Study Of Intellectual History Research Articles

Economics in Russia: studies in intellectual history

Economics in Russia: studies in intellectual history

:Inventing the Public Sphere: The Public Debate during the Investiture Contest (c. 1030–1122).(Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 154.)

:Inventing the Public Sphere: The Public Debate during the Investiture Contest (c. 1030–1122).<i>(Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 154.)</i>

LEIDULF MELVE. Inventing the Public Sphere: The Public Debate during the Investiture Contest (c. 1030-1122). (Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 154.) In two volumes. Boston: Brill. 2007. Pp. x, 346; 350-770. $247.00 the set

LEIDULF MELVE. Inventing the Public Sphere: The Public Debate during the Investiture Contest (c. 1030-1122). (Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 154.) In two volumes. Boston: Brill. 2007. Pp. x, 346; 350-770. $247.00 the set

:Melancholy and the Care of the Soul: Religion, Moral Philosophy and Madness in Early Modern England

Melancholy is rightly taken to be a central topic of concern in early modern culture, and it continues to generate scholarly interest among historians of medicine, literature, psychiatry and religion. This book considerably furthers our understanding of the issue by examining the extensive discussions of melancholy in seventeenth- and eighteenth- century religious and moral philosophical publications, many of which have received only scant attention from modern scholars. Arguing that melancholy was considered by many to be as much a 'disease of the soul' as a condition originating in bodily disorder, Dr. Schmidt reveals how insights and techniques developed in the context of ancient philosophical and early Christian discussions of the good of the soul were applied by a variety of early modern authorities to the treatment of melancholy. The book also explores ways in which various diagnostic and therapeutic languages shaped the experience and expression of melancholy and situates the melancholic experience in a series of broader discourses, including the language of religious despair dominating English Calvinism, the late Renaissance concern with the government of the passions, and eighteenth-century debates surrounding politeness and material consumption. In addition, it explores how the shifting languages of early modern melancholy altered and enabled certain perceptions of gender. As a study in intellectual history, Melancholy and the Care of the Soul offers new insights into a wide variety of early modern texts, including literary representations and medical works, and critically engages with a broad range of current scholarship in addressing some of the central interpretive issues in the history of early modern medicine, psychiatry, religion and culture.

The Measure of Mind

The Measure of Mind J. David Hoeveler (bio) John Carson. The Measure of Merit: Talents, Intelligence, and Inequality in the French and American Republics, 1750–1940. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. xvii + 401 pp. Charts, notes, and index. $39.50. It is a simple proposition: democratic and republican governments function on the principle that all citizens deserve equal treatment. And it is a difficult question to answer: how, then, can such governments justify the inequality that derives from the disparity of intelligence and talents among individuals? In a study that ranges over two centuries and two nations that pioneered in republicanism, and among a great array of theorists and practitioners, John Carson takes up these questions. His work will give any reader much to think about. For indeed, any reflecting citizen must form some conclusions about these matters. Does nature arrange that some individuals or human types are inherently superior to others, or is society or special privilege mostly responsible for these effects? If nature is decisive, how far should a democratic state go in allowing a social elite to exercise power? Does it merit that power? Should the talented have an education different from the rest? And what are talents and intelligence anyway? How do we define and measure them? What understanding of these terms befits a democracy, such that it can properly justify the inequalities that derive from them and prevail in the social order? At the outset Carson himself seems to endorse some notion of collective intelligence, as his sprawling introduction might suggest. But he has read very widely and his ample endnotes will benefit any persons interested in this subject and peripheral ones. The Measure of Merit is an impressive piece of scholarship. Of course, many studies in intellectual history have tackled this question, mostly by examining political theories and social philosophies.1 Carson hopes to shed more light by looking at mental philosophers and psychologists among a larger group that has explored the subject of mind and intelligence. Doing so, of course, places great expectations on this group of thinkers, and it is not always the case that they intended their explorations of mind to have social readings or yield political policies. Carson, to his credit, is sensitive to social and political context and relates his subjects to the changing worlds of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. And his study [End Page 573] takes on much interest when he does. But sometimes he builds a bridge too easily traversed from the scientific realm to the social. Carson finds John Locke a useful starting point for his discussion. Indeed, Lockean ideas had considerable influence in both the countries he examines. In France Carson finds Lockean schools of associationists and sensationists, and also the influence of the (partly) Lockean rivals, the Scottish Common Sense philosophers. The author brings under review the French Enlightenment thinkers—Condillac, Condorcet, Helvétius, Rousseau. Together they reflected a concern of their movement, that the ancient regime faced a crisis of legitimacy: the old order could no longer be justified, but how might they reclaim a place for elites within a reformed system? Even with this concern as a background commonality, Carson finds much difference among the philosophes, as here and throughout his study he reads the texts with great sensitivity. Thus, for example, Condorcet may have insisted that all people, even the most savage, are natively equal, and with such confidence, he could call for a comprehensive system of education, available to all, but becoming progressively selective. Such a system would develop the talents of a new elite, trained in the sciences. A more skeptical view came from Voltaire, however: "No one will convince me that all minds are equally suitable to science," he wrote, "and that they differ only in regard to education. Nothing is more false" (p. 25). Americans also make an appearance in this first chapter. Thomas Jefferson set the terms of discussion for the young republic in articulating his concept of a natural aristocracy and his preference for it. That "natural aristocracy among men," rooted in virtue and talents as opposed to wealth and birth, Jefferson believed, could secure democracy on a safe foundation. John Adams had...

Virtue and Ethics in the Twelfth Century (review)

Reviewed by: Virtue and Ethics in the Twelfth Century Jeffrey Hause István P. Bejczy and Richard G. Newhauser, editors. Virtue and Ethics in the Twelfth Century. Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, 130. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2005. Pp. vi + 393. Cloth, $189.00. The essays collected in this fascinating volume on virtue reveal both the increasing debt twelfth-century thinkers owe to Augustinian moral psychology, as well as the extent to which those thinkers integrate classical moral philosophy and its canons of rationality into their medieval Christian worldview. However, the authors also explore the historical, social, economic, and theological genesis of twelfth-century treatments of virtue, and studying these explorations closely will help historians of philosophy to avoid that all-too-common vice of anachronism. By the time readers finish this volume, they will have read encyclopedic treatments of virtue and moral psychology in such greats as Anselm and Maimonides, but also in such lesser-known, but illuminating thinkers as John of Salisbury and the Porretans. Although the collection is marketed as intellectual history, and some of the medieval authors discussed are better described as moralists (or perhaps even moralizers) than moral philosophers, historians of philosophy will find that their interests largely coincide with the contributors'. The medieval authors studied view ethics as having a wide scope, ranging beyond treatments of justice and honesty to include such topics as the moral value of weeping and easy manners. For instance, Willemien Otten's contribution, "In Conscience's Court," contends that Abelard's ethical thought is not restricted to his analyses and arguments. His works' very expression of his distinctive Christian identity—accomplished largely through the character and texture of his writing—turns his own life into a poetic example in his ethical thought. Like the medievals treated in this collection, Arjo Vanderjagt, in "The Devil and Virtue," himself adopts a broad view of ethics by trying to uncover what other scholars have neglected in Anselm's ethical thought by exploring his sense of life. Despite that welcome move, Vanderjagt assumes without warrant that we can discover Anselm's sense of life best from his "non-scholarly" work, in particular, from his letters. As I read him, Anselm conveys other aspects of his sense of life in his dialogues, which portray the interaction between the very Anselmian Teacher and his Student, and likewise in his highly impersonal Monologion, for the impersonal figures strongly in Anselm's sense of life. Moreover, what Anselm writes in his letters sometimes appears to contradict what he writes in his more theoretical works. The apparent contradictions may sometimes be resolved by arguing that that the letters' primary purpose is pastoral, and what nourishes the flock is not always the same as what nourishes the student of philosophy. For that very reason, relying on the letters as the primary source of Anselm's ethical thought is dangerous. [End Page 328] One theme linking many essays in the volume is the revival of Augustinian internalist ethics: virtuous activity requires not just political or social power, or the mere performance of prescribed acts, but the right internal disposition. Hence, as Björn Weiler points out in "Royal Justice and Royal Virtue," according to William of Malmesbury, Stephen of Blois lacked the qualities to be king because he lacked genuine virtue, despite his good intentions and political power. So did Earl Godwin, according to Walter Map, but that was due to his rustic birth. Many essays focus, in particular, on the moral thesis of intentionalism—the view that only one's intentions or consents are proper candidates for praise or blame. Abelard, Hugh, and perhaps Anselm as well hold that the promptings of vices such as anger or vainglory are not, in themselves, sinful. One sins only when one adds one's volition or consent to vice's promptings. Intentionalism's most prominent exponent, Abelard figures prominently in several essays, frequently as the object of unsubstantiated criticism. In "The Problem of Natural Virtue," István Bejczy contends that Abelard does not deserve his reputation for promoting natural, as opposed to theological, ethics. His case, however, relies crucially on the claim that virtue, strictly speaking, is what obtains merit with God...

The Apostle of the Flesh: A Critical Life of Charles Kingsley, by J. M. I. Klaver

Reviewed by: The Apostle of the Flesh: A Critical Life of Charles Kingsley Jason B. Jones (bio) The Apostle of the Flesh: A Critical Life of Charles Kingsley, by J. M. I. Klaver; pp. xviii + 686. Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, vol 140. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006, €155.00, $209.00. In 1872, Vanity Fair remarked that "Time and opinions move so fast that it is difficult to recall the period, though it is really so recent, when the Rev. Charles Kingsley, sometime author of 'Alton Locke' and now Chaplain to the Queen [. . . ] was one of the most daring and advanced revolutionists of his cloth" (qtd. in Klaver 472; Klaver's ellipsis). Vanity Fair omits many reasons why Kingsley might fascinate modern Victorianists: his complex emphasis on manliness, masculinity, and the body; his immersion in scientific projects (sanitation reform) and debates; his jingoism and sense of national mission, even when these sanctioned brutal or near-genocidal violence; the conflict with John Henry Newman; his children's books, especially The Water Babies (1863); and his interest in sexual satisfaction within marriage as an almost sacramental blessing. And yet all too frequently, knowledge of Kingsley can devolve into the following series: muscular Christian; self-destructive combatant of Newman; author of Alton Locke (1850) and The Water Babies, plus a few other works. J. M. I. Klaver's The Apostle of the Flesh seeks to restore Kingsley to a more central place in the Victorian period. Kingsley biographies fall in two camps: those before and after Susan Chitty's The Beast and the Monk (1974). What set Chitty's biography apart was less a painstaking recreation of Kingsley's intellectual life or the Victorian world he inhabited, but rather her unprecedented access to Kingsley's correspondence with his wife, Fanny (Frances Eliza Grenfell), which revealed, in a startlingly direct way, the urgency behind their sexual love. This urgency was accompanied, before marriage, by a negotiated set of fantasies and rituals that Kingsley and his fiancée used to mark the time until consummation. [End Page 377] These rituals included, on Kingsley's part, self-mortification, though he refused Fanny's pleas to whip her (74–75). These letters are so revealing that the biographies written without such access, even the most useful (such as Brenda Colloms's Charles Kingsley: The Lion of Eversley [1975]) seem pallid by comparison. This is not simply a prurient interest: anyone who's read Kingsley knows his lifelong interest in cleanliness, and so these letters read as a private application of his public project. Also, as Klaver repeatedly suggests, Kingsley's basic distrust of Newman arises in part from his sheer disbelief in celibacy as a Christian ideal. Klaver fully exploits the Kingsley marital correspondence, and he improves on Chitty in one crucial respect: his citational practice is consistent, so that one can actually follow his work. More than this, Klaver makes clear how Chitty sutured together Kingsley's letters to make them fit her narrative exigencies. For scholarly purposes, then, The Apostle of the Flesh is now the most authoritative biography, and in this respect, it makes four major contributions. First, Klaver's reading in Kingsley is exhaustive, allowing for profitable connections, such as when he finds Kingsley's long-ignored study of The Hermits (1868) to be "Kingsley's answer to Newman's Apologia" (587). Given the daunting task of collating poems, journalism, sermons, and novels, all future students of Kingsley must be grateful to Klaver. Second, Klaver's enthusiastic account of the Christian Socialists and their various publishing ventures is fascinating. Focusing largely on Kingsley, F. D. Maurice, and John Ludlow, Klaver shows how Kingsley triangulates between his friends, relying on Maurice for ideas and Ludlow for action. The third, and probably most crucial contribution, is Klaver's use of Kingsley's undernoticed correspondence with Thomas Henry Huxley. Klaver quotes extensively from these letters, both to show Kingsley's serious engagement with science, but also to show that Victorian men of science, even such notorious skeptics as Huxley, took Kingsley very seriously. Huxley remarked that he could write "more openly and distinctly to [Kingsley] than I ever have to any human being except...

Natural Law, Laws of Nature, and Natural Rights. Continuity and Discontinuiy in the History of Ideas (review)

Reviewed by: Natural Law, Laws of Nature, and Natural Rights. Continuity and Discontinuiy in the History of Ideas Brian Tierney Natural Law, Laws of Nature, and Natural Rights. Continuity and Discontinuiy in the History of Ideas. By Francis Oakley. (New York: Continuum Press. 2005. Pp. 143. $29.95.) This excellent book provides a sophisticated but accessible introduction to some fundamental problems in the history of natural law thinking, and the writing throughout is elegant, lucid, and persuasive. Oakley's central argument is that a major shift occurred in the fourteenth century and that it influenced both the scientific and the moral philosophies of the succeeding age. A byproduct of the argument is a reminder that the traditional periodization of Western history into ancient, medieval, and modern is "more of a hindrance than a help" in the study of intellectual history (p. 81), an observation that will be applauded by many medievalists. [End Page 111] Historians typically treat the physical laws of nature as conceptually distinct from the natural law that directs our moral behavior. But Oakley challenges this sharp distinction. He is not concerned to refute Hume's is-ought argument, that we cannot derive moral propositions from factual ones. His argument is rather that the same underlying set of ideas informs both kinds of thinking and that the physical laws of nature can provide a sort of "intellectual template" to which the natural moral law conforms (p. 70). Underlying Oakley's whole argument is his concern with a persistent tension between the Greek and Hebrew sources of Christian thought. On the one hand we have the Greek idea of a divine reason immanent in an eternal cosmos, a reason reflected also in the workings of human reason. On the other hand stands the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, an all-powerful, willful God of untrammeled freedom who made the universe from nothing and out of his own good pleasure. Oakley shows how the church fathers, especially Augustine, and then the scholastic theologians, especially Aquinas, sought to reconcile the two ideas. Aquinas envisaged an eternal law, a manifestation of divine reason directing all created beings to their due ends, a ground of both the physical laws of the universe and the natural moral law known to man. As Oakley notes, in Aquinas the fit between the templates of moral and physical natural law is very close. But a later generation of theologians, prominent among them William of Ockham, saw in this way of thinking an unacceptable restraint on God's absolute freedom and omnipotent will. Ockham argued that the characteristics of the existing universe did not flow by any kind of necessity from the reason of God; God could have made a different universe with different laws of motion and different rules of morality. And this teaching, Oakley argues, helped to shape the new scientific thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In a contingent universe one could not explain the way things behaved by pure reason, by hypothesizing about natural ends and occult essences. The only way to understand the material world was by observation and experiment and mathematical formulations of the resulting data. The problem is more complicated when we consider the moral natural law. Ockham's teaching that moral norms depended entirely on the will of God was reflected in some natural law theories of the early modern period. But alongside this doctrine Ockham also presented a "non-positive moral science" based on reason and experience, and this too had echoes in later thought. In Ockham's own later political writings, where he discussed explicitly the varieties of natural law, he appealed persistently to right reason as a guide to human behavior. Oakley explains the dichotomy by pointing to the common medieval distinction between the absolute and ordained powers of God. However, Oakley's argument here leaves open a much-disputed question that he raises but does not finally answer, the question whether Ockham's voluntarist theology did in fact exercise any significant influence on the content of his later political thought and his teachings there on natural law. [End Page 112] In a last chapter the author considers the emergence of a doctrine of...

The Practice of Reform in Health, Medicine, and Science, 1500-2000 (review)

Reviewed by: The Practice of Reform in Health, Medicine, and Science, 1500-2000 R. A. Houston The Practice of Reform in Health, Medicine, and Science, 1500-2000. Edited by Margaret Pelling and Scott Mandelbrote. Pp. xv, 392. 2 b&w illustrations. ISBN 0 7546 3933 9. Aldershot: Ashgate. 2005. £55. This long and heterogeneous collection is a festschrift for Charles Webster. Most of the chapters are about England (except for one each on France, Italy and New Zealand); only two bear directly on Scotland, one being an incisive study in intellectual history by Colin Kidd (about racialism in the Scottish Enlightenment) and the other a useful piece by John Stewart on the Welfare State and Scottish hospital planning, though other chapters contain a British dimension (notably chapter 5 by Pelling and chapter 17 by Jane Lewis on the regulation of the medical profession). As an edited collection it works better than most. All the contributions deal with debates that Webster either initiated or contributed to, the volume's chronological span (two-thirds of the eighteen contributions cover the early modern period, one third the twentieth-century) a testament to his own remarkable range over a long and varied career in the history of medicine. The main theme that unites the volume is that scientific and medical developments cannot be understood outside their social and political context, an idea that Webster developed in The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626-1660 (1975) and continued into his later work on the National Health Service. Contributors engage more or less explicitly with Webster's vision and this lends coherence to the volume. The first chapter, by Howard Hotson, borrows from Webster's title and is perhaps the closest to his approach. However, the reader is won over to the mission more by the high quality of most of the contributions than by any adherence to form, the early modern offerings being especially praiseworthy. All offer very detailed analyses that lean towards the history of science and of ideas rather than the social history of medicine (as conventionally understood, rather than as defined at p. xi), which is, however, better served by the twentieth-century chapters. Most chapters are about policy makers and providers of, or thinkers about, care rather than about patients. Thus Pelling's chapter on 'Politics, medicine, and masculinity' is more about men than masculinity as it is understood by gender historians. Feingold's piece on the origins of the Royal Society is also a traditional approach that analyses the importance of clubs and associations. Lauren Kassell's apparently broad 'Economy of magic in early modern England' is in fact a fascinating case study of the astrologer Lilly's understanding of sigils (amulets 'in the form of a metal seal depicting images or words'), which bears on the social economy of magic in seventeenth-century England. Apparently curious contributions such as Penelope Gouk's on the way music helped to facilitate the reception of Paracelsian ideas also manage to fit into the scheme. The importance of political considerations to scientific and policy change is shown in most chapters, notably Pietro Corsi's on language and science in the Revolutionary/Napoleonic period in France. Religion too is an important component of the early modern chapters, for example in Jonathan Barry's revisiting of Bristol Puritanism. The twentieth-century chapters are all by significant figures in medical history and are again of good quality. However, without a work of the stature of The Great Instauration to act as a guide, they are less focused, reflecting the disparate interests shown in Webster's other main work, The Health Services since the War (1988; 1996). Chapters 13 to 16 deal with provision of healthcare and the final chapter by Virginia Berridge is on the early history of anti-tobacco activism in Britain. The editorial touch is light. There is no introduction, but a notably [End Page 368] personal four-page preface. Nor is there a conclusion and the volume ends with a selection of Charles Webster's prodigious output from 1963 to 2002. The length of contributions varies considerably, from Anne Marie Rafferty's eleven page offering on the international recruitment of nurses to...

Jouissance – ‘right off the scale’: Lacan, Sexual Difference and the Phallic Order

This essay explores Lacan’s analysis of sexual difference within the phallic economy as a case study in intellectual history, interpreting Lacan’s work in this area as a major theoretical achievement accomplished by three critical innovations: first, Lacan radicalises two central streams of twentieth‐century thought – psychoanalysis and structuralism; second, he recontextualises these within a similarly radicalised version of Hegelianism; finally, Lacan completes this reconceptualisation by contributing a set of key notions of his own that, together with the other elements, form the organising principles around which his theory operates. It defends Lacan from charges of phallocentrism and also shows that, while Lacan is aligned closely with structuralism, his theory derives much of its dynamism from the neo‐Hegelianism of Alexandre Kojève and other sources.

A. S. Q. Visser.Johannes Sambucus and the Learned Image: The Use of the Emblem in Late‐Renaissance Humanism.:Johannes Sambucus and the Learned Image: The Use of the Emblem in Late‐Renaissance Humanism.(Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 128.)

A. S. Q. Visser.<i>Johannes Sambucus and the Learned Image: The Use of the Emblem in Late‐Renaissance Humanism.</i>:Johannes Sambucus and the Learned Image: The Use of the Emblem in Late‐Renaissance Humanism.<i>(Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, number 128.)</i>

Bound Choice, Election, and Wittenberg Method: From Martin Luther to the Formula of Concord (review)

Bound Choice, Election, and Wittenberg Method: From Martin Luther to the Formula of Concord. By Robert Kolb. [Lutheran Quarterly Books.] (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 2005. Pp. xiv, 381. $35.00 paperback.) Robert Kolb has been one of the most productive Reformation scholars during the past three decades, especially in the English-speaking world. While he has written on a variety of subjects, his particular research interests and most important scholarly contributions have focused on Martin Luther's immediate students and heirs. His intensive study of a volatile period in Lutheran history, namely, the decades from 1550 to 1580; his broad acquaintance with the primary sources; and his balanced perspective on the two competing and often conflicting Lutheran theological communities, the so-called Gnesio-Lutherans and the Philippists, are clearly evident in this admirable study of intellectual history or, more precisely, historical theology. Kolb focuses on the crucial issues of the human will and predestination as he explores the reception of Luther's and Philip Melanchthon's theology among their students. He begins his work with an analysis of the two Reformers' assertions regarding bound choice, particularly in Luther's De servo arbitrio and Melanchthon's Loci communes. His analysis notes that while these influential figures in the creation of the evangelical, or Lutheran, theological heritage shared much in common, they also differed, particularly since Luther was primarily a preacher and Melanchthon a teacher. Both colleagues sought to affirm God's total responsibility to save and the total human responsibility to trust God's promises and obey God's will. Both theologians also recognized the paradoxical relationship of these two realities and sought to retain the paradox. However, Melanchthon wanted to avoid the notion of absolute necessity and was more concerned about the psychological dimensions of humanity. Hence, the Reformers often approached the themes of bound choice and predestination with differing perspectives. The heart of this study, and its most important contribution, is Kolb's careful analysis of the Wittenberg circle of Luther's and Melanchthon's students and the theological debates in which they engaged during the third quarter of the sixteenth century, particularly the synergistic controversy. As he identifies the antagonists in these conflicts, places their debates into their historical contexts, explores the content of the theologians' arguments, and clarifies particular presuppositions and perspectives, the theological, ecclesiastical, and pastoral priorities of such thinkers as Viktorin Strigel, Nikolaus Gallus, Cyriakus Spangenberg, Jakob Andreae, and Martin Chemnitz come into clear focus. …

The Young Hegel on ‘Life’ and ‘Love’

Wilhelm Dilthey, the first scholar to study Hegel's early writings, most of which have been published by Herman Nohl under the title Hegels Theologische Jugendschriften, examined the thought of the young Hegel in the light of German idealism; Dilthey was interested in establishing the Kant-Fichte-Schelling-Hegel Entwicklungsgeschichte. Another line of interpretation, no doubt encouraged by the tide of Nohl's compendium, has been to see these writings as dealing with a religious experience and religious issues. Unique in the literature stands Laurence Dickey's study of intellectual history, in which he shows that the young Hegel was influenced by the culture of Old Württemberg – more specifically, by Württemberg's ideal of Protestant civil piety. Finally, Georg Lukács and Raymond Plant concentrate on the social and political concerns of the young Hegel. On the one side, Lukács, writing from a Marxist perspective, explores the political and economic ideas of the young Hegel as well as the way these have contributed to the development of the dialectical method. For his part, Plant has put forward the view that the essays compiled by Nohl in his collection constitute a series of attempts on the part of the young Hegel to comprehend and account for the cultural and socio-political crisis of his time. For Plant, Hegel sought the causes thereof in religion.I propose to look at the young Hegel from yet another angle. I shall argue that what lies beneath Hegel's exegesis of the Scriptures is a Platonism. H. S. Harris has noted this aspect of Hegel's thought in his seminal study of Hegel's development, but the Platonism of the young Hegel has generally been under-researched. In this paper I shall try to bring this out. To do this, I shall explore the meaning and significance of ‘life’ and ‘love’ by focusing on ‘The Spirit of Christianity and Its Fate’ essay, the fragment on ‘Love’, as well as some of the fragments in the appendix of Nohl's volume. Let us not forget that, despite his practical concerns, Hegel was also interested in theological doctrine, which, he thought, expressed substantial truths in metaphorical language; so in the ‘Spirit of Christianity’ essay, as well as providing an historical account of Judaism and a description of Christian ethics, Hegel also discusses theological tenets. Hegel always believed that theory and practice go hand in hand, and he was convinced that religion was as much about dogma as it was about practice. For this reason I deem it necessary to look at Hegel's interpretation of Christian theology in the course of this paper.

Peter Comestor and Peter Lombard: Brothers in Deed

PETER COMESTOR AND PETER LOMRARD: RROTHERS IN DEED By MARK CLARK According to medieval legend, Gratian, Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor were bro7thers.1 What united these men in the medieval imagination were the three great works they produced, respectively, over the course of the twelfth century: the Decretum, the Sentences, and the Historia scholastica .2 The two Peters, in particular, were connected. Stephen Langton, one of the most prominent teachers of Scripture and theology at Paris during the last decades of the twelfth century, praised both Peters for their mastery of Sacred Scripture.3 The joint ascendancy of the reputations of Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor can also be seen in the tradition of medieval chroniclers such as Otto of St. Rlaise, who wrote that "in those days Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor shone forth as distinguished masters at Paris."1 In the twentieth century as well, historians of scholasticism found truth in the supposed kinship of these men. Joseph de Ghellinck, recalling the legend of the fraternity of the three men, emphasized the complementarity of their The following abbreviations are used throughout: GI = Gtossa interlinearis and GO = Glossa ordinaria, Facsimile reprint of the Edilio princeps by Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, introduction by K. Froehlich and M. Gibson (Turnhout, 1992); Peter Lombard, / and II. Sent. = Magistri Petri Lombardi Parisiensis Episcopi senlentiae in IV libris distinctae , ed. Ignatius Brady vol. 1, part 2, books 1-2 (Grottaferrata, 1971); RTAM = Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale. 2 The chronicler Godfrey of Viterbo started the resilient medieval legend that Comestor was the brother of Peter Lombard and Gratian, the authors of the two most celebrated works in theology and canon law, respectively. See Joseph de Ghellinck, Le mouvement théologique du XIIe siècle, 2nd ed., rev., Museum Lessianum, Section historique 10 (Bruges, 1948; repr. Brussels, 1969), 214 and 285. See also Marcia Colish, Peter Lombard, 2 vols., Brill's Studies in Intellectual History 41 (Leiden, 1994), 1:16 and n. 5. 3 Smalley wrote that "Langton puts their author on the same level as the author of the theological classic, the Sentences; both are of the fellowship of Wisdom," citing (in her own translation) Langton: "Blessed is the man . . . that lodgeth near her house and fasteneth a pin in her walls [Eccles. 14:22-25] as they do who hand down some writing on Scripture, the Manducator who compiled the Histories, the Lombard who established [statuit] the Sentences" (Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd ed., rev. [Oxford, 1984], 214 and n. 1). "His diebus Petrus Lombardus et Petrus Manducator apud Parisiensum magistri insignes claruerunt" ( Continuatio Sanblasiana, MGH, Scriptores [Hannover, 1868], 20:308, cited by Colish, Peter Lombard, 1:31, n. 51). 86TRADITIO three great works in the development of twelfth-century scholasticism.' Marie-Dominique Chenu viewed the link between the great works of the two Peters as especially keen: "the legend of the brotherhood in the flesh of Comestor and of Lombard is a symbol full of truth."6 The bond between the two Peters and their work, in particular, would seem to be especially well founded, for they were joined not only in legend but in life. Comestor was the Lombard's student, and it is chiefly through him that we know about the Lombard's oral teaching.7 It is, therefore, somewhat surprising to discover that the works that made the two Peters brothers in legend, namely the Sentences and the History, while products of the same distinctive historical stream, are nevertheless seen as wholly unrelated in substance, approach, and genre. Twentieth-century scholarship, while it established a close link between Comestor and the Lombard, nevertheless clearly separated the Sentences and the History. Martin Grabmann, in his classic study published in 1911, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode, distinguished sharply between the works of the two Peters.8 The Lombard, together with Hugh of Saint Victor, Peter Abelard, Robert of Melun, and Peter of Poitiers, whom Grabmann called "the truest student of the Lombard," represented "the theoretical side of theology" in the twelfth century.9 Grabmann grouped Comestor with Peter the Chanter into an alternative, "more positive-practical stream...

Saussure and His Interpreters by Roy Harris (review)

1064 Reviews 'external' historical approach also obscures family resemblances between texts distant from each other in time. Queneau's exploitation of contrasts of language register, of serious and grotesque, recall, without imitating, the style of Rabelais's giant narra? tives; the formalist methods of OULIPO members Roubaud and Perec echo those of the 'rhetoriqueurs' and the numerological preoccupations of medieval authors. The thirtypages (!) on literature to 1500 could well have been written before 1900. They make no mention of recent developments in the reading of this amazingly rich and influential tradition which have explored the semiotics of its words, images, and sounds. Though the book capitalizes on extended definitions of the 'literary' in the twenti? eth century, what about the generic promiscuity of medieval writing and the labile boundaries between text, sung text, theatre, manuscript illumination, stained glass, wall-painting, heraldry, and so forthin the Middle Ages? The 'multimedia' nature of medieval creativity throws up striking parallels with the electronic age. A genuinely 'postmodern' stance would impose a reappraisal of the relevance of a purely chrono? logical treatment. While we do need to know that it was not Freud who influenced Thomas d'Angleterre, historical relationships are of secondary relevance in consider? ing why we are still watching Tartuffeinstead of a play by Dorimond or Rotrou. For modern readers, questions of literary value foreground structure rather than history. Since this book is apparently aimed at students reading mainly in the modern period, much would have been gained in encouraging the spirit of adventure by emphasizing the mysterious affinitiesbetween the all too familiar and the apparently strange. Why not, in the interests of ideological hygiene, an Inverse History of French Literature, beginning with Cinema and working backwards to the Old French epic? Hertford College, Oxford Roger Pensom Saussure and his Interpreters. By Roy Harris. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 2001. vi + 224pp. ?44. ISBN 0-7486-1308-0. In a very readable study, Roy Harris examines the mis/representation of Saussurean ideas by certain linguists and by French thinkers ofa Structuralist and post-structura? list persuasion. This is thereforeessentially a study in intellectual history dealing with the thorny question of 'influence' of one thinker's ideas on another. In this context, various issues arise, such as the difnculty of evaluating the transmission of ideas between one discipline and another, or indeed between one cultural and intellectual tradition and another. Can one chide Barthes as much as one would a linguist for his misinterpretations, and is it any surprise that Bloomfield understands the Cours de linguistique generale less well than Bally? If the choice of each individual 'interpreter' can be justified (though the author does not attempt to do this), nevertheless the overall tendency has been to choose thinkers who misuse rather than use Saussure's ideas, making them relatively easy targets. This is not, ofcourse, to say that this misuse should not be documented, and a number of critics have done just that in individual cases, but not in the thoroughgoing, meticulous and coherent manner of this volume. In terms of straightforward unscholarly twisting of sources, Barthes and Derrida take the prize, as in Derrida's truncating a Cours de linguistique generale quotation taken out of context on the sound-meaning relation {De la grammatologie (Paris: Minuit , 1967), p. 53). Both the crucial distinction between langue/parole/langage and Saussure's notion ofthe sign are referredto in a cavalier fashion by numerous writers, Barthes claiming (in complete contradistinction to Saussure) that there could never be a linguistique de la parole, and Derrida reproducing Jakobson's erroneous phrase 'le langage est un systeme de signes'. But even here a distinction has to be made between (careless or wilful?) misinterpretation and alternative suggestions: Barthes's MLR, 99.4, 2004 1065 suggestion that semiology be considered part of linguistics is traced back to Hjelmslev by Harris and, while it constitutes a reversal of Saussure's proposal, it fitscoherently in Barthes's scheme of things and at least merits discussion. Harris is good at outlining what can only be called the opportunism of some, such as Jakobson, who evokes a Cours de linguistiquegenerale to suit his purposes according to the continent on which he finds himself...

明淸 思想史의 成果와 課題 : 이탁오의 사상 연구를 중심으로

明淸 思想史의 成果와 課題 : 이탁오의 사상 연구를 중심으로

Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (1390-1447) and the Italian Humanists by Susanne Saygin (review)

MLRy 99.3, 2004 799 1950s that a critical edition was imminent, but it was only in 1979 that Altamura produced his edition (Naples: Societa Editrice Napoletana), improving on the defective one by Lumbroso (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, 1888), followed by those of Lo Monaco (Bergamo: Lubrina, 1990) and Paolella (Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1993). Apart from these editions, which contain both the Latin and the vernacular versions of the text, Cachey was also able to benefit from Michele Feo's studies, which he calls 'the most important contributions to the philological reconnaissance of the text [. . .] short of a critical edition' (p. 63). He has accepted Feo's identification of the late fourteenth-century Cremona codex as being the closest to Petrarch's original 1358 text and has thus used it forhis edition. The firstfeature which strikes one in Petrarch's text is that the pilgrimage starts from Genoa and proceeds down the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy, whereas one is used to early pilgrimages starting from Venice and calling at Dalmatian and Greek ports on the way to Jaffa.Cachey accepts Alfonso Paolella's simple and credible explanation for this deviance. With this route Petrarch could describe places he knew well, particu? larly the Ligurian and Campanian coasts. Differently again from the norm, pilgrims are not urged to revere many relies, apart from the 'catino santo' in Genoa (this is here called the Holy Grail?I would have liked a fuller note), but are mostly treated to classical and historical reminiscences, or to details of architecture and landscape. Once in the Holy Land and furtherinto Egypt, neither of which Petrarch had visited, very general information is provided, drawn from the Gospels and fromclassical texts like Flavius Josephus, and St Jerome's Pilgrimage of the Holy Paula. Petrarch does not rely on recent pilgrims' accounts and does not attempt to provide a real guide. It seems that in the end the political situation prevented Mandelli fromcarrying out his pilgrimage, so, rather appropriately, the literary,personal exercise on Petrarch's part remained a purely virtual account also for his dedicatee. This volume is an important contribution to medieval travel literature and a very welcome addition to Petrarch's corpus in English. University College London Laura Lepschy Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (i3go-i44j) and the ltalian Humanists. By Susanne Saygin. (Brill's Studies in Intellectual History, 105) Leiden: Brill. 2002. xiv + 307 pp. ?83. ISBN 90-04-12015-7. Do not be misled by the title: this monograph has significance for many scholars be? yond the happy few who are historians of the studia humanitatis in fifteenth-century England. Certainly, the longest section reinterprets the career, political and literary, of the posthumously 'Good Duke' (spelling his name not?as any Oxford doctor should?Humfrey, as in Library, but instead Humphrey, as in Bogart). In the two sections that follow, however, Susanne Saygin develops, through the use of case stu? dies, lines of argument which deserve a wide audience in humanist studies. On the one hand, she develops a model of literary patronage which places novel emphasis on the role of brokerage, that is of middlemen attempting to enhance their own position by monopolizing authors' access to a potential patron. On the other, she sheds new light on some early Quattrocento authors themselves, by studying their patterns of employment and appreciating the links between their professional and their literary careers. Moreover, her analysis tends to a general conclusion that has been stated before but which merits greater recognition: in terms of patronage of the humanists, the ltalian Renaissance was an international event. The similarity in Saygin's chosen title with that of Alfonso Sammut's Unfredo duca di Gloucester e gli umanisti italiani (Padua: Antenore, 1980) lets the reader know 800 Reviews that this is a work of reinterpretation, employing English-related examples which are already familiar to scholars. However, as Saygin wishes to read more nuanced messages into these case studies than did Sammut or Roberto Weiss earlier, so she requires increased precision from her sources. Unfortunately, the evidence is rarely so helpful, and in some cases it is downright awkward. To give one example, Saygin's analysis of one...

Revelation and the God of Israel

Revelation and the God of Israel explores the concept of revelation as it emerges from the Hebrew Scriptures and is interpreted in Jewish philosophy and theology. The first part is a study in intellectual history that attempts to answer the question, what is the best possible understanding of revelation. The second part is a study in constructive theology and attempts to answer the question, is it reasonable to affirm belief in revelation. Here Norbert M. Samuelson focuses on the challenges given from a variety of contemporary academic disciplines, including evolutionary psychology, political ethics, analytic philosophy of religion, and source critical studies of the Bible. This important book offers a unique approach to theological questions and fresh solutions to them and will appeal to those interested in the history of philosophy, religious thought, and Judaism.

Divulging Utopia: radical humanism in sixteenth-century England

A study in intellectual history and the history of the book, this work examines the humanist movement in 16th-century England and traces the reception of a single work, Sir Thomas More's Utopia (1516), in relation to that movement.

F. リンガーによるブルデュー「場 (champ) 」の概念の受容

In this paper, I will examine F. Ringer's reception of Bourdieu's concepts of “champ/field” and “habitus” in the study of intellectual history. Using his own methodology, M. Jay criticizes Ringer's discussion and Bourdieu's concepts. Naturally, their differences arise from their theories of knowledge of intellectual history and society. From my viewpoint, these differences are relevant in order to further my own epistemological and methodological standpoint as it relates to my research on the Frankfurt School.