Struggle For Rights Research Articles

The Empowerment Approach as a Methodology for Research and Overcoming Social Issues of People, Groups, and Communities in Mutual Activities: Review and Research Framework

The article presents the results of a bibliographic and thematic review of the “empowerment” category, the history, key directions and main characteristics of the “empowerment” approach. The empowerment-approach is successfully applied in the world of science and the practice of empowerment of individual, communities, organizations, certain social groups, (women, youth, older people, workers, consumers, patients, minorities, etc.) in psychology, sociology, social work, healthcare, pedagogy, management, politics, economics, technical sciences, and in interdisciplinary discourses. The concept is rarely used in Russian scientific discourse; in political research, it is understood as a struggle for rights and powers, and social and political activism; in pedagogical research and in social work, it is considered as an activation and expansion of the potential resources. There is a wide range of interpretations and discussion of the concept as a goal, value, principle, process, result, method, technology, and strategy. Empowerment creates conditions for the transformation of people, groups, communities, and the social environment in mutual activities based on self-organization and/or supportive facilitation. A characteristic feature of empowerment is the non-linearity, dynamism, multilevel integration of macro-social, meso-social, micro-social, and intrapersonal factors and processes. The levels of individual, group, community, organizational, and institutional empowerment are distinguished. In this paper, we propose the beginning of a discussion about the empowerment approach as a way to study and overcome social problems in mutual activities of people, groups and communities as actors, and transforming agents.

Repressions and Emancipations of Socialist Legality: Industrial Comrades’ Courts during First Five-Year Plans

This article examines two simultaneous and contradictory aspects of socialist legality: its repression and emancipation. The author investigates one particular institution of socialist legality—comrades’ courts in the workplace—in order to discover the interweaving of these two functions of Soviet justice. The article argues that the flexibility of socialist legality is one of its basic and defining features, which could provide an emancipatory space of struggle for rights and criticism of the system, on one hand, and a purely repressive, restrictive effect, on the other. It was not the actual legislation that determined the functioning of legality but the interaction of that legislation with the environment, which often subordinated not only the a priori broad procedures of Soviet law but also the essence of the law, which was exposed to interpretations. The author demonstrates that the operation of comrades’ courts depended on many factors: the authority and independence of the local Communist Party and trade union cells; the presence of activists; the industrial environment of interaction; the interests of the courts’ organizers; government campaigns; and so on. In practice, comrades’ courts as one of the loci of socialist legality accommodated a wide range of their own autonomous tactics, among which one can detect bureaucratic (abundance of fines, existence of particular courts only on paper), repressive (control over disciplining of and providing for workers), and emancipatory (protection of honor and dignity in the workplace, criticism of administration, struggle for better working conditions through drawing attention to disorder in the organization). Such broad contexts and interpretations available in comrades’ courts demonstrate the broad scope of socialist legality, the realization of which in each individual case depended on the context and occurred in its own unique way. Article in Russian

History of the Ukrainian language at the beginning of the XX century: the educational dimension

Background. The article aims at establishing the ideological, political, national, educational, and scientific processes which contributed to establishing the Ukrainian language in all spheres of usage and fostered its functional-stylistic development. The paper centers around the language socioleme, that is the history of Ukrainian speakers, readers, and writers, language researchers and those who fought for the right of Ukrainian to be the language of education and the subject of scientific study.Purpose. The article aims at highlighting the struggle for the rights of the Ukrainian language in 1905–1917, as well as some aspects of the Russian Empire language policy as regards university education in Dnieper Ukraine. The research material comprises the ideas of the then scholars and public figures, which appeared in the media at the time (predominantly in the Rada newspaper), archival documents, and gendarme papers.Methods. The article relies primarily on the descriptive method, coupled with elements of the contrastive method and the biographical analysis.Results. The struggle for the Ukrainian language rights in the realm of education began with the demand to establish native language courses at private educational institutions and an extensive Kharkiv and Odesa student campaign for the right to take courses in Ukrainian Studies. Fresh impetus was provided by Kyiv St. Volodymyr University students’ address to the academic council, appealing for the establishment of Departments of Ukrainian Studies. The Imperial University administration did not support the student initiative, which triggered a widespread debate in public and academic circles in Ukraine at the time.Discussion. Generally, up to 1917–1920 (the age of the Ukrainian Revolution) universities and other educational institutions featured no systematic annual academic courses in the Ukrainian language, its dialectal variation, or its history. At the time, Ukrainian did not function as the language of education and science in Dnieper Ukraine, nor was it an object of rigorous academic study. The Russian Empire language and national policy remained anti-Ukrainian, in disregard of the liberties declared in 1905.

TRABALHO E EDUCAÇÃO DE ADULTOS EM ÁREAS DE REFORMA AGRÁRIA: A PRODUÇÃO DA CONSCIÊNCIA

The purpose of this article is to present part of the reflections undertaken during the doctoral research whose object of study was the educational practices developed in an agrarian reform settlement in Minas Gerais, understood as practices that develop in the production and in the relationships engendered by it. From the understanding of the concrete and historically determined meaning of the work in the settlement, we sought to understand how this relationship is established. Given the complexity of the theme and the set of variables that should be taken into account at the time of field research, it was decided to privilege educational practices built in the productive context, in the work process. The technical procedures for data collection and analysis involved a bibliographic survey as well as interviews and on-site visits that made it possible to apprehend the object of study in its various dimensions. In this text, emphasis will be given to the dimension of political formation understood as the ability to understand and intervene in the choices and decisions relevant to work and collective life in the settlement and the ability to understand the relationship between the struggles in the settlement and the more agrarian reform and a popular-democratic project for Brazil. In the field of studies of Youth and Adult Education, it is essential to bring work and the condition of worker to the pedagogical agenda, not only in the sense of seeing EJA students as working students or putting work as a subject of study, but also them to the center of the training process. In this way, recognizing the countryside, working in the countryside, the condition of the landless, becoming Landless, the struggle for rights and an emancipated society broadens and enriches pedagogical thinking, imprisoned, to a large extent, in school as central training space.

ШЛЯХИ РОЗВИТКУ ПРАВОВОГО СТАТУСУ ОСОБИ В УКРАЇНІ

The article is devoted to the analysis of the general understanding of the legal status of a person, historical and legal aspects of the transformation of content, as the basis of the current state of a particular institution. The development of the state and society as a whole, in modern conditions is undergoing significant changes. Previous historical periods have been characterized by significant changes in many areas, the struggle for human rights, the formation of a modern understanding of the legal status of the individual has become one of the defining characteristics of the past century. Recognition of man and his rights and freedoms at the level of international standards as the highest social value - indicates the relevance of the chosen issue. In turn, new challenges during the coronavirus epidemic (COVID - 19) during 2020-2021 clearly showed the relative certainty (even vulnerability) of the whole group of human rights, the ability of the state to limit them in different circumstances and in different methods, lack of guarantee and implementation mechanisms. human rights, etc. And, therefore, the system of destructive factors in the transformation of the legal status of a person and the means of counteracting them need additional scientific analysis. In addition, the development of the information society has become an incentive to form a fairly powerful block of human rights arising from the basic right to information. The legal status of a person is formed by the totality of all rights, freedoms and obligations of a person and a citizen and is the basis of his / her legal status. The legal status of a person is a complex concept that includes the legal status of a person, general legal capacity, political and legal principles, rights, freedoms and responsibilities of man and citizen, as well as guarantees of realization and protection of human rights and freedoms. The legal status of a person is a set or system of subjective rights, freedoms and responsibilities that belong to a particular person and are enshrined in the current system of law. Society and the individual have always been interested in how stable and inviolable their rights and freedoms are. We know many examples in history when the struggle for rights led to serious uprisings, civil wars, socio-political movements and so on. The relevance of guarantees of rights and freedoms remains to this day. In jurisprudence, this issue is presented quite widely, especially in the context of growing state and legal guarantees of individual status, fixation at the level of international standards, increasing society's requirements for the state to effectively guarantee the observance and realization of their rights.

Visible outside, invisible inside: the power of patriarchy on female protest leaders in conflict and violence-affected settings

ABSTRACT The literature on women’s participation in public protests and movements shows that even when they are prominent actors within these, most women are excluded from the male-dominated decision-making spaces within which negotiations with the state occur. In this article we look at the case of an ethnic struggle for rights in a conservative and conflict-affected region in which women have gained prominence over time, to the extent that they are the face of the protests. We find that this has led to changes in the nature and purpose of the struggle: from male-dominated violent protests focused on expressions of anger, to female-focused peaceful sit-ins holding the state accountable for a lack of security. However, we continue to see women excluded from the spaces within the movement where decisions are made: despite being visible to the outside world, women protesters are invisible in decision-making inside their community and homes. Why are women protest leaders unable to transform their temporary public leadership into more enduring forms of influence? We draw on 13 in-depth interviews with 13 Hazara women leaders, key in mobilising other women in the city of Quetta in Pakistan, to provide some explanations for why protest presence and leadership has not resulted in a greater decision-making role. We find the intersection of patriarchy, identity politics, and social structures playing a key negative role on Hazara women’s influence in decision-making processes. Women within movements cannot be empowered in the absence of wider shifts in patriarchal social norms – even when they actively take on the state – but there are visible changes in their expectations and perceptions of their own role.

Translate to resist

AbstractThe emergence of the LGBTI+ movement has faced considerable challenges in the Turkish sociopolitical context due to the dominance and oppression of the long-established traditional and conservative institutions such as religion, family, and state. In Turkey, translation occupies a central position in the way knowledge is produced and organized to subvert heteronormativity and homo/transphobia, and struggle for rights.LGBTI News Turkeyis the most conspicuous LGBTI+ organization in relation to this, since the platform focuses exclusively on translation. I discuss the role of the activist translators in the representation of LGBTI+ individuals globally by constructing a “narrative” (Baker 2006a) for the LGBTI+ community in Turkey. I also elaborate the concepts of fidelity and invisibility within activist translation, and the methods activist-translators employ to create and disseminate a counter narrative against the dominant public narrative, and question how they position themselves in the LGBTI+ movement.

СЕМАНТИКА ЧЕРНОГО ЦВЕТА В ЗАГОЛОВКАХ АНГЛОЯЗЫЧНЫХ И РУССКОЯЗЫЧНЫХ СМИ

The objective of the article is to identify specific features of black colour representation in English and Russian media headlines for 2019-2020 at the verbal level of the text. The method of continuous sampling was used to select a number of examples in English and Russian, containing various variations in the functioning of the lexeme “black” in the period from 2019 to 2020. Methods. The research is carried out through the cognitive-discourse analysis of metaphors within the media discourse with the involvement of linguistic, general philological and linguocultural data that contributed to research activities, taking into account the specific features of the social and political realities of the media segments under consideration. The results were interpreted using generalization, descriptive and comparative methods. Conclusions. The analysis of the headlines of the media in this period allows us to assert the frequency and importance of verbalization of black colour in modern media discourse. The English and Russian segments demonstrate various aspects of its functioning. The dominant sphere of realization of black colour is the social context: the formation of groups, protest movements, the fight against prejudices, resonant incidents, tragedies, etc. It seems possible to include the similarity of the transmission of unfavourable states, events or shocks according to the “colour + time” scheme and the fixation of race in colour embodiment to the adjacent black verbalization of black colour. Among the differences, one can single out the total dominance of headlines in relation to race in the English-language media in the context of the struggle for rights and confrontation and the presence in this regard of a strong connection with racism through colour.

Silent cities, silenced histories: subaltern experiences of everyday urban violence during COVID-19

The public health containment measures in response to COVID-19 have precipitated a significant epistemic and ontological shift in �bottom-up� and �action-oriented� approaches in development studies research. �Lockdown� necessitates physical and social distancing between research subject and researcher, raising legitimate concerns around the extent to which �distanced� action-research can be inclusive and address citizens� lack of agency. Top-down regimes to control urban spaces through lockdown in India have not stemmed the experience of violence in public spaces: some have dramatically intensified, while others have changed in unexpected ways. Drawing on our experiences of researching the silent histories of violence and memorialisation of past violence in urban India over the past three decades, we argue that the experience of subaltern groups during the pandemic is not an aberration from their sustained experiences of everyday violence predating the pandemic. Exceptionalising the experiences of violence during the pandemic silences past histories and disenfranchises long struggles for rights in the city. At the same time, we argue that research practices employed to interpret the experience of urban violence during lockdown in India need to engage the changing nature of infrastructural regimes, as they seek to control urban spaces, and as subaltern groups continue to mobilise and advocate, in new ways.

İMPARATORLUKLARIN DAĞILMA SÜRECİNDE OSMANLI DEVLETİ'NDE VE AVUSTURYA'DA KADIN HAREKETİ

Bu makalede Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na müttefik olarak katılan Osmanlı ve Avusturya-Macaristan imparatorluklarına farklı bir açıdan yaklaşılmıştır. Müttefik iki imparatorluk kadınlarının savaş deneyimleri, günümüzde gittikçe önem kazanan kadın hareketi tarihi çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Savaş zamanı hak mücadelesinde yaşanan gelişmeler konusunda bir karşılaştırma yapabilmek için savaştan önceki ilerlemelerin tespiti önemlidir. Bunun için, ilk önce savaş öncesi dönem incelenmiştir. Savaş zamanı müttefiklerin deneyimlerinin karşılaştırılması Osmanlı kadın hareketine farklı bir yerden bakılmasına olanak verir. Bu sayede Osmanlı kadın hareketinin çağdaşları Avrupalı devletlerdeki gelişmelere paralel bir seyir izleyip izlemediği ortaya çıkabilir.

İran'da Feminizmin Gelişimi

Kadim medeniyetlerin beşiği olarak uygarlık tarihi içerisinde müstesna bir yere sahip olan İran, coğrafi konumunun da etkisiyle birçok kültürün buluşma noktası olmuştur. Bu noktada bir medeniyetin gelişim sürecini takip ederken kadınların o kültür içerisindeki konumunu tespit etmek önemli bir gösterge olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Kadın olgusu bu kadim medeniyetin eski dönemlerinden itibaren özel bir incelemeye tabi tutulacak bir tarihsel süreç yaşamıştır. Bu araştırma İran’daki kadın algısının tarihsel sürecini çözümleme açısından belli dönemleri ele almaktadır. Bu doğrultuda İran’da kadın hakları bağlamında meydana gelen gelişme ve buna karşıt olarak gerilemeler değerlendirilmektedir. Kaçarlar dönemi, Sanayi Devrimi sonrası dünyada başlayan kadın hareketlerine paralel olarak önemli bir yere sahip olmakla beraber sonrasında kurulan İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nin kadına bakış açısı izlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Ele alınan dönemin olayları kadının hak mücadelesi bağlamında incelenirken, bunların İran siyasi, sosyal ve kültürel hayatındaki yeri de tespit edilmeye çalışılmaktadır.

ENTRE PASSADO E FUTURO: MEMÓRIA SOCIAL DO QUILOMBO DO ROSA – MACAPÁ, AMAPÁ

O Quilombo do Rosa iniciou, assim como muitas comunidades quilombolas no Amapá, o processo de reconhecimento quilombola e titulação territorial no início do século XXI. Não lhe sendo garantido acesso imediato aos seus direitos constitucionais, a efetivação de sua cidadania depende de uma mobilização política por parte da comunidade. O objetivo da pesquisa é interpretar o significado da memória social da comunidade na sua contemporânea mobilização por reconhecimento de sua cidadania. Busca-se assim interpretar o lugar do passado na construção do futuro da comunidade. A metodologia adotada foi a da etnografia junto à comunidade, mais precisamente a modalidade da “etnografia histórica” (SAHLINS, 1993), e sob o referencial teórico que explica as relações entre memória e espaço (HALBWACHS, 1990). Como resultados, identificamos que o passado é fonte de força política da comunidade, não apenas no sentido de dele emanar a legitimação do direito reivindicado, mas também de dele emanar a motivação, o sentido e a força moral para a luta. No passado recente, o assassinato de Benedito, patriarca da comunidade, produziu o elemento emocional que é a principal fonte de força política da comunidade. Este assassinato está vivo na consciência e na estrutura afetiva dos seus filhos. Diante da dor e do impacto desta injustiça, hoje o sentido de defender o território mistura-se com o sentido de proteção de Maria Geralda, a matriarca, viúva de Benedito. No outro extremo, a memória do passado mais longínquo, alcançado quase que exclusivamente pela imaginação, sua ancestralidade africana, desempenha papel fundamental na sintaxe da luta por direitos, pois é a fonte de legitimidade e de sentido da mais significativa estratégia de territorialização contemporânea da comunidade: sua auto-identificação como quilombola.

Non-governmental organizations and the LGBTI community struggle for rights in Uganda

Despite several studies supporting that some pre-colonial African groups had non-normative sex practices, the African continent still provides limited protection for LGBTI individuals. In Uganda, this protection is non-existent due to the British colonial rule, an anti-Western nationalism and strong religious beliefs. These facts brought widespread disgust for LGBTI people over time and today there is an active anti-LGBTI lawmaking in Uganda. Violence towards LGBTI individuals led to the death of several activists, despite the existence of more than 500,000 people who identify themselves as LGBTI living in the country. Therefore, this paper describes the diverse issues that concern the LGBTI people in Uganda and surveys Ugandan pro-LGBTI non-governmental organizations, describing the type of work they have been doing. It was possible to find four organizations, which have been working in areas such as healthcare, labor and economic empowerment, legal aid, care and support, advocacy and cultural change, visibility and awareness. The various strategies they have been developing are supported by the literature with regard to LGBTI protection in Uganda, except for the care and aid category, which still lacks studies to support the development of counselling, social support to address loneliness issues and safety precautions. This paper suggests studies to be developed in this theme. The work developed by these few NGOs in different areas may be capable of producing local change and political pressure throughout time, as studies such as this one may do so.

Sob o tremor das imagens: política e ação direta na lente xavante

Resumo Este artigo dimensiona o uso da produção audiovisual indígena como recurso estratégico na luta por direitos. Interessa-nos dar relevo para a presença determinante da câmera enquanto dispositivo que oscila como arma política, colocando-se no centro do conflito como testemunha ocular. Nossa análise baseia-se em dois documentários realizados pelo cineasta xavante Divino Tserewahú. O primeiro é o registro do confronto direto ocorrido entre indígenas da comunidade de Sangradouro e autoridades policiais do município de Primavera do Leste (MT), impulsionado após a detenção de um jovem da comunidade. O segundo é um documentário sobre as comemorações dos 25 anos da política do Povo Macuxi pela homologação da Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol, em Roraima.

Saberes trans* em universidades nordestinas

O objetivo desse artigo é analisar como a presença de professoras trans* nas universidades gera questionamentos e desestabilizações às normas de gênero, desencadeando negociações no que se refere às discussões e vivências de gênero e sexualidades no currículo do ensino superior. Nesse texto, foram produzidas análises iniciais a partir das entrevistas realizadas com duas professoras trans* em 2018. Essas professoras enfrentam diariamente questões sobre a abjeção de seus corpos e a produção dos discursos de anormalidade por serem pessoas que historicamente ocuparam as margens da sociedade e suas presenças enquanto professoras no Ensino Superior são causadoras de questionamentos, estranhamentos, com potencial para mudanças. Mesmo com todos os obstáculos, essas professoras desencadeiam novos padrões de aprendizagem, valorizam a afetividade e celebram a diferença, trabalhando num currículo produzido nas resistências diárias, na micropolítica, se desviando das diretrizes da macropolítica da educação que busca produzir subjetividades controladas.

Same work, same value? Paid domestic workers’ and housewives’ struggles for rights in Uruguay and Paraguay

Domestic labour has been historically undervalued. This article focuses on organizations of women who perform this activity – housewives and paid domestic workers – and their demands for recognition and rights, arguing that despite their shared interests, there are differences that interrupt their common experiences and add tension to their interactions. Drawing on interviews and participant observations, this article analyses the relationship between paid domestic workers’ and housewives’ organizations in Uruguay and Paraguay, highlighting social divisions around the distribution of domestic labour and discussing how the articulation of differences can lead either to further reproducing inequalities between these groups, or to contesting and overcoming them. The contrast between the cases shows how ‘racialized’ contexts use ethnic differences to naturalize the undervaluing of domestic workers, overlooking similarities and hindering collaboration between groups.

Managing Multiculturalism: Indigeneity and the Struggle for Rights in Colombia

Managing Multiculturalism: Indigeneity and the Struggle for Rights in Colombia

Transgender Migrant Rights, Reproductive Justice, and the Mexico–US Border in the Time of COVID-19

Research Article| October 01 2020 Transgender Migrant Rights, Reproductive Justice, and the Mexico–US Border in the Time of COVID-19 Leandra Hinojosa Hernández; Leandra Hinojosa Hernández Leandra Hinojosa Hernández (PhD, Texas A&M University) is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication at Utah Valley University. She is the coauthor of Challenging Reproductive Control and Gendered Violence in the Américas: Intersectionality, Power, & Struggles for Rights (Lexington Books, 2019) and coeditor of the following books: This Bridge We Call Communication: Anzaldúan Approaches to Theory, Method, and Praxis (Lexington Books, 2019), Military Spouses with Graduate Degrees: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Thriving amidst Uncertainty (Lexington Books, 2019), and Latina/o/x Communication Studies: Theories, Methods, and Practice (Lexington Books, 2019). Leandra has published peer-reviewed scholarly journal articles in outlets such as Women’s Studies in Communication, Communication Research, Women & Language, Frontiers in Communication, Journal of Media and Religion, and Health Communication. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Sarah De Los Santos Upton Sarah De Los Santos Upton Sarah De Los Santos Upton (PhD, University of New Mexico) is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Texas at El Paso. Her research and teaching explore nepantla identity, borderland pedagogy, and reproductive justice. She is the coauthor of Challenging Reproductive Control and Gendered Violence in the Américas: Intersectionality, Power, and Struggles for Rights and coeditor of Latino/a/x Communication Studies: Theories, Methods, and Practice. Her research is published in the journals Departures in Critical Qualitative Research, Women’s Studies in Communication, Development in Practice, Action Research, and Frontiers in Communication as well as various edited volumes. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking (2020) 7 (3): 142–150. https://doi.org/10.14321/qed.7.3.0142 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Leandra Hinojosa Hernández, Sarah De Los Santos Upton; Transgender Migrant Rights, Reproductive Justice, and the Mexico–US Border in the Time of COVID-19. QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking 1 October 2020; 7 (3): 142–150. doi: https://doi.org/10.14321/qed.7.3.0142 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveMichigan State University PressQED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. © 2020 Michigan State University2020 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Analysis of Female Images and Their Characteristics in “Historical Records” Based on Big Data

Although the female image in Historical Records is far less than that of men, its value of existence still shows richness and profundity. These women’s different life experiences, personalities and life experiences constitute a unique group of women in that period of history. From the literary point of view, these female images surpass that era and have aesthetic significance in the height of human nature. Big data technology provides us with effective help in analyzing problems. This paper uses big data technology to analyse the female images in the historical records from the literary point of view. The Historical Records depicts many women of different classes and strata. They have different styles. They either chatter about their rights in the court or fall victim to the struggle for rights and interests. There are also many women of civilian origin. Some of them have noble status and promote the development of the historical process. History records show rich, vivid and vivid characteristics in describing women, and tend to enrich in quantity, type and plot.

Antagonism and reciprocity in the (re)statement of geraizeiros’ identity: fight for territory and water in northern Minas

This article focuses on the study of socioenvironmental and territorial conflicts, experienced by three Geraizeiras communities in the north of Minas Gerais State. The text starts from the premise that the resistance and struggles for the territorial recovery of the Geraizeiros, which began around the 2000s, were triggered by worsening water scarcity. The realization that the decrease in water from its natural sources was caused by the presence of extensive eucalyptus monocultures in the plateaus and other forms of environmental degradation, led communities to reorganize and reaffirm their identity in the struggle for rights. The Geraizeira identity construction is reaffirmed in the conflict, manifested explicitly from an antagonism with groups that usurped their traditional territories. The strong collective cohesion – maintaining and intensifying reciprocal ties observed among community members in the search for water restoration and conservation of Cerrado biodiversity – has led to the understanding that the struggle for water is now part of this identity construct.Keywords: Geraizeiras communities; identity; traditional territories; water.How to citeSOUZA, Jonielson Ribeiro de; SAUER, Sérgio. Antagonismo e reciprocidade na (re)afirmação identitária dos geraizeiros: luta por território e água no norte de Minas Gerais. Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura, Rio de Janeiro, v. 28, n. 3, p. 676-699, out. 2020. DOI: https://doi.org/10.36920/esa-v28n3-8.Received on June 5, 2020. Accepted on August 21, 2020.