Political Style Research Articles

"The Politics of Paranoia": Wyndham Lewis’s Critique in Left Wings Over Europe: Or, How to Make a War About Nothing (1936) Based on Richard Hofstadter’s Ideologies

The current paper explores Wyndham Lewis’s critique of left-wing ideologies in his 1936 work Left Wings Over Europe: Or, How to Make a War About Nothing, through the analysis of Richard Hofstadter’s concept of "the paranoid style in politics." Hofstadter’s theoretical framework provides a practical structure for understanding Lewis’s vehement opposition to socialism and communism. In Left Wings Over Europe, Lewis represents leftist ideologies as destabilizing forces responsible for inciting conflict and navigating Europe toward needless war, particularly in the context of rising tensions leading to World War II. Not only does this research analyze how Lewis’s paranoid narrative aligns with Hofstadter’s insights, highlighting how Lewis's portrayal of leftist movements reflects broader fears of subversion and ideological warfare in 1930s Europe. but also explores how Lewis’s personal experiences and political anxieties shaped his critique, offering insight into the role of political paranoia in shaping intellectual and cultural discourse during times of upheaval. Ultimately, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of how paranoia influences political thought, particularly in moments of crisis.

Changing Nationalist Styles in Galicia: The Politics of Dual Identity

Abstract In the Spanish region of Galicia, immediately north of Portugal, the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG) has achieved unprecedented electoral success, emerging as a prominent nationalist force within the Spanish political landscape. This study analyzes the discursive and performative repertoires employed by Galician nationalism and explores how the prevalent dual national identity in the region shapes these strategies. Reversing Brubaker’s theoretical framework and using framing and visual analysis, we compare the BNG’s strategies during two different institutional settings: its time in government (2005–2009) and its role leading the opposition (2020–2023). The findings reveal the failure of Galician nationalism to nationalize identity when in power, as policies aimed at promoting Galician identity generated a backlash and, ultimately, produced frame dealignment between the nationalists and the Galician people. The new BNG presents a social project based on the defense of Galician interests and the moderation of the nationalist discourse. It successfully accomplishes frame alignment by adapting to the non-conflictive, dual national identity shared by most Galicians while proposing an inclusive political style.

Explaining populist securitization and Rodrigo Duterte's anti-establishment Philippine foreign policy

Abstract To the surprise of many, populist leader Rodrigo Duterte instigated major shifts in Philippine foreign policy. His antagonism against the United States and European Union, fascination towards the revisionist Russia and China, and disdain for international law and institutions were viewed as significant departures from the nation's orthodox stances. Drawing on Moffitt and Tormey's conception of populism as a political style, and Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde's securitization theory, we develop and test the populist securitization framework in the context of Duterte's foreign policy-making. We argue that populist performances are securitizing acts comprised of distinctly populist performative repertoires used by political leaders to frame and execute an ‘anti-establishment’ foreign policy with sufficient level of audience consent. Using discursive interpretative analysis, we examine the impacts of Duterte's populist securitization of the liberal West as a threat to Philippine sovereignty. We find that while populist performances function as securitizing acts that can reorient established foreign policy positions and biases, such performances lead to uncertainty and erosion of credibility amid institutional fragmentation and domestic political distractions. Thus, the sustainability of populist performances on foreign policy depends on reconciling the tensions and overlaps between the populist leader's varying audiences and their mass constituencies.

Attack in the Form of Defense? Populist Anti-media Tactics to Avoid Being Blamed

This article explores the relationship between blame and populism by analyzing the defensive communication strategies employed by right-wing populist leaders in their attacks on the media. The study focuses on Jair Bolsonaro and concludes that he used various strategies to avoid taking responsibility for adverse outcomes while blaming the media as one of his favorite targets. The explorative study draws on qualitative discourse analysis of the presidential narratives to shed light on the paradoxical nature of these defensive strategies. Bolsonaro’s political style involved preemptively neutralizing the media’s critical performance and reacting negatively to any critical coverage that contradicted his version of events and undermined his authority.

The Cultural Life of Democracy: Notes on Popular Sovereignty, Culture and Arts in Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya

This paper explores the emergence of a demotic style of politics alongside demotic forms of cultural and esthetic expression during Sri Lanka’s 2022 political struggle dubbed the aragalaya (struggle). It argues that the aragalaya opened up a discursive space to reimagine democratic politics in Sri Lanka and the role of aesthetics and culture in such popular-democratic political mobilization. However, the paper also argues that such popular political mobilization and its attendant cultural expression needs to be considered cautiously because its potential is politically and culturally ambiguous. By tracing a critical genealogy of the notion of the “people” in Sri Lankan political history and extending this genealogy to how the “people” was reimagined as an agential collective during the aragalaya and by looking at aesthetic and cultural practices that were foregrounded during the aragalaya—particularly the music of Ajith Kumarasiri—the paper argues that the demotic understanding of the people and the demotic cultural forms that gained prominence within the aragalaya offer a counterpoint to the deeply corrupt and exclusionary mainstream political culture of the country. A central concept used to frame this argument is the analytical and methodological heuristic of the “cultural life of democracy.”

Populist Politics in Pakistan: Case Study of Pakistan Tehreek-I- Insaf Regime

The advent of right-wing populist parties in Europe and America has given populist politics in South Asia more clout. There has been a lot of discussion among political analysts about how the rise of populist governments around the world is likely to undermine established democracies and eventually impede democratic advancement in developing countries. The research paper gives deep insights of populist regime of PTI and shedding light on frequent democratic decline in the country owing to this style of politics and also exploring that democracy has been inflicted by the populist politics is critical discourse of contemporary times and particularly in the context of Pakistan. The paper finds out that owing to its populist politics, the PTI government subverted the process of democratic development in the country, stifled the dissenting voices and curtailed the freedom of media.

El Rey Prudente. Philip II and Tiberius in Antonio de Herrera’s Diez Libros de la Razón de Estado (1593)†

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to draw a comparison between two models of sovereignty, embodied by Philip II of Spain and the Roman emperor Tiberius, as described in Cornelius Tacitus’ Annales. My analysis is based on Diez Libros de la Razón de Estado, the Castilian translation of Della Ragion di Stato by Giovanni Botero (1544–1617), made by the Spanish Court historian Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas (1549–1625). Herrera’s translation plays an important role in the Spanish reception of the wider debates on the relationship between ethics and politics in early modern Spain. I will first address the reliability of Herrera’s translation, highlighting the instances in which his translation was moulded to be applicable to the Spanish court. What emerges from this analysis is the concern with the notion of ‘prudence’ that enabled Philip II’s political style. Secondly, I intend to show how Herrera depicts Tiberius as acounterpart to Philip II and how the latter takes on the deeds of the prudent monarch. The comparison herein outlined stems from the use of quotations from the Tacitean oeuvre, which had become an important tool for policy-making at the time.

Digital populism in Iraq: the case of Muqtada al-Sadr

ABSTRACT This contribution aims to examine the extent to which a populist political style can break through the established structures of a religious hierarchy using authority in the field of politics. Citing the example of the digital communication of the Iraqi cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, it will be argued that al-Sadr is assuming functions beyond his relatively low theological rank through an authority gained in the political field via populism. The paper explores not only the interplay of different logics of authority but also how far al-Sadr´s populism differs, due to his specific role as a politicizing Shiite cleric, from other forms of populism.

Leading the Moon to Mars Program: James Bridenstine as NASA administrator 2018–2021

Large-scale, long-term scientific and technological programs face many hurdles and barriers on the way from initiation to completion. This is especially true for huge-multi-billion space endeavors, such as Artemis, NASA's Moon to Mars venture. Such programs traverse a number of presidencies and congresses. Among the most critical factors in program success or failure is the performance of NASA Administrators. While typically in office only part of the time the program endures, their tenures can be pivotal. Consider the case of James Bridenstine who served in the tumultuous time of Donald Trump. His record illuminates how a NASA Administrator with a political style can maneuver to a program's advantage, often in spite of environmental turmoil. While the full story of Artemis is yet to be written, it seems clear that Bridenstine, overall, left the program with a more secure political momentum than when he arrived. While he could not achieve all he wished, especially internally, he set Artemis on a sufficiently sound trajectory that his successor, under a different president of the opposite party, could maintain and build on Bridenstine's legacy. This positive hand-off was largely unanticipated since Bridenstine came to office with low expectations. His actions to secure the Moon to Mars program thus merits reflection.

Woodhouse Heresies

The radical principles behind the 1967 Woodhouse Report were eclipsed by shifting political styles—and gradually abandoned as heretical. We can now turn to Sir Owen's own notion, that "the apparent heresies of one generation become the orthodoxies of the next", to explore how core Woodhouse heresies might themselves perform this transition: providing fresh support for a generation grappling with headline challenges of climate change and pandemic control.

Gaya Komunikasi Publik Joko Widodo dalam Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden

The background of this study is situation The 2024 General Election began several years previously with the previous period coalition party bearer candidate president and vice presidential candidate, period after coalition party bearer candidate president and vice presidential candidate formed until approaching announcement candidate presidential and vice presidential candidates by party bearer. In the context that, Joko Widodo Still took office as President and communicated to the public with a diverse style of communication; the study aims to explain and analyze the Communication Style of Joko Widodo's Politics in the Election of President and Vice President in the 2024 General Election. Approach qualitative with paradigm constructivist used through method analysis Roland Barthes' Semiotics. The unit of analysis used is a Kompas TV YouTube video. The result shows Communication Style Joko Widodo's Politics in the Election President and Vice President in the 2024 General Election shows dynamics from before _ nomination President and Vice President, the future is approaching nomination President and Vice President to Commission General Election until the campaign period. In the early days of the General Election, Jokowi showed a Communication Style Controlling Style; in the future, Jokowi's public communication style Structuring Style during the campaign period in a way open, Jokowi pointed out style public communication Dynamic Style.

Effects of Cultural Factors on Cost Performance of Multinational Construction Organizations

Purpose: This study examines the effects of cultural factors on cost performance of multinational construction project organisations with a view towards identifying the most effective cost performance variables affected by the influence of cultural practices. Purposive sampling technique was adopted in deterring the number of construction professionals identified in construction companies with international market experience involved in the delivery of building, civil, and heavy engineering construction projects within the south-east geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Outline: A well-structured questionnaire was used to sample respondent’s opinion. Data analysis was through frequencies, percentile, and Mean Item Score (MIS). Findings: Research findings proved that irrespective of the positive effects of educational culture which improves cost performance by ensuring that projects are executed at estimated cost and within client’s budget (Mean = 4.34) and the result of effective communication culture which ensures value for money and return of customer as project is designed to suite client’s budget while maintaining standard quality delivery (Mean = 4.16), political culture tends to have mixed effect on cost performance as project design cost, labour, material and equipment cost, profit and overhead cost, etc. (Mean = 4.30) is found to be responsible for cost overruns of construction projects. Research Implication: The study recommends among others that multinational construction organisations pay great attention to the political style practiced in the host community / country in which they operate.

Keterlibatan Australia dalam Perang Pasifik & Pengaruhnya terhadap Kehidupan Politik Ekonomi Australia (1941-1945)

Australia was involved in the Pacific War that occurred in 1941-1945 together with England, America and the Netherlands. The countries joined in the Allies against Japan. The occurrence of the Pacific War had effects on Australia’s political and economic life. This study aimed to investigate: (1) the Pacific War; (2) Australiain the Pacific War; (3) the effects of the Pacific War on Australia’s political and economic life. The study used Kuntowijoyo’s historical research method consisting of several stages. The first stage was to determine the research topic. The second stage was heuristics or collection of sources. The third stage was source verification or criticism. The fourth stage was interpretation or the process of interpreting the historical facts found. The last stage was historiography or history writing. The results of the study were as follows. (1) The Pacific War was the war of Japan against the Allies in the Pacific region. Japan was defeated by the Allies in the battle of the Coral Sea and then surrendered to the Allies on 14 August 1945. (2) In the Pacific War Australia was a strategic place for the American defense. Australia and America worked together against Japan, and Australia made the Solomon Islands as a bulwark to prevent Japan from ruling Australia. (3) The effect of the Pacific War on Australia’s political life resulted in a mixed political style combining British institutions and traditions with America-inspired federal structures. The effect of the Pacific War on Australia’s economic life was that agriculture was considered to have low productivity and was replaced by manufacturing industry.

Phraseologisms in Dmytro Dontsov’s works as manifestations of Ukrainian identity

D. Dontsov fills Ukrainian journalism with various idioms, some of which are established in the language system (ancient, Latin, Ukrainian, and foreign expressions, etc.), others are partially known to the reader (partly author’s), and still others he creates himself, that is, they are author’s. The work aims to analyze various types of phraseology in the works of D. Dontsov, which is a manifestation of his original thinking. It is proposed to consider and introduce into the Ukrainian political style those author’s phraseology unknown to the recipients. The functional, informational- semantic, descriptive, discursive, contextual and observational methods were used in the article. The source base of the article is the 10-volume edition of the thinker’s heritage and separate printed works. D. Dontsov’s authorial phraseologisms form numerous microfields concerning the establishment of an independent state, ideology, demonstration of struggle and education of character. The study proves that Dontsov’s phraseology reproduces his extraordinary linguistic thinking and create the recognizable idiostyle of a great publicist.

Hedges and Boosters in 19th century British Fiction

Hedges and boosters are two important sources of linguistic devices to express tentative evaluations and to mitigate solidarity with readers. Men and women have different tendencies of using these linguistic devices. Women are usually considered to follow a personal and polite style whereas men are more competitive and assertive. Hence, gender-preferential features of women and men are one of the prerequisites of understanding the functions of hedges and boosters. One relatively neglected aspect of gender-based studies of these linguistic devices is fiction. In this paper, we explored male and female English writers’ use of hedges and boosters in HUM19UK Corpus, a corpus of 19th century British fiction. We calculated a statistically significant overuse in the deployment of hedges and boosters by female writers in the 19th century, which is an indication of a new writing style adapted by the female writers in that era. However, the most common items of hedges and boosters were identical in both corpora.

Speech Acts and Politeness Strategies on Student’s Conversation at SMPN 3 Binjai

The study's goal is to pinpoint the manners and speech patterns used by SMP N 3 Binjai students. Analytical qualitative analysis was employed by the researcher. Students were the research subject. The research instrument was observation. This study design was based on descriptive qualitative research. The most prevalent speech act utilized by the English instructor and pupils at SMP N 3 Binjai during instruction and learning in the classroom is a directive speech act, according to the conclusion reached through the data analysis procedure. The researcher found 104 utterances were identified as Politeness, 38 as Positive Politeness, and 30 indirect Politeness. It means that 75% of them are positive politeness utterances and 16% are negative politeness, According to the discussion above, it can be stated that Positive Politeness is the predominant form of politeness utilized by students at SMP N 3 Binjai during the teaching and learning process in the classroom. The researcher found that the percentage of the most dominant speech act used by students was 40 % for Directive within 38 frequency utterances and the second Assertive speech act was 33 % within 34 frequency and the total percentage was 73 %. The researcher concluded the most dominant Speech act was the Directive. The findings suggest that Mark Rutte employs a positive rather than a negative politeness style. It is a sign that Mark Rutte wishes to approach or treat his recipient like a friend by employing more considerate manners.

Anti-elite attitudes and support for independent candidates.

The ideological dispute between left and right has dominated the political discussion for decades in multiple countries across the globe. However, in recent years people vs. elite debates have replaced traditional ideological conflicts in explaining voters' electoral decisions. In this paper, we investigate whether anti-elite attitudes contribute to a key political outcome: the increase in successful independent candidates. We implement a conjoint experiment in Chile, where anti-elite sentiments and the number of successful independent politicians are currently prominent. We find that preferences for independent candidates largely increase among voters with anti-elite orientations. In a context where traditional parties face difficult times, such beliefs are key to understanding the factors behind support for candidates with no party affiliation. This insight is important because electing independent politicians can promote a personalistic style of politics, undermine democratic accountability, and foster conflict between the executive and legislative branches.

Referencing the Public by Populist and Non-populist Parties in the Slovene Parliament

The present moment raises many questions about the workings and resilience of parliamentary democracy in Western-type democracies, including the former socialist states of the East Central European region, where various forms of populism and illiberal democracy are taking shape. Among these, Slovenia is taken as a case study, since it is not only a former socialist state, but was also for a long time acknowledged as a post-socialist success story. Focusing on the central state institution in systems of parliamentary democracy, i.e. the parliament, and its members (MPs) this paper considers speech as performed during parliamentary sessions by MPs from populist and non-populist political parties between the years 1992 and 2018, the period of a fully democratic Slovene national parliament. It combines the methodological approaches of cultural history with corpus linguistics in order to map any possible differences in populist and non-populist discourse of MPs. Special attention is given to situations where MPs mentioned the public, thus testing the hypothesis that populist MPs engage more with the public as a part of their populist political style.

20대 대선과 ‘젠더 포퓰리즘’: 정치적 양식의 반페미니즘적 구성을 중심으로

20대 대선과 ‘젠더 포퓰리즘’: 정치적 양식의 반페미니즘적 구성을 중심으로

All roads lead to Rome? Exploring birthplace effects and the ‘southern question’ in Italian soccer

ABSTRACT The expression “southern question” is used in reference to the poverty and economic underdevelopment, less advanced social relations, and clientelist style of politics that characterize South-Italy compared to North and Central Italy. This study aimed to investigate the presence of the “southern question” in Italian soccer. Accordingly, we examined the birthplace distribution of 2,012 Italian soccer players who have played in any national representative team (U15: n = 466; U16-U21: n = 1,939; Senior Team: n = 217). Chi-square analysis revealed an overrepresentation of players born in North and Central Italy, in all cohorts, compared to national norms (all P values < 0.0001). Odds ratios showed that players born in North and Central Italy had the greatest likelihood of representing Italy internationally at both youth and senior levels compared to players born in South Italy (ranging from 2 to 3.2). Factors that negatively impact upon South-Italy players’ soccer developmental journey have been proposed and discussed.