Student Strike Research Articles

Locating discourse in India

This paper comprises an overview of film education institutions in India, mapping orientations and concerns centred on the interface between theory and practice. The paper posits that film education in a country of a developing status, such as that of India, is influenced by the interplay of complex factors which mould the role of students as film-makers. These factors include qualifications of faculty and heads of institutions; accessibility to amenities; location of film education, first in the context of the film and television industry and then within the wider context of development; and funding patterns of these institutions. This paper looks at three particular instances and attitudes in the institutions: the proposal for syllabus revision and the spate of student strikes at FTII since the mid-1990s; technology reification prevalent in the film schools in particular and Indian society at large; and the lack of Film Studies as an organized, academic discipline. These instances and attitudes are discussed as not simply inherent within the institutions, but as comprising responses on behalf of the institutions to changes around them. These point at the role the film schools perceive for themselves as educational institutions.

Education as the Power of Independent Thought

eiews EDUCATION AS THE POWER OF INDEPENDENT THOUGHT William Bruneau Educational Studies / U. of British Columbia Vancouver, bc, Canada v6t 1z4 william.bruneau@shaw.ca Chris Shute. Bertrand Russell: “Education as the Power of Independent Thought”. Bramcote Hills, Nottingham, uk: Educational Heretics P., 2002. Pp. viii + 71.£8.50. o read Chris Shute on education is to be carried back to the late 1960s and Tthe free-school movement. John Holt, Paul Goodman, A. S. Neill, George Dennison, and Ivan Illich helped to build the case against compulsory statecontrolled systems of mis-education. State schools prized uniformity and conformity and thus denied the creative impulse, all that is most “natural” and “human” in good teaching and happy learning. Free-school advocates therefore recommended revolt, either through student strikes and uprisings, or wholesale retreat into the regions of private schooling, based in the home if necessary. Recent studies suggest that although the movement’s life was short, lasting from about 1966 to 1973, its mystique has survived into the twenty-first century .1 In publicity for home schooling, “charter” schooling, and private education in the 1990s and early 2000s—and in popular arguments against state control and national or international testing—the language of the 1960s has been revived. A small minority of parents and educationists talk this way, but it is a vocal minority. All this is pertinent to a review of Shute’s book, since he offers his readers an adaptation of Russell’s educational theory of the 1920s and early 1930s. Shute’s prior commitment to free education has led him to make additions to and subtractions from Russell’s thought. He tells us about the additions, but not the subtractions. Shute wants to demonstrate the educational and “humanistic” 1 See W. J. Reese, ed., “American Education in the Twentieth Century: Progressive Legacies”, special issue of Paedagogica Historica, 39 (Aug. 2003), passim; and Ron Miller, Free Schools, Free People. Education and Democracy after the 1960s (Albany: State U. of New York P., 2002). russell: the Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies n.s. 23 (summer 2003): 69–94 The Bertrand Russell Research Centre, McMaster U. issn 0036-01631 70 Reviews merit of Russell’s ideas, but as part of a campaign for “free” home schooling, and possibly to promote his publisher’s schemes and plans. Bertrand Russell: “Education as the Power of Independent Thought” is one of 28 titles published by Educational Heretics Press, on natural learning, the evils of rules and regimentation, the compulsory schooling “disease”, and the democratic advantages inherent in the organization of small, private schools. This is a press with a purpose, as the publisher’s foreword to Chris Shute’s book makes plain. Among its current titles are biographical studies of a select group of earlier reformers, mostly British, and who flourished between 1910 and 1930. They include Henry Morris, Margaret McMillan, Charlotte Mason, Edmond Holmes, and Bertrand Russell. The Educational Heretics Press quite rightly understands that the free school movement of the 1960s was not the first, nor perhaps the last of its kind. Shute’s book might not survive in a North American court, as its questions and argument would be thought to lead the witness. Yet on a short list of important educational questions, it is a moderately useful introduction to Russell’s ideas (although not his practice as a parent after 1921, or as co-director of Beacon Hill School, 1927–32). In Shute’s view, Russell considered that (1) education is a life-long work-inprogress ; (2) education and indoctrination are logically inconsistent; (3) educational thought should lead to practice, a linkage too often absent from largescale state or private schooling—that is, one should practise what one preaches; and (4) compulsive and compulsory “head-stuffing” has impoverished the State system (p. 5), that is, children need teaching far less than they need exposure to interesting new knowledge, and the opportunity to interact with it freely.… “It is by what we do ourselves (and for our own reasons, C.R.S. [sic]) that we learn.” (P. 17; this last a quotation from Russell’s On Education, p. 65) To the first three on the list, Russell...

Student Unionism and Sustaining Student Power

country’s most powerful political forces over the last seventy years. Although now forgotten by most historians, the first mass student strikes for free speech were launched in the 1930s. New Left activists revived the free speech movement in the early 1960s. By the end of that decade, students had helped advance desegregation, forced LBJ out of a reelection bid, and regained the power to shut down America’s universities with sit-ins and strikes. Today, American students are beginning to wield their power again, shutting down the 1999 WTO meeting, forcing private prison companies off campus, winning campus living wage policies, and making their schools “sweat-free.” However, as in the sixties, the student movement is having to rebuild itself from scratch. Each time the movement realizes its power, it fails to sustain it. Consequently, corporate America and other outside forces have diluted curriculum, pushed tuition hikes, and kept American higher education largely inaccessible to poor people and people of color. In recent years, we have even seen conservatives begin to roll back what token affirmative action programs exist in higher education. These problems have advanced in large part because students and faculty have been disempowered in university decision making. The student movement need not continue this way. The American student movement can sustain itself this time around with a new brand of student unionism that borrows the best aspects of the labor movement, past American student movements, and foreign student movements. Such unionism could open U.S. universities to the disenfranchised and make student power and campus democracy realities.

The Student Strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico: A Political Analysis

The Student Strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico: A Political Analysis Author(s): Robert A. Rhoads and Liliana Mina Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 45, No. 3 (August 2001), pp. 334-353 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International Education Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/447675 . Accessed: 04/01/2014 15:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The University of Chicago Press and Comparative and International Education Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Comparative Education Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 149.142.4.156 on Sat, 4 Jan 2014 15:15:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Examining Transformational Resistance Through a Critical Race and Latcrit Theory Framework

Using critical race theory and Latina/Latino critical race theory as a framework, this article utilizes the methods of qualitative inquiry and counterstorytelling to examine the construct of student resistance. The authors use two events in Chicana/Chicano student history—the 1968 East Los Angeles school walkouts and the 1993 UCLA student strike for Chicana and Chicano studies. Using these two methods and events, the authors extend the concept of resistance to focus on its transformative potential and its internal and external dimensions. The authors describe and analyze a series of individual and focus group interviews with women who participated in the 1968 East Los Angeles high school walkouts. The article then introduces a counterstory that briefly listens in on a dialogue between two data-driven composite characters, the Professor and an undergraduate student named Gloria. These characters’ experiences further illuminate the concepts of internal and external transformational resistance.

Medical student effect on emergency department length of stay

Study Objective: Taking advantage of a medical student strike, the authors evaluated the effect of medical students on emergency department length of stay (LOS). Methods: ED LOS and patient characteristics were compared for the 4-day strike period and the same days the week before. Proportions were compared by using the Mann-Whitney U test and the χ2 test (P <.05). Results: Eight hundred thirty-one patients were studied. There was no significant difference between the study and control periods for the general patient characteristics or laboratory or radiologic investigations. Median LOS decreased by 24% (31 minutes, 95% confidence interval [CI] 24 to 38) during the strike (110 minutes [95% CI 65 to 178] to 79 minutes [95% CI 40 to 135], P <10–4). Conclusion: Medical students lengthen ED LOS. This should be explained to patients and should be considered as one justification for increasing medical staff in the teaching ED. [Gerbeaux P, Ledoray V, Liauthaud H, Torro D, Takun K, Thirree R, Nelh P, Jean P. Medical student effect on emergency department length of stay. Ann Emerg Med. March 2001;37:275-278.]

The Student Strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico: A Political Analysis

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Student Strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico: A Political AnalysisRobert A. Rhoads and Liliana MinaRobert A. Rhoads Search for more articles by this author and Liliana Mina Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Comparative Education Review Volume 45, Number 3August 2001 Sponsored by the Comparative and International Education Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/447675 Views: 87Total views on this site Citations: 13Citations are reported from Crossref © August 2001by the Comparative and International Education Society. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nadia Hausfather Feeling the structures of Québec's 2012 student strike at Concordia University: The place of emotions, emotional styles, and emotional reflexivity, Emotion, Space and Society 40 (Aug 2021): 100809.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.emospa.2021.100809Cassie L. Barnhardt Philanthropic Foundations’ Social Agendas and the Field of Higher Education, (Feb 2017): 181–257.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-48983-4_5PATRICK GUN CUNINGHAME #YoSoy132 and the ‘Mexican Spring’ of 2012: Between Electoral Engagement and Democratisation, Bulletin of Latin American Research (Mar 2016): n/a–n/a.https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12473Nicholas Jon Crane Politics squeezed through a police state: Policing and vinculación in post-1968 Mexico City, Political Geography 47 (Jul 2015): 1–10.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2015.01.003Cassie L. Barnhardt Campus Educational Contexts and Civic Participation: Organizational Links to Collective Action, The Journal of Higher Education 86, no.11 (Oct 2016): 38–70.https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2015.11777356Robert A. Rhoads, Carlos Alberto Torres, Andrea Brewster Neoliberalism, Globalisation, and Latin American Higher Education, (Nov 2014): 203–217.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9493-0_13Carlos Alberto Torres, The secret adventures of order: globalization, education and transformative social justice learning, Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos 94, no.238238 (Dec 2013): 661–676.https://doi.org/10.1590/S2176-66812013000300002Robert A. Rhoads Learning from Students as Agents of Social Change: Toward an Emancipatory Vision of the University, Journal of Change Management 9, no.33 (Sep 2009): 309–322.https://doi.org/10.1080/14697010903125555Robert A. Rhoads, Amy Liu Globalization, Social Movements, and the American University: Implications for Research and Practice, (Jan 2009): 273–315.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9628-0_7Jenée Slocum, Robert A. Rhoads Faculty and student engagement in the Argentine grassroots rebellion: toward a democratic and emancipatory vision of the university, Higher Education 57, no.11 (Apr 2008): 85–105.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-008-9134-4Robert A. Rhoads, Gary Rhoades Graduate Employee Unionization as Symbol of and Challenge to the Corporatization of U.S. Research Universities, The Journal of Higher Education 76, no.33 (Oct 2016): 243–275.https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2005.11772282Robert A. Rhoads, Carlos A. Torres, Andrea Brewster Neoliberalism, Globalisation, and Latin American Higher Education: The Challenge to National Universities, (): 131–145.https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-2960-8_9Christopher S. Collins, Robert A. Rhoads The World Bank and higher education in the developing world: The cases of Uganda and Thailand, (): 177–221.https://doi.org/10.1016/S1479-3679(08)00007-8

Student Strike Engulfs Research Activities

A student strike that has gripped Mexico9s main university for 6 months has now spread to the school9s research institutions. Faculty members have already been hampered by months of delays at student-controlled checkpoints, thefts of equipment, and other hassles, and last week some scientists spent hours negotiating for the right to keep their labs open. Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo so far has refused to intervene in apparent fear of stirring public opposition in an election year.

Hunger Strikes: Preventing Harm to Students

When the health center encountered a student hunger strike, an initial search for medical information regarding fasting provided very little on which to build management decisions. The result of a more thorough evaluation of starvation literature is presented, along with survey responses from students who fasted. Starvation may produce many adverse events, including death. Yet, according to reports, acaloric fasts that include full water intake seem to be readily tolerated for 2 weeks in young, healthy adults. Our students included juice, sports drinks, and vitamins in their diets and completed their strike without major problems. Supplementation with carbohydrates and vitamins may improve the safety or comfort of a hunger striker, but clear proof of this effect does not exist.

The Tuition Battle at Mexico's National University

The battle now raging over tuition at Mexico’s National University (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México—UNAM) echoes battles of yesteryear while also reflecting new realities of Mexico in both higher education and politics. On March 15th of this year, the University’s council passed the General Bylaw on Payments, breaking a tradition of virtually no tuition for the institution’s student body of roughly 300,000 (which includes those at the “preparatory” preuniversity level). By April, UNAM found itself paralyzed by a student strike, and some “solidarity” strikes had spread to other institutions. For weeks, the strike and related issues have been front-page news in Mexico.

Introduction Hal Draper: A Biographical Sketch

AbstractHal Draper was born in Brooklyn in 1914, to East European Jewish immigrant parents. In 1932 he became active in the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the Socialist Party youth section, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL). A leader of the Student Strikes Against War, he became an associate editor of Socialist Appeal in 1934. In 1937, the socialist youth, led by Draper and Ernest Erber, voted to support the Fourth International after Trotsky's followers entered the Socialist Party (SP). Draper opposed the subsequent split in the SP, which Trotsky and James P. Cannon deliberately provoked, but left with the Trotskyists and became the national secretary of the Socialist Workers’ Party's youth group, a member of its first National Executive, and the secretary of the party's National Education Department. Irving Howe, a YPSL comrade, later recalled his admiration. Draper was, ‘genuinely learned in Marxism, with a mind that marched from one theorem to another as if God were clearing his way’, a youth leader who ‘would speak for us with a razored lucidity’ in debate with the Stalinists. Draper was part of the minority when the SWP split in 1940 over two issues, the ‘Russian question’ and the ‘bureaucratic conservatism’ of James P. Cannon's internal party regime. Draper became a founder member of the Workers’ Party (WP) , led by Max Shachtman, which developed an analysis of the Soviet Union as neither a ‘workers’ state’ nor state capitalist but a new form of exploiting class society, bureaucratic collectivism. The WP refused to ‘defend the Soviet Union’ and developed a distinctive democratic revolutionary Marxism, summed up by the slogan, ‘Neither Washington nor Moscow but the Third Camp of Independent Socialism!’. And, in reaction to Cannon's monolithic conception of the party, the WP developed a highly democratic internal political culture marked by ‘an atmosphere of genuine tolerance’ unceasing internal debate carried in the public press, and untrammelled rights for minorities.

Pedagogical Considerations in Asian American Studies

Pedagogical Considerations in Asian American Studies Keith Osajima (bio) When Third World students at San Francisco State College embarked on what would be the longest student strike in U.S. history in 1968–69, they sought to reshape the very nature of higher education. Critical of restrictive admissions practices that kept the working class and people of color out of higher education, the activists demanded an open admissions policy. Opposed to the Eurocentric curriculum and bureaucratic structure which excluded, ignored, and denigrated the experiences of Third World peoples, they insisted on the establishment of a College of Ethnic Studies. Third World students wanted a “relevant” education. This meant broadening the scope of inquiry and the focus of the curriculum to include their histories, cultures, heritages, and contributions. A relevant education meant situating those experiences within a critical analysis of U.S. racism, capitalism, and imperialism. Activists also sought to develop teaching strategies that would join new knowledge with political and community action to effect social change. 1 While progress has been real in achieving these goals, it appears that the desire to develop innovative teaching practices in Asian American studies has not been fully realized. As Kenyon Chan noted in his 1995 presidential address to the Association for Asian American Studies: Those of us who demanded the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s sought a more relevant educational experience. We wanted classes and teachers who could assist us in examining the world around us. We wanted [End Page 269] our own lived experiences and perspectives to be validated and reflected in our studies. In short, we demanded “critical pedagogy” before we knew what it was or before we read Paulo Freire. . . . But what do we see in the classroom today? . . . I am struck by how sadly familiar the classroom looks. 2 If Asian American studies is to survive and flourish, much depends on how well we counter Chan’s observations and develop pedagogical practices that inspire new generations of students to take up the promise of the field. This article is an effort to move us in that direction. It begins by delineating some of the challenges that teachers of Asian American studies currently face. Specifically, it looks at how changing demographics and conceptualizations of the field press upon how we think about and design our courses. The second part presents general ideas and principles about teaching Asian American studies that can be used to guide the development of courses in specific settings. The recent publication of the anthology Teaching Asian America, edited by Lane Hirabayashi, serves as an invaluable resource for this article. 3 My overarching goal herein is to open a public space where issues of teaching Asian American studies can be given the on-going attention they deserve. Teaching Challenges in Asian American Studies Teaching is an extremely complex and difficult task. It requires that we manage an array of responsibilities. We must decide what subject-content knowledge and skills we want students to learn; be able to organize topics to facilitate student access to the material; select resource materials that will communicate desired information; create classroom environments where learning can take place; be able to work with students with diverse backgrounds, skills, and perspectives; orchestrate classroom activities that will engage students; and devise assignments and projects that will both enhance student learning and assess their progress—all under the pressures of time and other institutional demands. In Asian American studies courses, what and how we teach is further complicated by four interrelated changing contexts that alter the student composition and dynamics of our classes. First, for those teaching [End Page 270] Asian American courses populated mainly by Asian students, demographic shifts have dramatically changed who we teach. What was once a largely American-born populace, comprised mainly of Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino students, is now a rich multiethnic/multiracial population with potentially significant numbers of Vietnamese, Laotians, Cambodians, Koreans, Thais, and South Asians. Today, it is likely that Asian students born outside the United States outnumber those born within. The growing size and diversity of the student population make it increasingly difficult to get a handle on the interests, backgrounds, perspectives, and abilities of the Asian...

Chronicle of a Student Strike in Africa: The Case of Burkina Faso, 1996-1997

During the 1996-1997 academic year, students at the University of Ouagadougou went on strike for three months. This strike was the worst in Burkina Faso's history (or in the history of the former Upper The author, who was a visiting American professor at the time of the strike, details what happened at the university and in related incidents in Ouagadougou and Bobo-Dioulasso. The author suggests that the strike may have resulted from the erosion of democratic rights within Burkinabe society, following the assassination of former President Thomas Sankara and the rise to power of current President Blaise Compaord. Our attention is drawn to contributing factors behind the strike, including long-standing structural problems at the University of Ouagadougou and the politically motivated killing of popular professors and the former student body president Dabo Boukary, all of whom had spoken out against the Compaord regime. R6sumw: Pendant l'annde scolaire 1996-1997, les etudiants de l'universite de Ouagadougou sont allis en grave pendant une dur&e de trois mois. Cette greve etait la pire dans l'histoire du Burkina Faso (ou dans l'histoire de l'ancienne Haute Volta). L'auteur, qui &tait alors professeur visiteur americain, raconte en detail les evenements A l'universit6 par rapport a des evenements A Ouagadougou et Bobo-Dioulasso. L'auteur soutient que la grave a dfi &tre le r6sultat d'une erosion des droits democratiques dans la socidtd burkinab6 a la suite de l'assassinat de l'ancien president Thomas Sankara et l'arrivee au pouvoir du president Blaise Compaore. L'auteur attire notre attention sur les facteurs qui ont contribue A la greve, parmi lesquels les problemes structurels de longue date de l'universite et l'assassinat politique de celkbres professeurs et de Dabo Boukary, ancien president des &tudiants qui avaient critique le regime de Campaore. African Studies Review, Volume 41, Number 2 (September 1998), pp. 19-36 Christopher Wise is Assistant Professor of English at Western Washington University in Bellingham. He has published numerous articles in professional journals and now serves as Contributing Editor of Arena Journal, Littiratures du Sahel, and The Journal of African Travel Writing. He recently edited Yambo Ouologuem: Postcolonial Writer Islamic Militant (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, forthcoming).

Abidjan Journal

Describes the author’s experiences as a Fulbright scholar and English-as-a-Foreign-Language lecturer at the National University of Cote d’Ivoire in Abidjan before and during teacher and student strikes in May 1991. Notes that the author experienced what education is like for many people in the world--education in Abidjan was serious and deadly.

Staff, Students Protest University Cuts

Berlin—Not since the heady days of anti-Vietnam War protests and student strikes had Berliners seen such a massive university demonstration. But this time the 30,000 students who took to the streets on 24 April were not railing against the academic establishment; they were marching in step with militant university presidents, deans, faculty members, and many scientists who joined in protesting deep cuts in Berlin's subsidies for higher education and university research. The planned cuts could hit science programs especially hard.

Germany: Staff, Students Protest University Cuts

Berlin—Not since the heady days of anti-Vietnam War protests and student strikes had Berliners seen such a massive university demonstration. But this time the 30,000 students who took to the streets on 24 April were not railing against the academic establishment; they were marching in step with militant university presidents, deans, faculty members, and many scientists who joined in protesting deep cuts in Berlin9s subsidies for higher education and university research. The planned cuts could hit science programs especially hard.

Radicalism and the Origins of the Vietnamese Revolution

In the early years of the Vietnamese Revolution--the 1920s and 1930s--radicalism was the dominant force in anticolonial politics. The subsequent displacement of radicalism by communism, however, has obscured radicalism's role as a nonideological reaction to both colonial rule and native accommodation to that rule. Hue-Tam Ho Tai seeks to redress the influence of radicalism on this crucial point in Vietnamese history. She reveals a vibrant and explosive era of student strikes, debates on women's emancipation, revolt against the patriarchal family, and intellectual explorations of French and Chinese politics and thought. Making instructive use of literacy sources, archival materials, and the unpublished memoirs of her father, himself a participant in these events, Tai persuasively sets right the personalities and spirit of the Revolution--and the culture from which it emerged.

Education in Prince Edward County, Virginia, 1953-1993

Prince Edward County, Virginia, was one of the five school systems involved in the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, which declared racially segregated schools unconstitutional. The Prince Edward County schools' involvement in the school desegregation cases began a 1951 student strike at the Black Moton High School in Farmville, the county seat. That year, the students demanded that a new high school for Blacks be built to replace the inadequate facilities at Moton. They also communicated National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) lawyers in Richmond, who filed the lawsuit that became one of the five cases decided in Brown. Although the Prince Edward County school division responded by building a new Black high school building, the desegregation cases went on to the Supreme Court. In 1954, the U.S.' Supreme Court ruled separate public educational facilities inherently unequal. Shortly after the second Supreme Court decision (Brown II, 1955) ordering desegregation with all deliberate speed, the county's board

Recent University Reform in Mexico

Previous articleNext article No AccessFocus on Higher EducationRecent University Reform in MexicoCarlos Ornelas and David PostCarlos Ornelas Search for more articles by this author and David Post Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Comparative Education Review Volume 36, Number 3Aug., 1992 Sponsored by the Comparative and International Education Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/447126 Views: 2Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1992 The Comparative and International Education SocietyPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Elizabeth Ocampo Gómez, José Luis Suárez Domínguez Policies of Accountability, Decentralization, Efficiency, Quality and Relevance, (Jan 2014): 73–88.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6209-533-5_6Robert C. Williamson Education: A Continuing Challenge, (Jan 2006): 195–228.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09592-3_9 Robert A. Rhoads and Liliana Mina The Student Strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico: A Political Analysis Rhoads & Mina, Comparative Education Review 45, no.33 (Jul 2015): 334–353.https://doi.org/10.1086/447675

Ndabaningi Sithole, Garfield Todd and the Dadaya school strike of 1947

Like the more well‐known railway workers’ strike of 1945 and the general strike of 1948, a strike by students at the Dadaya mission school in 1947 was an important background episode to the rise of African nationalism in Southern Rhodesia. The two main antagonists in this strike were Ndabaningi Sithole and Garfield Todd, both of whom went on to play important political roles in the colony, the one as African nationalist theoretician and practitioner and the other as Prime Minister from 1953 to 1958 and later as a leading white critic of Ian Smith's break‐away Rhodesia. Todd, the principal of Dadaya at the time of the strike, fired Sithole (along with three other African teachers) for his alleged role in ‘instigating’ it. Considerable political turmoil subsequently ensued. Todd, who had been elected to the Legislative Assembly on the ruling party's ticket the previous year, demanded that the government bar Sithole from teaching, while various African political and professional associations rallied to Sithole's defence. Sithole, however, does not mention this incident in his highly influential African Nationalism. The reason for this ‘cover‐up,’ it is suggested, was the political rapprochement that had taken place between Sithole and Todd in the period leading up to the publication of the book in 1959. Todd, who wrote the foreword to it, had been removed as prime minister in a ‘cabinet coup’ the previous year, because of his supposed liberalism toward Africans. By 1961 Todd had joined Sithole as a supporter of African nationalism. With the advent of independence in 1980, Todd became a more esteemed figure in the new nation‐state than Sithole, re‐emerging in 1990 to flay the government for its handling of a student strike at Dadaya that bears a striking resemblance to the one in 1947. After several years of self‐imposed exile Sithole too recently returned home to take up the mantle of opposition leader.