German genocide during WWII continues to raise doubts. The recognition of a moral responsibility towards Holocaust victims in the Terezin Declaration legitimates the international debate on tensions between inheritance law and justice. The lack of a universal model for the succession of heirless Jewish cultural property acknowledged by this Declaration provokes different recommendations. One of the possibilities is the collective cultural restitution notion as a countermeasure to the crime of cultural genocide. This theory links the reinterpretation of the concept of genocide presented by Lemkin in 1944 with the restitution actions of Jewish succession organizations in 1940s and 50s. The theory mentioned is challenged in the article. The analysis is based on historical arguments, i.e. Lemkin’s focus on criminal liability and the specific nature of legal grounds for Jewish succession organizations after WWII. The history of inheritance law provides arguments to recommend another innovative way of dealing with the heirless property forming part of genocide victims’ inheritance. It is reasonable to distinguish between solutions pro futuro and those possible today. The paper concludes with a recommendation to supplement the Genocide Convention with specific rules about the heirless property of genocide victims. The state responsible for committing genocide should be eliminated from the inheritance of bona vacantia in favour of local successor organizations appointed by an international penal tribunal. Cultural property should be excluded from universal succession in the case of genocide and regarded as a legal person that continues victims’ remembrance. Currently, this model can inspire Polish policy regarding heirless Jewish cultural property. It should be focused on three goals: for objects to remain in Poland, the creation of a new complex database of objects accessible online and, if possible, the exhibition of objects alongside information about their last respective owners who died heirless.

The longest line on the map: the United States, the Pan-American Highway, and the quest to link the Americas

In The longest line on the map, Eric Rutkow recounts in lively fashion—and with a predominant emphasis on the role of personalities rather than impersonal factors—the slowly maturing US ambition in the nineteenth century to forge a hemisphere-long transport corridor for self-serving commercial and geopolitical reasons. This ambition was partially fulfilled by means of a variety of privately built railroads between the 1880s and 1920s, and subsequently almost completely in the form of the Pan-American Highway that today runs—with the exception of a sixty-mile gap in Darien on the Panama–Colombia border—from Prudhoe Bay in Alaska to Tierra del Fuego. US-driven construction and majority funding of the Inter-American Highway between Guatemala and Panama, Rutkow avers, constitutes the largest foreign development project ever undertaken by the United States—aside from the Panama Canal—and represents, along with the earlier Pan-American Railway, ‘the material embodiment of Pan-Americanism’ (p. 3). The idea of an intercontinental railway as a concrete objective was born at the inaugural Pan-American conference in Washington in 1889–90, the resolution calling for the establishment of an Intercontinental Railway Commission being one of the few tangible results of the conference. Rutkow goes so far as to describe this body as ‘the pioneer organization for international relations in the hemisphere’ (p. 27). The work of the commission—and the hopes of its various proponents, such as philanthropist Andrew Carnegie—runs like a thread through the ensuing narrative, until the commission itself was finally wound up in 1950 by the Pan-American Union's successor organization. This part of the book, however, is mainly a tale of US railway tycoons vying to construct lines from the US border into Mexico and central America from the 1880s onwards, a logical extension of railroad development in the western United States. Latin American leaders intermittently strut this particular stage as either facilitators or spoilers. By 1918, the author notes, the United States had by default established its hegemony in the western hemisphere without the need for completing an intercontinental railway that was envisaged by its US progenitors for this very purpose. The railway was also, by this time, giving way to the automobile as the favoured mode of transport for people and goods.

Institutional design for a post-liberal order: why some international organizations live longer than others

Many international organizations (IOs) are currently under pressure and the demise of the liberal international order is the talk of town. We theorize that institutional characteristics help to explain why some IOs survive external pressures where others fail. We test this argument through a survival analysis of 150 IOs (1815–2014). We find that the only significant variable explaining the death of IOs is the size of the secretariat: IOs with large bureaucracies are good at coping with external pressures. In addition, IOs with diverging preferences among members and those that are less institutionalized are more likely to be replaced with successor organizations. We find that institutional flexibility included in the treaties does not have an effect on survival. This is surprising because the purpose of flexibility clauses is precisely to deal with external shocks. Finally, we also find that systemic and domestic factors do not explain IO failure. In conclusion, we should not write off the liberal international order all too quickly: large IOs with significant bureaucratic resources are here to stay.

CSIR and Australian industry: 1926–49

The primary function of CSIR, founded in 1926, was to promote primary and secondary industries in Australia. In its first decade, CSIR developed a successful model for delivering research of benefit to the primary sector. The period from the late 1930s was characterised by the expansion of CSIR, notably into secondary-industry research, and its wide-ranging and effective response to the industry and government demands during the Second World War. In the post-war years CSIR placed increasing emphasis on longer term, underlying research, as the way to benefit Australian industry. This shift raised problems for technology transfer to the secondary industry sector; it also shaped the agenda of CSIR’s successor organisation, CSIRO, in the decades after its formation in 1949.

Special Duty: A History of the Japanese Intelligence Community by Richard J. Samuels

Reviewed by: Special Duty: A History of the Japanese Intelligence Community by Richard J. Samuels Danny Orbach Special Duty: A History of the Japanese Intelligence Community. By Richard J. Samuels. Cornell University Press, 2019. 384 pages. Hardcover, $32.95. Richard Samuels's Special Duty: A History of the Japanese Intelligence Community is an important and insightful contribution to the scholarly literature. Samuels presents a masterly and highly detailed narrative of modern Japanese intelligence from 1895 to today, leading from an analytic introduction into chronologically organized chapters that survey prewar Japanese intelligence before turning to the Cold War era, when the Japanese intelligence community was fragmented, timid, and constrained by its dependence on the United States. Noting occasional achievements and more frequent failures, the discussion then proceeds into the twilight period of the 1990s, when hesitant reforms devised by concerned politicians and bureaucrats failed to remedy the endemic fragmentation of the community. The book then focuses on the more sweeping reforms launched in the two decades after 9/11 under the auspices of conservative Liberal Democratic Party cabinets, especially those of Abe Shinzō. Finally, the conclusion assesses the future of the community against the background of a changing strategic environment, escalating security threats from China and North Korea, increasing (though still limited) Japanese diplomatic assertiveness, and the decline of the United States as a global power. Admittedly, writing a reliable and descriptive account of intelligence organizations poses a significant challenge to historians, who must rely on released documents. The secretive nature of intelligence organizations and their activities often makes access to factual and authentic data difficult. For Samuels, a political scientist, such obstacles are even more formidable given his particular focus on postwar and recent history, sources on which are all the more closed off due to their proximity to the present. And yet his work incorporates scholarly studies, released American documents, press articles, and Japanese official reports to culminate in a rich and credible account. [End Page 165] Importantly, Special Duty is not only a descriptive account of Japanese intelligence but also an in-depth analytical study. In the first chapter, Samuels documents the six "elements of intelligence" (collection, analysis, communication, protection, covert action, and oversight) and the three drivers of change (strategic environment, technology, and failure) that he uses to measure the performance of the Japanese intelligence community. From the outset, he argues, the prewar Japanese secret services suffered from significant maladies that distorted their performance and destabilized all six elements. Imperial Japanese intelligence developed as an ad hoc assembly of autodidactic officers, dubious adventurers, criminals, and narrow-minded China hands. This mixture of groups and individuals, which I have elsewhere named the "military-adventurous complex," was plagued by the factionalism prevalent throughout the prewar Japanese armed forces.1 Methods of communication were extremely faulty, leading to errors, and the different services often obstructed each other's work and spied on one another as much as they did on the enemy. Worst of all, covert action, which involved interfering in enemy politics rather than studying it, stymied both collection and analysis. Protection was also unsatisfactory, as evidenced by the infiltration of spies such as Richard Sorge into the Japanese leadership, and civilian oversight was scarce. In contrast, the agencies specializing in signals intelligence (SIGINT) and open source analysis (OSINT) absorbed new technologies and improved faster than elsewhere in the community. Samuels argues that "the problems of the [prewar] Japanese intelligence community seem to have been more widespread and persistent" than those of parallel organizations in other countries (p. 242). He also criticizes Japanese political and military leaders who ignored actionable intelligence, preferring instead to absorb themselves in wishful thinking that resulted in disastrous consequences. Emphasizing prewar and postwar continuities, Samuels goes on in chapter 2 to show how the maladies of imperial Japanese intelligence afflicted both its postwar successor organizations and the US occupiers. Here we see an interesting pattern characteristic of the first years of the Cold War. As relations between the Americans and the Soviets soured, US military officers discovered that they knew too little about their new adversaries and turned to intelligence veterans from Germany and Japan, their defeated rivals, for quick information and analysis. In...

EL LEGADO DE LA SOCIEDAD DE NACIONES: THE LEGACY OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE?

A legacy is something left by a predecessor to its successor, in this case from the League of Nations to the United Nations (UN). Here «legacy» is understood broadly to mean what aspects of the League have proved foundational to today’s international order, but also what aspects have been rejected in the post-1945 world. The drafters of the successor organisation had a choice as to which legacies to accept and which to reject, at least in terms of institutional structures and powers but, it will be argued, less so in terms of the continuity of the international legal order.

Local authority instrumental music tuition as a form of neo-liberal parental investment: Findings from a deviant, idiographic case study

Local authority music services have held a central place in the UK’s music education landscape since the end of the Second World War. Nonetheless, the provision of these services has always been a non-statutory responsibility, and local levels of opportunity have varied in response to prevailing economic and political climates, along with broader developments in educational policy. The first half of this article focuses on the implications of two key policies enacted during the 1990s. Both were linked to perceived changes in the profiles of young people who engaged with music service tuition. The latter half presents an ecological study of practical implications of the second policy – the Music Standards Fund – on primary-aged children’s take-up of and persistence with the tuition in one English local authority. At both area and school levels, the children’s engagement cohered with various socio-economic and contextual factors. This coherence is considered from the perspectives of Connell’s ‘neo-liberal parent’ and related Bourdieusian-influenced theories. The conclusion offers implications from the implementation of the policy in the contemporary era of Music Education Hubs, the successor organisations to local authority music services, and the schools these Hubs serve.

The Warsaw New Testament of 1881: Origins, Subsequent History, Controversies Part 1 (of 2)

Abstract This article fills an important gap in the historiography of translations of the Bible into Polish, documenting the origins, subsequent history, and controversies surrounding a translation of the New Testament made near the close of the nineteenth century. First published in its present form by the British and Foreign Bible Society in Vienna in 1881, it is referred to by the present-day Bible Society in Poland (the successor organization to the British and Foreign Bible Society in Poland) as Nowy Testament tzw. warszawski [the Warsaw New Testament]. No longer published by the Bible Society in Poland, this translation is maintained in print today by the British-based Trinitarian Bible Society, which until October 2017 referred to it—erroneously—as a “revision of the Gdańsk text by Count Wegierski,” while most people who have any experience of this translation refer to it—also erroneously—as przekład Goetza [the Goetze translation]. Among other things, this study demonstrates the following: The translation of the New Testament in Polish currently circulated by the Trinitarian Bible Society is not the translation the Society for several decades claimed it to be. The translation of the New Testament in Polish published by the Trinitarian Bible Society in London in 1876 contained a number of errors introduced by Karol Węgierski acting on his own initiative in England and was rejected outright by the Warsaw-based committee that had produced the Gospels–Acts portion of this translation in 1873. The committee eliminated Węgierski’s errors and published its own version of the New Testament with the help of the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1881. In the 1920s, the Trinitarian Bible Society substituted the Polish New Testament it had first published in 1876 with the version first published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1881, and without making any changes to it began publishing it as their own “new edition,” calling it an “uncorrupted version” produced “after very careful revision.” This substitution was exposed by the British and Foreign Bible Society but was not properly acknowledged at the time. This was particularly unfortunate in view of the Trinitarian Bible Society’s strident and sustained criticism of the British and Foreign Bible Society. Very little credit for the actual translation is due to Karol Węgierski; most is due to Karol Gustaw Manitius and the Warsaw translation committee. The confessional diversity of the translation committee, which included representatives of the Lutheran, Reformed, and Roman Catholic Churches, means that the Gospel of Matthew published by the Trinitarian Bible Society in 1870 was the first ecumenical translation of any part of the Bible into Polish and that the 1881 Warsaw New Testament was the first ecumenical translation of the entire New Testament into Polish.