Subnational Authoritarianism Research Articles

Democratic Dead Spots: Local Elections and Human Development in Brazil

ABSTRACT Democracy’s proponents argue that decentralisation improves service delivery, expands local accountability, and engages citizens in public life. However, the combination of democratisation and decentralisation sometimes sustains subnational authoritarianism, resulting in differential redistribution of power that limit citizens’ ability to pursue and secure public goods. In this article we ask: To what extent do authoritarian enclaves affect well-being? Few studies have systematically examined how basic democratic failures affect human development outcomes at subnational levels. We address this gap by investigating the effects of local “democratic dead spots” in Brazil. This approach yields the first large-scale quantitative analysis of the consequences of subnational authoritarianism for human development. Our unique dataset covers Brazil’s 5,570 municipalities from 2006 to 2018 and lets us estimate the effects of local elections on human development over time and across space, while controlling for common explanations for human development (e.g. local governance, wealth, social policy, and partisanship). We find that local democratic dead spots are associated with systemically low levels of human development performance. Following uncompetitive elections, health outcomes are systemically lower over five years: an entire mayoral term and one year beyond in comparison to other, very similar municipalities. Education outcomes are also systemically lower, but the effect does not extend beyond one mayoral term. The cumulative results suggest that uncompetitive elections undermine human development, at the very least in the short to medium term.

Special Symposium, Collective Vigilantism in Global Comparative Perspective Building a New Digital Archive: Documenting Anti-Black Violence in the "Jim Crow" U. S. South, 1930–1954

Today's Black Lives Matter movement has drawn attention to racial violence, especially lethal police violence, and compared it to the 'Jim Crow' U.S. South. However, this comparison requires more specific information about racial violence during this period. Uncovering and organizing this information are the main objectives of the Burnham-Nobles Digital Archive. It documents racial killings in the American South, 1930-1954. Racial killings refer to killings where racial animus, or perceived infraction of Jim Crow norms, are documented or reasonably inferred from newspaper reports or U.S. government and civil rights organization documents. This research note discusses how the Archive contributes to basic comparative politics topics of democratic governance and subnational authoritarianism and methodological concerns, including the creation of databases used in the comparative study of collective vigilantism.

Sub-National Authoritarianism after the New Order: Relationship of Political Recruitment and Political Culture with Political Dynasties in Indonesia

The transition of the Indonesian government from a centralized to a decentralized one, marked by the granting of autonomy to the regions to manage their regions, raises political problems. One of the political problems is the emergence of political dynasties at the sub-national level. The emergence of political dynasties in regional elections at the sub-national level in Indonesia has experienced a significant increase. For this reason, this article will research the emergence of political dynasties in regional elections at the sub-national level in Indonesia. The method used in this research is the literature study method. A literature study is related to data collection methods that involve reviewing literature, reading and taking notes, and processing research materials. The results of this study indicate that, apart from weak regulations, another aspect that causes the emergence of political dynasties is the process of political recruitment by political parties that nominate candidates based on the capacity of candidates as regional heads. Nominations for regional heads by political parties are based on the local community's political culture, which wants to maintain the status quo. Political parties carry out unfair political recruitment to nominate candidates for regional heads so that they nominate candidates from political dynasties by using the image of their predecessors, which makes the emergence of political dynasties more and more common in Indonesia, especially at the sub-national level. Therefore, the recruitment of political parties to elect regional head candidates is highly dependent on the political culture of the local community. The link between society's political culture and political recruitment has led to the emergence of political dynasties at the sub-national level in Indonesia.

Persistent illiberalism: Democracy, authoritarianism, and politics in Veracruz

AbstractThis article aims to explain why, despite the democratic legal and institutional changes that have occurred in the political system in Veracruz over the last 30 years that now point to a competitive local electoral system, illiberal structures, and practices persist, through the continuity of a form of subnational authoritarianism. Examples of this system are the political controls exercised by regional caciques and union corporativism; the reproduction of clientelistic practices; the persistent problem of the low state institutional capacities; the lack of an effective division of powers; and—more recently—the empowerment of various organized crime groups. The justice system is broken by design. Political parties lack institutionality, credible leadership, and political programs. The public space is fragile and highly fragmented. Civil society is weak and very concentrated in the capital city at the federal level. Inequality and poverty are so widespread that working classes, peasants, indigenous peoples, and urban dwellers have no capacity to organize in an autonomous manner. This situation explains the persistence of illiberal structures and practices in the process of transition to and consolidation of democracy. Veracruz is an extreme example of all these processes.

Activismo ambiental e incidencia para la adaptación al cambio climático en Acapulco

Based on experiences of participation by civil society actors, we propose to develop a diagnosis of the relationship between society and the State in policies of adaptation to climate change in Acapulco, Guerrero. The information was collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The information was coded and categorized by identifying one or more text passages with a theme and relating it to a code. We found a fragmentation of agendas and mechanisms for public action by civil actors in a political environment characterized by a subnational authoritarianism that prevents the construction of dissident political agendas, and a lack of specialized knowledge about the problem of climate change by local activists. For climate science information to be assimilated, it must actively communicate in the appropriate language, seeking participatory mechanisms that generate reliable and transparent data production, and that strengthen the emergence of a common environmentalist agenda.

Limitations to subnational authoritarianism: Indonesian local government head elections in comparative perspective

ABSTRACT In recent years, a sizeable literature on subnational authoritarian regimes in democracies has emerged. In some countries local authoritarian enclaves have persisted despite the democratization of politics at the national level. Even more intriguing, new subnational authoritarian regimes have emerged in the context of national level democratization. Finally, scholars have noted that there is considerable variance in subnational authoritarian regime durability between and within countries. This article will examine why subnational authoritarian regimes have not emerged in Indonesia. Arguably, the difficulties of subnational elites to concentrate control over local economies; the high economic autonomy of voters; and the rigid institutional framework of Indonesia’s decentralized unitary state have inhibited the rise of durable subnational authoritarian regimes in the world’s third largest democracy. One of the first studies on subnational authoritarian regimes in a decentralized unitary state, the article engages and informs the broader literature on subnational authoritarian regimes.

Public-private partnerships in Mexico: Challenges and opportunities at local level

A specific challenge related to infrastructure creation that is faced by several countries has to do with the lack of participation to an optimal level of subnational governments in the development of Public Private Partnership (PPP) projects which, in turn, could offset the existing infrastructure limitations. In this article, we analyze the Mexican case, whose main feature is that, despite implementing the PPP scheme for almost 10 years and having technical assistance from international organizations to establish the required institutional framework (i.e. legal and technical dimensions), local governments have not been able to create the necessary competencies to carry out this type of project. In order to assess local governments on this subject, we conducted an analysis based on the model designed by the OECD in relation to the execution of PPP projects. A proposal to explain the lack of local government participation in PPP schemes, rests on the foundations of so-called “subnational authoritarianism.”

Illiberalism and Authoritarianism in the American States

Federalism contemplates subnational variation, but in the United States the nature and significance of that variation has long been contested. In light of the recent turn, globally and nationally, toward authoritarianism, and the concurrent sharp decline in public support not merely for democracy but for the philosophical liberalism on which democracy rests, it is necessary to discard or to substantially revise prior accounts of the nature of state-to-state variation in the U.S. All such accounts implicitly presuppose a common commitment, across the political spectrum, to the core tenets of democratic liberalism, and consequently that subnational variations in policy preferences and modes of self-governance reflect nothing more than disagreements within the shared American liberal tradition. That assumption, if it was ever valid, may be no longer. As in other federal states in which subnational “illiberal enclaves” have persisted over time, the United States may be witnessing a replication at the subnational level of what appears to be happening at the national level: a growing chasm along a cleavage between democratic liberalism and illiberal authoritarianism, in which some states remain committed to inherited forms of democratic liberalism while others cling to (or develop, or resurrect) patterns of illiberal authoritarianism. The paper examines both the “large-C” formal constitutions of the states and their “small-c” informal constitutions and behavior for evidence of such a development. The evidence shows that North Carolina and Wisconsin have advanced the farthest down the road to subnational authoritarianism, with Florida, Texas, Kansas, Arizona, and Alabama not far behind. Disturbing initial signs of democratic backsliding may be seen as well in Georgia, Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Tennessee. Although subnational authoritarianism in the United States is at this point far less severe than that found elsewhere in the world, the evidence suggests considerable cause for concern.

Explaining the killing of journalists in the contemporary era: The importance of hybrid regimes and subnational variations

Explanations for an increase in the killing of journalists worldwide over the last quarter century include the dangers of war coverage and unsafe conditions in formally democratic countries. Analyzing 1812 killings of journalists from 1992 to 2016, we find that countries with hybrid political regimes mixing liberal and illiberal elements create by far the most dangerous context for journalists, while a particular spatial configuration within those countries, subnational authoritarianism, clarifies the logic of the killings. In short, the study finds that most journalists died in countries where formal democratic norms and practices at the national level encourage investigative reporting in local arenas where powerholders have incentives to violently suppress critical press coverage. On a theoretical level, the synthesis of spatial analysis, comparative politics and journalism studies opens a fruitful path for theorizing anti-press violence and journalist safety. In terms of policy, international action should increase costs to national governments that overlook local misbehavior in return for political support. Discourse spotlighting local journalists’ contributions to human rights and democratic accountability may also be helpful.

SUBNATIONAL AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA: THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION

In Latin American democracies, many provinces and states display autocratic characteristics that are at odds with the national democratic context. The literature on subnational authoritarianism has cope with this puzzle, but the explanations rely mostly on the political and economic role of the national government. In order to explain the emergence and resilience of autocratic subnational governments, I present a theory that looks into the internal dynamics. I argue that subnational autocracies are possible in a context of low economic diversification. Undiversified economies with a dominant economic sector create a network of interests aligned with the incumbent and reduce the support for the opposition parties. In more diversified economies the inter-capitalist competition transfers economic actors’ demands to the political arena, financing opposition parties whenever they feel they are being unheard. I find evidence to support my argument and flesh out the mechanisms at work in a “most similar case” comparison of two neighboring states in Brazil: Bahia and Minas Gerais.

Murder in Mexico: are journalists victims of general violence or targeted political violence?

ABSTRACTJournalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country’s general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism.

Subnational Democracy in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes

It is well known that nationally democratic states sometimes harbor pockets of subnational authoritarianism. However, political scientists have yet to address whether and under what circumstances authoritarian states harbor democratic political subunits. In this paper, I put forward a novel concept to capture this phenomenon: subnational democracy. After reviewing existing scholarship on subnational regimes, I discuss the constitutive features of subnational democracy with reference to authoritarian Mexico and Serbia: two cases in which opposition subnational governments institutionalized core features of democracy on the local level. I then put forward a theory to explain the conditions under which subnational democracy is likely to emerge. Where opposition leaders coordinate subnational protests and international support to defend their local governments, the likelihood the national regime will resort to repression decreases and subnational democracy is more likely to emerge. Where opposition leaders fail to engineer one or both types of support, authoritarian national regimes display no such tolerance. I substantiate my theory with evidence from Mexico and Serbia, as well as several negative cases.

Subnational Authoritarianism under the Party of Regions and post-Maidan Boundary Control

Subnational Authoritarianism under the Party of Regions and post-Maidan Boundary Control

Europe’s Other Democratic Deficit: National Authoritarianism in Europe’s Democratic Union

This article argues for a radical recasting of the European Union democratic deficit debate. Critics have long argued that the EU suffers from a democratic deficit and that growing EU power undermines national democracy. But recent backsliding on democracy and the rule of law in Hungary and Poland reminds us that grave democratic deficits can also exist at the national level in member states and that the EU may have a role in addressing them. This article will place the EU’s struggles with democratic deficits in its member states in comparative perspective, drawing on the experience of other democracies that have struggled with pockets of subnational authoritarianism. Comparative analysis suggests that considerations driven by partisan politics may allow local pockets of autocracy to persist within otherwise democratic political unions.

Gobernadores sin contrapesos. El control de los medios de comunicación locales como estudio de caso en Querétaro

In this article the conceptualization of “subnational authoritarianism” is discussed and exemplified by a case study. The state of Queretaro serves to show how the governor dominates the rest of powers and local public institutions, with focus on how the governor controls the local media. A collection of similar studies around the country shows that the state of Queretaro is an example of how the governors control the local media. The conclusion is that democracy has been installed on the federal level, however, this has not happened successfully at the subnational level. This research shows how the governors have managed to gain power at the national level but have lost counterweights at the local level during the period of political transition. For the case study two series of interviews with journalists and former officials were performed.

¿Autoritarismo subnacional en países unitarios? Una reflexión sobre dos casos peruanos (2006-2014)

The paper’s objective is to understand the conceptual and explanatory scope of subnational authoritarianism literature - generated in federal cases - for unitary-system countries. In this way, we analyze the cases of Ancash and Loreto (2006-2014). In these cases, governors were involved on corruption and authoritarianism scandals before being removed from office without completing their term. We propose that the way this phenomenon appears in unitary countries demands greater attention on its systemic character rather than just observing the formation of differentiated regimes. In that way, we complement previous perspectives focusing our analysis in both electoral competition (access to power) and government dynamics (exercise of power). We argue that, in a context of weak political parties, the divergence between the subnational social fabric and the dominant types of actors in these scenarios constitute different political systems, conditioning government strategies and their relations with other actors.

The Media and Subnational Authoritarianism in Papua

This article examines the hindrances to journalists' autonomy in the Papua provinces of Indonesia. It argues that media practitioners in Papua are operating in a subnational authoritarian environment, where the freedoms enjoyed by journalists elsewhere in Indonesia's largely robust media are not afforded to local journalists. The article explains that security forces and local government are the main factors influencing mainstream news content in the region. Yet, as Internet penetration rises and new communication technologies are advanced, new online journalism ventures are gaining in prominence. Their success will depend on whether subnational authoritarianism remains the status quo in a region where new local media ventures are largely unable to provide open and critical coverage of events and issues.

Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies - by Gibson, Edward L.

Bulletin of Latin American ResearchVolume 34, Issue 3 p. 412-413 Book Review Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies - by Gibson, Edward L. Gary Bland, Gary Bland RTI International, WashingtonSearch for more papers by this author Gary Bland, Gary Bland RTI International, WashingtonSearch for more papers by this author First published: 08 June 2015 https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12349Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume34, Issue3July 2015Pages 412-413 RelatedInformation

Variation in subnational electoral authoritarianism: evidence from the Russian Federation

Despite the burgeoning comparative literature on electoral authoritarian regimes, fewer studies have accounted for the emergence of hegemonic and competitive authoritarian regimes at the subnational level. This article examines the variation in subnational electoral authoritarianism with data from the Russian Federation. First, the article shows that by using a comparative regime classification most Russian subnational cases can be classified as electoral authoritarian between 1991 and 2005. Yet, there are considerable differences in competitiveness between the electoral authoritarian regimes. The article accounts for this variation by drawing on both comparative electoral authoritarianism literature as well as more context-specific explanations. Statistical analysis on 192 subnational electoral authoritarian cases shows that the determinants of Russian subnational authoritarian stability are rather similar to those found in cross-national studies. Subnational (non)competitiveness in Russia appears to be related to the structure of the regional economy and natural resource rents, and to a lesser degree to the specific Russian federal context. Authoritarian “know how” also plays a role in authoritarian regime building. The findings of the article contribute to the literature on electoral authoritarianism, subnational democratization and Russian subnational politics.

Federalism, gubernatorial power and the incorporation of subnational authoritarianism in Russia: A theory-testing empirical inquiry

This article investigates the complex relationship between federalism and electoral authoritarianism by making an empirical inquiry into the structure of incentives that shaped the reform of Russia’s regional election laws in 2004–2009. The idea behind the reform was to make the incumbent governors more manageable and more dependent on the federal authorities. However, the process of its practical implementation largely coincided with Russia’s transition to electoral authoritarianism, as a result of which this original intention was reversed by endowing regional authorities with an unrestricted effective power to determine the course of the reform. The main hypothesis of this study is that bounded only by the reform framework, the governors exerted their influence to maximize one of their main assets, the loyalty of the regional assembles. In order to substantiate this hypothesis empirically, a model formalizing the governors’ optimization problem is constructed, its possible implications are discussed and their statistical support is examined. The results obtained support the theory according to which electoral authoritarianism, rather than simply suppressing the autonomy of most powerful subnational actors, incorporates them by expanding their effective control over the regional political arenas. The previously existing federal arrangements are instrumental in pursuing this goal.