Style Of Democracy Research Articles

Nigeria’s Expensive Politics and Democracy: The Bane of Good Governance

The performance of Nigeria’s democracy coupled with its styled politics and governance has raised concern over its sustainability and survivability. One area where the democratic system in Nigeria has remained shamelessly scandalous is in the area of the expensive cost of managing the democratic structures of the state and the people that run them. The view being implied in this article is that Nigeria’s style of democracy with its expensive and corrupt tendencies is frustrating and inhibiting good governance. The extent of Nigeria’s expensive governance and politics is manifested in wasteful spending on personnel cost of political office holders such as Ministers, commissioners, special advisers and other executive and legislative aides who in most cases get paid without performing justifiable functions and responsibilities. Similarly, security votes which are appropriated and used by federal and state governments discretionarily have become conduit pipes for draining our national wealth. The suffocating impact of the high cost of governance on our national life has made it to assume a national emergency dimension. This paper therefore emphasises the need for government across all strata to reduce the cost of politics and governance, block all revenue leakages and channel the country’s wealth and resources to productive ventures so as to entrench good governance and set the country on the path of development. The paper recommends the discontinuation of appointing the ministers of state, the scrapping of security votes and the adoption of a unicameral legislature with a part-time arrangement among others as strategies for reducing the cost of governance. Keywords: politics, democracy, expensive, good governance, cost

Democracy and Human Rights of Rohingya in Myanmar

Liberal democracy and human rights are interlinked. However, the human rights of Rohingya are openly neglected in Myanmar's democratic process under Aung San Suu Kyi. This paper focuses on state-sponsored comprehensive human rights abuses of Rohingya in Myanmar when the country has returned to official democracy in 2015. Studies on state sponsored human rights violation of Rohingya in Myanmar remains limited to few topics. Existing studies does not focus adequately on the links between democracy and human rights violations of Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper argues that the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar are regularly abused due to the ineffectiveness of the human rights institutions, absence of democratic culture and minority rights, and militarism in Myanmar's democracy. Therefore, concerned stakeholders should rethink making relations between Myanmar's style of democracy and human rights and find out alternative ways to ensure the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar.

أسالیب التربیة الإیجابیة وعلاقتها بالاتزان الانفعالی لدی الأبناء من طلاب جامعة 6أکتوبر

هدف البحث الحالي الى التعرف على العلاقة بين أساليب التربية الإيجابية والاتزان الانفعالي لدي الأبناء من طلاب جامعة 6أکتوبر، وتکونت عينة البحث من (80) طالب وطالبة بجامعة 6أکنوبر، واشتملت أدوات البحث على: مقياس أساليب التربية الإيجابية (اعداد/ الباحثة) ومقياس الاتزان الانفعالي (اعداد/ سهام علي، 2018)، وتوصل البحث الى وجود علاقة ارتباطية موجبة دالة احصائيا بين درجات الطلاب عينة البحث على بعد اسلوب التقبل والدفء (لمقياس اساليب التربية الايجابية) ودرجاتهم على مقياس الاتزان الانفعالي حيث بلغت قيمة معامل الارتباط (0.276)، وجود علاقة ارتباطية موجبة دالة احصائيا بين درجات الطلاب عينة البحث على بعد اسلوب الديمقراطية (لمقياس اساليب التربية الايجابية) ودرجاتهم على مقياس الاتزان الانفعالي حيث بلغت قيمة معامل الارتباط (0.344). The aim of the current research was to identify the relationship between the methods of positive education and the emotional balance of the students of the 6th of October University. The research sample consisted of (80) students at the University of 6th of October. The research tools included: Positive Methods of Education (researcher's preparation) and Emotional Balance (Siham Ali, 2018). The study found a positive correlation between the scores of the students in the research sample after the method of acceptance and warmth (for the measure of the methods of positive education) and their scores on the measure of emotional equilibrium, where the correlation coefficient value (0.276), the existence of a positive correlation relationship statistically significant among the students' After the style of democracy (for the measure of positive education methods) and their grades on the measure of emotional equilibrium, where the value of correlation coefficient (0.344).

The Chosen Village Head Leadership in Carrying Out Government Duties: Analysis Study of Sidoharjo Village Head, Susukan, Semarang

This study is entitled Leadership of Selected Village Heads in Carrying Out Government Duties (Analysis Study of Sidoharjo Village Head, Susukan District). The focus of this research is about how the Village Chief Leadership Style in Sidoharjo Village Head, Susukan District and the purpose of this study is to find out the Village Head Leadership Style in Sidoharjo Village Head, Susukan District. This study is classified as a descriptive study with core questionnaire instruments and data analysis techniques using the presentation of the frequency table of the results of questionnaires from respondents who have been determined based on questions about the 4 leadership styles based on expert theory used as grand theory in this study. The results showed that the leadership style that tends to be applied by village heads in carrying out their daily tasks and functions is the leadership style of Democracy. Democratic leadership style can be seen from the involvement or active participation of Sidoharjo village head in deciding problems in every activity of the organization / office. In addition, the Village Head also prioritizes democracy in his administration by always holding deliberations to reach consensus in making every decision.

System rządów premierowskich jako nowy typ systemu rządów: casus Wielkiej Brytanii

The paper attempts to address the question of whether the prime ministerial system has already emerged as a separate system of governance that differs from classical systems, and whether it can no longer be treated as a certain sub-class in an extensive range of parliamentary systems, but rather as a new type of system in its own right. The principal issue appears to be whether the inherent properties of the prime ministerial variety of governance are sufficiently distinct, significant and different from the parliamentary system, however broadly understood, to give the former a status of a separate governance system from the methodological point of view. It should be observed that the contemporary British system, which serves as a foundation for our deliberations on the prime ministerial form of governance, has deviated from the classical or typical parliamentary system far enough to actually take the direction of a separate system of governance, namely prime ministerial governance. Firstly, this is evidenced by the removal of the monarch from the political system and establishing executive power as a virtually one-element entity concentrated in the Cabinet, and embodied by its leader. Secondly, the figure of Prime Minister is highly emphasized as he is elected ‘under the guise of common elections’ and he successfully monopolizes the work of his entire Cabinet, becoming a certain ‘trademark’ of this Cabinet, which is well supported by the principle of joint accountability of all Cabinet members, a principle that is exceptionally strictly and consistently implemented in the British system. The ongoing politological processes that tend to presidentialize and personalize politics are only accelerating these changes and making them even more apparent. The consequence in Britain is that it is the Prime Minister who accrues the power to govern and he by no means falls under the principle of classical parliamentary systems, where the government leader is only “the first among equals”. Thirdly, the House of Commons has practically lost its controlling power over the Cabinet, as primarily evidenced in the absence of a vote of no confidence, which would serve as a tool of political accountability of executive power before the legislative, the essence of any form of parliamentary governance. Fourthly, in a highly specific, deeply endemic party system which entails that various links between government and parliament typical of the parliamentary style of democracy are de facto transferred onto the internal party stage, this to an extent also explains the relevance of the division between government and opposition, a division which is neither as clear, nor as far-reaching as in the case of other parliamentary systems. All this allows us to conclude that the British system is sufficiently different to be deemed new in comparison to a typical or classical parliamentary system. The transformations that have taken place there have gone far beyond the proper, or classical, model of parliamentary governance thus forming not only a sub-class, but a separate type (or model) of governance.

Exploring Variations in Intra-party Democracy: A Comparative Study of the British Labour Party and the Danish Centre-Left

When it comes to the prospects for intra-party democracy, the view of the academic literature and many practitioners is generally very bleak. Intra-party democracy is either declining or was never there in the first place. This article will argue that this is not an accurate reflection of what is going on in political parties. Rather than being in either universal long-term decline or permanently and unavoidably absent, intra-party democracy varies between parties. Some parties are indeed more or less permanent oligarchies, just as some have seen a decline in the strength of their internal democracy. However, others have seen an increase in the level of membership influence and yet others have managed to maintain a fairly high level of internal democracy. This article will argue that a combination of five factors (age, origin, ideology, style of democracy in a given country and government ambition) are important in understanding this variation.

Taiwan: Democracy's gone awry?

In March 2000 when Chen Shui-bian was elected president his supporters were elated and optimistic about Taiwan having truly attained democracy. Many scholars also saw the event as significant, marking the consolidation of Taiwan's democratization effort. Soon, however, many became disappointed. Cynicism grew. Opinion polls showed declining support for the President, the legislature, political parties and politics in general. Even democracy was questioned. The causes for this were: (1) Taiwan's mixed political system, which was not ready for the opposition to become the ruling party; (2) Taiwan's style of democracy was copied from America's, in some way wrongly. This made it a system that did not fit an Asian country and allowed for ethnic politics and some other undesirable aspects of democracy to evolve; (3) the Chen Administration ignored the importance of economic development. When the economy deteriorated he sought other ways to remain in power; this further led to a deterioration of politics and hurt the image of the government.

Political incrementalism: Political lessons from China's 20 years of reform

The recent crackdown by the Chinese Communist Party government on the efforts of Chinese dissidents to organise the China New Democratic Party has raised a serious question among scholars: why has the Chinese leadership been so reluctant to initiate democratic reforms? But an equally important question is: how has the Chinese political system been able to accommodate drastic socioeconomic changes? Although Chinese leaders from Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin have strongly opposed the Western style of democracy, they have continuously adjusted the country's political system to prevent socioeconomic chaos from occuring, chaos that has troubled many former communist states and Third World countries. This paper explores China's political incrementalism and explains how incremental political reforms have worked. It argues that, although Chinese leaders have so far been successful in accommodating social changes through incrementalism, they are still uncertain about how to cope with increasing social demands for political reform and democratisation.