Struggle For Syria Research Articles

Book Review of Schøtt, Anne Sofie 2021. Kurdish Diaspora Mobilisation in Denmark: Supporting the Struggle in Syria. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 259 pp.

Book Review of Schøtt, Anne Sofie 2021. Kurdish Diaspora Mobilisation in Denmark: Supporting the Struggle in Syria. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 259 pp.

Rethinking Syrian nationalism: national identity and state in Syria, from the ‘struggle for Syria’ to the Syrian civil war

Rethinking Syrian nationalism: national identity and state in Syria, from the ‘struggle for Syria’ to the Syrian civil war

Those Who Choose to Fight the Islamic State: Autobiographical Accounts of Western Volunteers

ABSTRACT This article is a qualitative study of anti-IS fighters who have traveled from the West to join the military struggle in Syria and Iraq. while earlier studies have mainly analyzed open sources (i.e. social media or journalist’s reports), this article is based on an in-depth analysis of eight autobiographies written by individuals who traveled from Sweden, Norway, Denmark, the United Kingdom, Germany and the U.S. to take part in the fight against IS. What motives do they give for doing so, how are they treated by the police and journalists after they return from the wars in Syria and Iraq, and do they express other motives than those given by Westerners who have joined IS?

The Renewed ‘Struggle for Syria’: From the War ‘in’ Syria to the War ‘over’ Syria

ABSTRACT Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a ‘red line’ concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. ‘Weakened interventionism’, as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling “the struggle for Syria” of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting.

Why did the Syrian Uprising Become a Sectarian Conflict? A Provisional Synthesis

ABSTRACT When the Syrian uprising broke out in February 2011, protesters voiced a broad range of grievances. Prominent among these were complaints about pervasive corruption and the regime's failure to respect the rights of citizens. Even after the uprising took a turn toward violent contention, religious rhetoric and symbolism played only an instrumental role in mobilizing popular discontent. As the uprising persisted, however, anti-regime activism started to exhibit a distinctly sectarian character, and by the autumn of 2012 the revolt had become predominantly Islamist. Why this crucial transformation took place merits re-examination. Four factors provide a more compelling explanation for the eclipse of the non-sectarian opposition: the replacement of the principles of Ba'thi socialism by Islamic notions of social justice; rivalry between the extensive network of Islamic charitable associations and radical Islamists; alliance dynamics among anti-regime forces; and the peculiar circumstances in which peaceful protest transformed into armed struggle in Syria's north-central provinces.

The Battle over Syria's Reconstruction

AbstractReconstruction is becoming the new battleground in the Syrian conflict – its continuation by other means. It is instrumentalized by the regime as a way to reconsolidate its control over the country and by rival regional and international powers to shape the internal balance of power and establish spheres of influence in the country. The paper examines the Asad regime's practices, including co‐optation of militia leaders via reconstruction concessions and use of reconstruction to clear strategic areas of opposition‐dominated urban settlements. The paper then surveys how the geopolitical struggle in Syria has produced an asymmetry as regards reconstruction: those powers that lost the geopolitical contest on the ground seek to use geo‐economic superiority to reverse the geopolitical outcome. First the impact of proxy wars and spheres of influence in the country on the security context for reconstruction is examined. Finally, the reconstruction initiatives of the various external parties are assessed, including Russia, Iran and Turkey as well as the spoiler role by which the US seeks to obstruct reconstruction that would spell victory in Syria for its Russian and Iranian rivals.

Drought, dams, and survival: linking water to conflict and cooperation in Syria’s civil war

In an attempt to contribute to the literature on natural resources and civil war, this paper addresses the role of water in the ongoing armed struggle in Syria. It examines the question “To what extent is water linked to conflict and cooperation in Syria’s civil war?” Based on an analysis of scholarly work and media reports, it is argued that water is closely linked to the violent conflict in Syria through its roles as a contributing cause to the 2011 uprising; a strategic tool and military target; and a means of survival for IDPs and refugees. Going beyond assessing the water-conflict nexus, the paper also shows how water could help foster transboundary cooperation and peacebuilding in the Syrian context. Although the civil war’s outcome is still uncertain, the importance of water to all facets of society might eventually help restore Syria’s political, social, and economic fabric while promoting regional stability.

ICT, Social Media, and the Arab Transition to Democracy: From Venting to Acting

AbstractThere is widespread use of information and communications technology (ICT) in the Middle East and North African countries. Blogging and social media have played an important role in the recent calls for reform and change. Using these new communication systems and devices, citizens have been venting their anger and frustration with their autocratic governments and rulers. Most recently, the venting has turned into action, as shown by the eradication of the old regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, as well as the ongoing struggle in Syria. The most notable issues include lack of individual freedoms, deteriorating economic conditions, high unemployment, increased corruption, and violent treatment of citizens at the hands of security forces. The Arab Spring, or Awakening, and the events that have since followed have, in part, been promoted by ICT and other means of modern communications. Along with the popular Arab traditions of oral communication as well as Friday and Sunday sermons at mosques and churches, social media were used by organizers of the Arab Spring to call for and coordinate demonstrations against the regimes. Access to this newer media has circumvented the established and government‐controlled media such as printed press, radio, and television—outlets bent on appeasing the rulers and misinforming the masses. Arab authoritarian systems have discovered that they cannot simply flip a big red switch to stop the flow of information that they would rather keep hidden from the masses. Further discussed are digital democracies that are currently emerging because of the growing population of netizens, bloggers, and social media political activists throughout the Arab world and the many attempts to silence them.

The ‘Struggle for Syria’: Return to the Past?

The ‘Arab Spring’ reached Syria by mid-March. Syria's turn followed the unexpected tempests that struck Tunisia and Egypt and brought about the fall of the dictatorial regimes in those states. The ...

A Different Struggle for Syria: Becoming Young in the Middle East

Democracy, civil society and likewise their ‘promotion’ have for a long time shaped foreign policies inside as much as outside the countries of the Middle East. Since January 2011, however, these notions and policies have been challenged by a seemingly new concept, that of the ‘Arab Youth’. While the term ‘Arab Youth’ is coined to denote the grassroots nature of the uprisings, as a political category it may be reinforcing the paternalistic presumptions of authoritarian regimes and global hegemonic power structures, which use it to undermine the capacity of the wider population for democratic change. Without empirically grounded and theoretically challenging works, ‘Arab Youth’ may perpetuate the same inequalities and top-down misunderstanding that ‘democracy promotion’ connotes within the Middle East. By locating Syrian youth within contemporary struggles through ethnographic case studies, this paper aims to sketch a nuanced, complex and colourful picture of the multifaceted ways that young people reinforce, resist and negotiate power relations in contemporary Syria. Specifically, it looks at youth responses to different forms of authority such as external power (Israeli occupation), the Syrian state and the authority of parents and sectarian communities.

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Modern Syrian Politics

The study of Syrian politics allows us to engage in multiple debates current in contemporary political science. Syria exemplifies the problematic of nation-building as few states have been afflicted with such a radical disjuncture between territory and identity. As the Syrian state started out as notoriously unstable, its history allows us to understand the techniques and conditions in which stable authoritarian states have been constructed in the third world and Middle East. Syria fits well with the literature on authoritarian persistence and the failure of democratization in the Middle East. In this respect, Syria provides material relevant to topics such as neo-patrimonialism, the role of the military in politics and also single party systems. Syria also provides material for studies of political economy, including such debates as the failure of populist roads to development, agrarian reform, of the role and character of state-bourgeoisies and the difficulties of transition from statistcentred to market economies. Finally, at the level of foreign policies, Syria’s role is quite distinctive, considered by some to be a rogue state and by others exemplifying rare defiance of US hegemony and resistance to globalization.

The Muslim Brotherhood and the ‘Struggle for Syria’, 1947–1958 Between Accommodation and Ideology

Although Syria gained independence in 1946, its independence was initially nominal. In fact, Syria became a local theatre of the Cold War, and a place where competing Arab blocs vied for control of...

Globalization and Generational Change: Syrian Foreign Policy between Regional Conflict and European Partnership

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Etel Solingen, Regional Orders at Century's Dawn: Global and Domestic Influence on Grand Strategy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). Fred Halliday, ‘The Middle East and the Politics of Differential Integration’, in Toby Dodge and Richard Higgott (eds.), Globalization and the Middle East (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2002), pp. 36–56. Leon Carl Brown, International Politics and the Middle East: Old Rules, Dangerous Game (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 3–18. Specifically the autonomy of external constraints and internal pressures needed to adapt to the exigencies of the changing power balance in order to minimize costs and maximize benefits. See Raymond Hinnebusch and Anoushiravan Ehteshami (eds.), The Foreign Policies of Middle East States (Boulder CO and London: Lynne Rienner, 2002), pp. 10–11, 20. Patrick Seale, The Struggle for Syria (London and Oxford: RIIA, Oxford University Press, 1965). Raymond Hinnebusch, Syria: Revolution from Above (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 52–7; Avner Yaniv, ‘Syria and Israel: The Politics of Escalation’, in Moshe Ma'oz and Avner Yaniv (eds.), Syria under Assad: Domestic Constraints and Regional Risks (London: Croom-Helm, 1986, pp. 157–78. Hinnebusch, Syria: Revolution from Above, pp. 67–88. Patrick Clawson, Unaffordable Ambitions: Syria's Military Buildup and Economic Crisis (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1989). Patrick Seale, Asad: The Struggle for the Middle East (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 226–66, 267–315, 344–9, 366–420; Moshe Ma'oz, Asad: the Sphinx of Damascus: a Political Biography (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1988), pp. 113–24, 135–48; Hinnebusch, Syria: Revolution from Above, pp. 151–5. Bashar's acceptance speech, The Syrian Arab News Agency website, July 21, 2000, ‘http://www:basharassad.org/english.htm’. The Middle East, March 1999, p. 35; Sept. 1999, p. 27. UNCTAD, World Investment Report (New York: UN, 1999); World Bank, The Little Data Book (New York: World Bank, 2001), pp. 9–12. Middle East International, April 6, 2001, pp. 7–8; 13 July 2001, p. 5; David Makovsky ‘Syria's Foreign Policy Challenges US Interests’, Policywatch, No. 513, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Jan. 19, 2001. Patrick Seale, lecture, London, 2001. Rachel Bronson, ‘Syria: Hanging Together or Hanging Separately’, The Washington Quarterly, v. 23, Autumn, 2000; Yotam Feldner, ‘Escalation Games: Syria's Deterrence Policy, Part I: Brinkmanship’, MEMRI. (Middle East Media Research Institute), May 24,2001 www.memri.org; Middle East International, July 13, 2001, pp. 10–11. Middle East International, June 16, 2000, pp. 21–2. Middle East International, July 28, 2000, p. 14; Stratfor.com, ‘Global Intelligence Update’, February 29, 2000. Gary C. Gambill, ‘Syria's Foreign Relations: Iraq’, Middle East Intelligence Bulletin, March, 2001, www.meib.org; Ibrahim Hamidi, Daily Star, Dec., 14, 2001. Makovsky, ‘Syria's Foreign Policy Challenges US Interests’; Middle East International, Feb. 9, 2001, p. 12; Yotam Feldner, ‘Escalation Games: Part II: Regional and International Factors Between Washington and Damascus: Iraq’, MEMRI, May 25, 2001. Al-Hayat, Sept., 28, 2001. BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, Middle East and North Africa, Jan. 7, 2002. ‘Joining the European Trade Club’, in Oxford Business Group, Emerging Syria 2002, London, 2002, p. 45. Ayman Abdul Nour, ‘Syria: Economic Reform and European Partnership’, unpublished policy paper, Damascus, June 12, 2001. Middle East International, March 23, 2001, pp. 14–15. The EU claims that it is not demanding an end to support prices in agriculture or of subsidies to the public sector. Its insistence is on transparency of trade rules and suppression of charges and barriers that distort import and export prices and flows. However, subsidizing products which could not compete with imports would be very costly for Syria. Skeptics include Michael Mann (1997), ‘Has Globalization ended the rise and rise of the Nation-state?’ Review of International Political Economy, v. 4, n. 3, Autumn, 1997, pp. 472–96; see also Toby Dodge and Richard Higgott, ‘Globalization and its Discontents’, in Dodge and Higgott (eds.), Globalization and the Middle East, pp. 13–35. Enthusiasts include K. Ohmae, The Borderless World (London: Collins, 1990) and The end of the Nation-State (New York: Free Press, 1995).

The Near and Middle East - Andrew Rathmell: Secret war in the Middle East: the covert struggle for Syria, 1949–1961. (Library of Modern Middle Eastern Studies, 7.) x, 246 pp. London and New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 1995. £39.50.

The Near and Middle East - Andrew Rathmell: Secret war in the Middle East: the covert struggle for Syria, 1949–1961. (Library of Modern Middle Eastern Studies, 7.) x, 246 pp. London and New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 1995. £39.50.

Syrian‐Iraqi relations during the 1948 Palestine War

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the British and French conquest of the Fertile Crescent, the Syrian question began to affect relations between the Arab states and their dynasties due to the formation of separate political entities in the Fertile Crescent and the Arabian Peninsula in the aftermath of the First World War. Efforts toward unity with, or dominance over Syria had been a major component in the policy of the Hashemite states of Iraq and Transjordan since the establishment of the latter states by the British. By contrast, the main aim of the regional policy implemented by King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia was to prevent a Hashemite take-over of Syria and Palestine in order to recapture Hejaz, which he had conquered from the Hashemite dynasty (more precisely, from Sharif Husayn, father of King Faisal of Iraq and Amir later King Abdallah of Transjordan) only in 1924-26. The adoption and fostering of pan-Arab ideology as part of Iraqi foreign policy as from the early 1930s was intended, in addition to its internal Iraqi functions, to promote the cause of Iraqi dominance in Syria and the Fertile Crescent. The question of control over Syria as the key to dominance in the Fertile Crescent and to the centrality in the Arab world was a focal point of the interArab polarization between the Hashemite states on one hand and Egypt and Saudi Arabia on the other; this arose after the end of the Second World War and the establishment of the Arab League in 1944-45. The other central topic closely linked with the struggle for Syria and for dominance in the Fertile Crescent was that of the Palestine question. Amir (and, as from 1946, King) Abdallah sought to exploit the solution of the Palestine question as a lever to attain his own objective control of Syria. Iraq, having realized since 1945 that the dominant element in the Arab League was Egypt and that the organization had become another obstacle in the path of Iraqi ambition for dominance in Syria, became the active and initiating force concerning the Palestine question, in order to undermine Egypt's position in the Arab world and reinforce its own especially regarding Syria. Syrian president Shukri al-Quwatli, who had consistently steered his

The Islamic Struggle in Syria.

The Islamic Struggle in Syria.

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:The Arab World, Turkey, and the Balkans (1878–1914): A Handbook of Historical Statistics. By Justin McCarthy.Sadat. By David Hirst and Irene BeesonThe Wisdom of the Sasanian Sages (Dēnkard VI). By Āturpāt‐i Ēmetān. Translated by Shaul Shaked. Edited by Ehsan Yarshater.The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India. By Gail Minault.Mir' at al‐'Ālam: History of Awrangzeb (1658–1668) of Muhammad Bakhtāwar Khan, 2 vols. Edited by Sajida S. Alvi.West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Development from the 8th to the 20th Century. By Peter B. Clarke.Vorlesungen über die Medizin im Islam. By Felix Klein‐Franke.Communication Skills for the Foreign‐Born Professional. By Gregory A. Barnes.Communicating with the Arabs. A Handbook for the Business Executive. By A. J. Almaney and A. J.Biblical and Extra‐Biblical Legends in Islamic Folk‐Literature. By Haim Schwarzbaum.The Hallowed Valley: a Muslim philosophy of religion. By Mohamed Kamil Husain. Translated by Kenneth Cragg.Islam and Revolution: Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini. Translated and Annotated by Hamid Algar.L'Algérie révélée: La guerre de 1914–1918 et le premier quart du XXe siècle. By Gilbert Meynier.Children of Abraham: Judaism/Christianity/Islam. By F. E. Peters.Women and Islam. Edited by Azizah al‐Hibri.Iraq & Iran: Roots of Conflict. By Tareq Y. Ismael.An Appraisal of OPEC Oil Policies. By Ali M. Jaidah.Buzkashi: Game and Power in Afghanistan. By G. Whitney Azoy.A History of Islamic Philosophy, 2nd ed. By Majid Fakhry.A Critical Biography of Prophet Mohamed [A True Story of the Arabian Prophet]. By P. Mohamed Ali.The Great Tiding: Interpretation of Juz' ‘Ammā, the Last Part of the Qur’ān. By Mahmoud Ayoub.The Muntakhab iwān al‐Hikmah of Abū Sulaimān al‐Sijistān? (Arabic Text, Introduction and Indices). Edited by D. M. DunlopCyclical Time and Ismaili Gnosis. By Henri Corbin.Soliman le Magnifique. By André Clot.The Islamic Struggle in Syria. By Umar F. Abd‐Allah.Cathedral on the Nile: A History of All Saints Cathedral, Cairo. By Arthur Burrell. Preface by Ghais Abdel Malek Bishop Elect in Egypt and a final chapter by Dr. Kenneth Cragg.Guide to Islam. By David Ede, Leonard Librande, Donald P. Little, Andrew Rippin, Richard Timms and Jan Weryho.Islam in Indonesia. A Bibliographical Survey. By B. J. Boland and I. Farjan.Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500. By Francis Robinson.Muslim‐Christian Relations and Inter‐Christian Rivalries in the Middle East. By John Joseph.Moros y Moriscos en el Levante Peninsular (Sharq al‐Andalus): Introducción Bibliográfica. By Mikel de Epalza, assisted by Maria de Jesús Paternina and Antonio Couto.Kabir: the Apostle of Hindu‐Muslim Unity. By Muhammad Hedyatullah.American Church Politics and the Middle East. Edited by Basheer K. Nijim.Islamic Resurgence in the Arab World. Edited by Ali E. Dessouki.

The Islamic Struggle in Syria. By Umar F. Abd-Allah. Berkeley, Calif.: Mizan Press, 1983. 300 pp. $24.95

Journal Article The Islamic Struggle in Syria. By Umar F. Abd-Allah. Berkeley, Calif.: Mizan Press, 1983. 300 pp. $24.95 Get access Charles J. Adams Charles J. Adams Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Church and State, Volume 26, Issue 3, Autumn 1984, Pages 548–549, https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/26.3.548 Published: 01 October 1984

The Islamic Struggle in Syria

The Islamic Struggle in Syria

The Struggle for Syria: A Study of Post-War Arab Politics, 1945-1958

The Struggle for Syria: A Study of Post-War Arab Politics, 1945-1958