Study Of Civil-military Relations Research Articles

Slow Rolls, Shoulder-Taps, and Coups: Building a Research Program in Military Dissent Across Regime Types

AbstractThis article advances a research program in military dissent, contributing to growing scholarly interest in the subject. It first outlines a variety of “tactics of dissent,” discriminating among them according to the pathway through which they shape political leaders’ decisions and the related audiences and objectives of the method. These sets of tactics are domestic politics, bureaucratic, coercive, and organizational. The article illustrates these tactics with examples from across advanced democracies, developing democracies and autocracies, and with lengthier treatments of Brazil, Egypt, and the U.S. In so doing, the article helps bridge subfield divides in the study of civil-military relations, arguing that neglecting these tactics truncates variation in the character and intensity of dissent within and across regime types. In addition, it outlines several questions to guide future research, including efforts to better understand the metrics and drivers of dissent, the efficacy of these tactics in undermining civilian initiatives and their larger consequences for democracy and civil-military relations.

Trojni odnos - društvo, vojska i civilna vlast u kontekstu političke tranzicije - slučaj Sirije

The study of civil-military relations, from the standpoint of political science, gains particularly relevance in the periods of transition, i.e. the attempt to change the existing regime through protests or rebellion of the dissatisfied masses. How the armed forces will react, i.e. whether they will remain loyal to the regime or take the demonstrators' part, depends, inter alia, on the closeness of the ties between the armed forces and society. The ethnic, national, religious and other structure of the armed forces, their main mission, the position in relation to the security services, as well as participation in the implementation of repressive measures, are some of the indicators of the relation between the armed forces and society. The objective of this paper is to study the impact of the social structure of the armed forces on their decision to (not) support the protests, based on the following hypothesis: If the structure of the armed forces is mostly composed of members of the ruling ethnic, sectarian, tribal and similar groups, it is more likely that they will support the regime. The hypothesis was tested on the case of Syria, where the armed forces decided to stay with Bashar al-Assad, which was analyzed through their sectarian-Alawite character, i.e. the identity of the Alawites religious sect, the main features of the Assad rule and the armed forces position in that regime. Using the case study method, it can be concluded that the case of Syria shows that if the social structure of the armed forces is a reflection of the structure of the ruling elite, they remain loyal to the regime because their survival depends on that regime.

Introduction

Abstract This introduction offers a critical survey of existing scholarship on security and surveillance, especially post-9/11. Presenting the five essays of this special section, it illustrates the new directions they provide for the study of civil-military relations and surveillance, animated by critical regional histories.

The Study of Civil-Military Relations in New Democracies

The study of civil-military relations is the perfect research field for engaging in structure vs. agency debate. Generations of scholars have thought about the conditions under which civilian leaders can or cannot establish effective control over their armed forces. From the origins of modern civil-military studies in comparative politics to the present, this question has formed the main theme of the research field. This article discusses pertinent questions in the study of civil-military relations in democratizing East and Southeast Asia from the perspective of Latin American research about civilian control. Thereby it aims to introduce the theme of this special issue and, at the same time, attempts to build an intellectual bridge, connecting research on two regions of the world by pointing to common theoretical and methodological questions.

Commentary and Reply: On “The General Stanley McChrystal Affair: A Case Study in Civil-Military Relations”

Commentary and Reply: On “The General Stanley McChrystal Affair: A Case Study in Civil-Military Relations”

Introduction: New Perspectives on Civil-Military Relations

Civil-military relations have long been an important topic for political science scholars. In spite of its long tradition, however, the field has been repeatedly criticised as being too detached from the greater domain of political science and being too conservative in its conceptual, theoretical and methodological foundations. In recent years, however, a new generation of civil-military research has emerged which has considerably promoted the development of the field beyond the confines of the classical texts. This symposium comprises four articles by European scholars who share a conviction to furthering the study of civil-military relations and developing closer links between the mother discipline of political science and its more specific subfields of comparative and theoretical military studies.

Understanding Civil-Military Relations Today: The Case of Thailand with Implications for Emerging Democracies in Asia

Like other young Asian democracies, Thailand has seen its military play a leading role in the country's authoritarian past. Yet despite the advent of democracy, vestiges of authoritarianism have continued to linger. This study analyzes relations of civilians and soldiers with regard to their balance of decision-making power in the case of Thailand, introducing a framework for analyzing civilian control. Yet exactly how has the civil-military balance-of-power shifted in Thailand? In what areas of civilian control do the armed forces today hold the most sway? What does continuing military involvement say about contemporary state Thai politics? What are the implications of our analysis for the study of civil-military relations, especially in emerging democracies of Asia? This study addresses these questions. Keywords: democracy; military; civilian; control; Thailand DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1899 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 1-24

Russia's “Force Structures” and the Study of Civil-Military Relations

We have to consider the whole complexity of the meaning of the military in Russia, where shoulder to shoulder with the “first army”—the armed forces—there is a second one.1 1D. Trenin, ‘Desiatiletie nevyuchennykh urokov: Grazhdansko-voennye otnosheniia v 90-e gody i perspektivy novogo raunda voennykh reform’, Politiia, vol. 20, no. 2 (summer 2001), p. 74. In addition to the regular armed forces overseen by the Ministry of Defense, contemporary Russia has nine distinct institutions, or force structures, that have under their command their own militarized or armed formations. These institutions have remained noticeably understudied to date. This article provides an introduction to each component of the force structures and concludes that their existence should influence the future agenda of Russian civil-military relations analyses.

NATO and the Czech and Slovak Republics: A Comparative Study in Civil-Military Relations. By Jeffrey Simon. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004. xx, 307 pp. Notes. Index. Figures. Tables. Maps. $75.00, hard bound. $34.95 paper.

NATO and the Czech and Slovak Republics: A Comparative Study in Civil-Military Relations. By Jeffrey Simon. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004. xx, 307 pp. Notes. Index. Figures. Tables. Maps. 34.95 paper. - Volume 64 Issue 2

Civilian Control and Civil-Military Gaps in the United States, Japan, and China

Three questions loom large in the study of civil-military relations, and are fruitfully asked of the United States, Japan, and China. What accounts for the subordination of the military to political authority? To what extent is the military reflective of societal values? How do civilian and military leaders think about and manage the central function of the military, namely the use of force? We find that despite the very different record of civil-military relations across these three cases, models and conceptual tools originally developed to explain American civil-military relations do have analytical leverage over the Japanese and Chinese cases. These tools, however, must be modified to adjust to the cultural and historical context of each case, and lead to different conclusions about prevailing civil-military relations in each setting.

A Comparative Study of Civil-Military Relations in Cuba and China: The Effects of Bingshang

This article attempts to fill a methodological and analytical void in the study of civil-military relations in Cuba. Specifically, it examines the impact of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR)'s growing role in the economy on civilian/party control. The case of China and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) offers an interesting comparison because of the breadth and depth of economic reforms and military participation in the economy. The PLA's involvement in profit-making activities has had an eroding effect on professionalism, preparedness, and civilian/party control. Cuba has so far contained the dangers of bingshang (soldiers in business) by limiting and closely monitoring the military's role in the country's vacillating economic reforms. The comparison also demonstrates the importance of the generation of leadership attempting to readjust patterns of civil-military relations.

Civil-Military Relations in Developing Countries

Students of civil-military relations, particularly those in the developing countries, admit having to work on myopic assumptions, meagre data, sloppy conceptualization and inelegant explanations. The relative newness of this area of studies could be one reason for this. The study of civil-military relations in the narrow sense referring mainly to military coups and interventions, has attained importance after World War II. But the study of civil-military relations in the broader perspective of multiplicity of relationships between military men, institutions and interests, on the one hand, and diverse and often conflicting non-military organizations and political personages and interests on the other, has begun to draw academic interest only in the last two decades or so. In the twentieth century, the armed forces, being an universal and integral part of a nation's political system, no longer remain completely aloof from politics in any nation. If politics is concerned, in David Easton's celebrated words, with the authoritative allocation of values and power within a society, the military as a vital institution in the polity can hardly be wished out of participatory bounds, at least for legitimate influence as an institutional interest group with a stake in the political decision-making. The varying roles the military may play in politics range from minimal legitimate influence by means of recognized channels inherent in their position and responsibilities within the political system to the other extreme of total displacement of the civilian government in the forms of illegitimate overt military intervention in politics. This paper seeks to attempt an overview of the existing scholarship on civil-military relations; second, it examines civil-military relations in the world with special reference to major political systems of the world; third, it surveys the literature on civil-military relations in general, and finally, it attempts to develop a general, complex, and hopefully fruitful causal model for analyzing the dynamics of civil-military relations; exploring implications for future research on civil-military relations.

Civil-Military Relations in the Third World

The literature on civil-military relations in Third World countries first has examined mili tary interventions and next the consequences of military rule. These consequences have been understood largely in terms of social and economic outcomes. We should be examin ing civil-military relations with a view to finding out how changes in boundaries and power relationships affect political processes. The concepts developed by students of the sociology of armed forces, especially corporatism and professionalism, are still very rekvant, but the impact of more or less professionalism or corporate identity is relevant not just for civilian control of the military but for the widest set of civilian-military interac tions. The next necessary step in the study of civil-military relations in the Third World is fine-grained descriptions of ongoing civil-military interactions. It is especially important to analyze the simultaneous functioning of military personnel in military and nonmilitary roles.

The Army and Politics in Pre-Industrial Africa: The Ndebele Nation, 1822-1893

This study is intended to be more than a narrative history of civil-military relations in the pre-colonial Ndebele society (located in what today is the Matabeleland District of Rhodesia): it seeks to stimulate interest in, and to develop a systematic framework for, investigating and evaluating the character of militarism in Ndebele society, and in pre-industrial, subsistence-level societies in general. Hopefully, it will provide insights for broader application in examining modern civil-military relations in both African and non-African societies. The study has been developed within two methodological frameworks. The first endeavors to apply current theories of fragmentation and fragment societies (Hartz, 1964) to the study of non-Western society. The Ndebele were a Nguni fragment of the Zulu Kingdom (Omer-Cooper, 1966; Lye, 1969). Like the early white settlers in America, Canada, South Africa, and Rhodesia, they were forced to cope with problems of migration, conquest, settlement, and rapid incorporation and assimilation of indigenous peoples. Also, like the settlers, the Ndebele had to restructure some of the institutions of their parent Zulu culture to meet the challenges of their new environment. As a fragment people, they had to institute new formulae for self-identity, self-determination, and nationalism. The second framework is a broad, interdisciplinary approach to the study of civil-military relations. It is assumed that civil-military relations of any society should be studied as a system composed of interrelated and interdependent elements. The most important of these are: the structural position of the military institutions in the society; the function and influence of the military in politics, in public administration, and the society at large; and the nature of the military ethic compared to the dominant political ideology of the society.

America's Army in Crisis: A Study in Civil-Military Relations.

America's Army in Crisis: A Study in Civil-Military Relations.

America's Army in Crisis. A Study in Civil-Military Relations.

America's Army in Crisis. A Study in Civil-Military Relations.

American's army in crisis: A study in civil-military relations, by William L. Hauser

American's army in crisis: A study in civil-military relations, by William L. Hauser

Maxime Weygand and the Fall of France: A Study in Civil-Military Relations

Previous articleNext article No AccessMaxime Weygand and the Fall of France: A Study in Civil-Military RelationsPhilip C. F. BankwitzPhilip C. F. Bankwitz Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 31, Number 3Sep., 1959 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/238342 Views: 1Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1959 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Martin S. Alexander The fall of France, 1940, Journal of Strategic Studies 13, no.11 (Mar 1990): 10–44.https://doi.org/10.1080/01402399008437399

Taft and MacArthur, 1900–1901: A Study in Civil-Military Relations

When the United States stumbled into possession of the Philippine Islands in 1898, Americans had not operated a military government since Reconstruction, and the task of ruling a populous alien colony was an unprecedented one for them. Because of the insurrection waged by Filipino guerrillas after February 1899, martial law could give way to civil control but gradually. The long transition provoked a civil-military conflict which, because the chief antagonists were famous fathers of now famous sons, has recently acquired a new interest. But the rivals of 1900–1901 should be judged for their own deeds. How and why did Major General Arthur MacArthur and Commissioner William Howard Taft fall out?